Skip to main content

Full text of "Gazetteer of Upper Burma and the Shan states"

See other formats

This  is  a  digital  copy  of  a  book  that  was  preserved  for  generations  on  library  shelves  before  it  was  carefully  scanned  by  Google  as  part  of  a  project 
to  make  the  world's  books  discoverable  online. 

It  has  survived  long  enough  for  the  copyright  to  expire  and  the  book  to  enter  the  public  domain.  A  public  domain  book  is  one  that  was  never  subject 
to  copyright  or  whose  legal  copyright  term  has  expired.  Whether  a  book  is  in  the  public  domain  may  vary  country  to  country.  Public  domain  books 
are  our  gateways  to  the  past,  representing  a  wealth  of  history,  culture  and  knowledge  that's  often  difficult  to  discover. 

Marks,  notations  and  other  marginalia  present  in  the  original  volume  will  appear  in  this  file  -  a  reminder  of  this  book's  long  journey  from  the 
publisher  to  a  library  and  finally  to  you. 

Usage  guidelines 

Google  is  proud  to  partner  with  libraries  to  digitize  public  domain  materials  and  make  them  widely  accessible.  Public  domain  books  belong  to  the 
public  and  we  are  merely  their  custodians.  Nevertheless,  this  work  is  expensive,  so  in  order  to  keep  providing  this  resource,  we  have  taken  steps  to 
prevent  abuse  by  commercial  parties,  including  placing  technical  restrictions  on  automated  querying. 

We  also  ask  that  you: 

+  Make  non-commercial  use  of  the  files  We  designed  Google  Book  Search  for  use  by  individuals,  and  we  request  that  you  use  these  files  for 
personal,  non-commercial  purposes. 

+  Refrain  from  automated  querying  Do  not  send  automated  queries  of  any  sort  to  Google's  system:  If  you  are  conducting  research  on  machine 
translation,  optical  character  recognition  or  other  areas  where  access  to  a  large  amount  of  text  is  helpful,  please  contact  us.  We  encourage  the 
use  of  public  domain  materials  for  these  purposes  and  may  be  able  to  help. 

+  Maintain  attribution  The  Google  "watermark"  you  see  on  each  file  is  essential  for  informing  people  about  this  project  and  helping  them  find 
additional  materials  through  Google  Book  Search.  Please  do  not  remove  it. 

+  Keep  it  legal  Whatever  your  use.  remember  that  you  are  responsible  for  ensuring  that  what  you  are  doing  is  legal.  Do  not  assume  that  just 
because  we  believe  a  book  is  in  the  public  domain  for  users  in  the  United  States,  that  the  work  is  also  in  the  public  domain  for  users  in  other 
countries.  Whether  a  book  is  still  in  copyright  varies  from  country  to  country,  and  we  can't  offer  guidance  on  whether  any  specific  use  of 
any  specific  book  is  allowed.  Please  do  not  assume  that  a  book's  appearance  in  Google  Book  Search  means  it  can  be  used  in  any  manner 
anywhere  in  the  world.  Copyright  infringement  liability  can  be  quite  severe. 

About  Google  Book  Search 

Google's  mission  is  to  organize  the  world's  information  and  to  make  it  universally  accessible  and  useful.  Google  Book  Search  helps  readers 
discover  the  world's  books  while  helping  authors  and  publishers  reach  new  audiences.  You  can  search  through  the  full  text  of  this  book  on  the  web 

at  http  :  /  /books  .  google  .  com/ 










BARRISTER-AT-LAW,    C.I.E^"  M.R.A.S.,    F.R.G.S.,    " 


].  P.  HARDIMAN.  I.C.S. 

PART  I.-VOL.  I.  ::: 





[  PART  I,  VOLS.  I  d  11,-PRICE :  Rs.  12-0-0  =Aftt.^ 




The  Salwcen  at  Ta  Hs.-ing  1^ — Frontispiece. 

King  Thibaw  and  Supayalat  {Photo.  Sftssrs.  Watt  ond  Sketn)        , 

Sattbvia  of  Loi  Ldng  Tawnjj  Peng  and  wives       .       .  .        .         , 

Tlie  Salween  at  Mong  Hawm  ferry 

The  UyotauH  o(  in  C^ourt  dress  {Photo.  Signor  Beato  and 

Shar  Sawbvia  in  Court  dress  {Photo.  StgiKr  Etaio  t  nd  Company)     . 

A  Wa  bridije,  side  view 

A  Wa  bridge,  end  view 

A  Shan  trader  {Photo.  .Messrs.  Watts  and  Skeen)        .  ,         .         . 

Kachins  {Photo.  Messrs.  Watts  and  Sheen) 

Siyin  Chiefs  {Chin  GoBetteer) 

Wa  headmen  in  Pet  Ken  

AUha  women         . ,        , 

Karen-ni  women  {Photo.  Captain  W.  N,  Campbell) 

Rumai  or  Palaung  wroman  {Photo.  Signor  Beato  and  Company) 

Mftng  or  Miaotzu  men  and  women  .        ,        , 

Shoulder  bags  or  wallets 


PART  I:  VOLUME  IL  -;:- 

Map  a{  Upper  Burma  and  Shan  Stain— Frontispieeg.    •"-';";■ 

XVII.     Trans-Salween  Sax^bvia  and  wife  in  full  dress       .  •,.^*    '.,.' 

Cliarms  of  invulnerability      .....  ".Vf    ..  ^••. 

KVIW.     Tingpan  Vao V.'.t;    .V^; 

XIX.    Siyin  mode  of  coiflure  (Chin  Gatetteer)  ,  -C*.    *I:«1 

XX.     Vimbao  Karen  men  (Photo.  Captain  W.  M  Cantpf'eli):    ''4   ■ 

XXL     Karen  Military  policeman  and  recruit  {Photo.  Caft,.tn  Wttf 

bell] .     ■ 

Plan  of  Mandalay  Palace  and  buiUlings      .... 
XXIL     Vimbao  Karen  women  {Photo.  Captain  W.  N,  Campbtll)  . 
XXIU.     Chin  women's  pipes  {Chin  GaMttteer) 
XXIV.     Kachin  women  iPkoto.  Signor  Beato  and  Company)   .'    \  , 
XXV.     Sawku  Karen  girl  {Photo.  Captain  W.  N.  Campbell)        -•;•' 

XXVI.    Shan  women  of  Num  Hkam  in  Shan-Chineie  dress  {Pkiie. 
Beato  and  Company) .■.•-,. 

XXVI 1.     Chjnbik  women  {Photo.  Signor  Beato  and  Company)       :';\ 

XXVin.    Wa  in  full  dress  (Kig.  i).    Group  of  Wa  girls  (Fig.  3)    -'''z 

XXIX.     Akhamen 

Instruments  used  >n  spinning  and  weaving  ,        , 


(      2      ) 

PL4TB.  Page. 

Cotton  garments  made  in  Shan  States 370 

XXX.    Kachins  {Photo.  Signer  Beato  and  Company) 390 

Representative  pottery  of  Lower  Burma 400 

Papun  pottery ib. 

Fancy  pottery  of  Pyinmana 401 

Toys  of  Shwebo ib. 

XXXI.     Ming  or  .Miaotzu  men 413 

XXXll.     Knn  I^ng  ferry  iniSpi '     .  45a 

XXXUI.    A  Wa  dance 469 

XXXIV.    A  Yenangyaung  oil  well  (Photo.  Messrs.  Watts  and  Skeen)        .        .  514 

XXXV.     A  Kachin  house  (Photo.  Messrs.  Watts  and  Skun)      ....  528 

XXXVi.     Hui  Hui  or  Panihes 540 

XXXVII.    A  Shan  ^awtoo  in  open  durbar           .......  553 



Chaptir  I.— Physical  Geography i 

Chaitir  II.— History.— The  rdgns  of  King  Minddn  and  King  Thibaw  from 

Burmese  sources 29 

Cbaptw  III.— Histort.— The  causes  which  led  to  the  Third  Burmese  War 

and  the  Annexation  of  Upper  Burma 97 

Cbaptbr  IV.— The  firstlyear  after  the  Annexation 117 

Cbaptir  V. — Final  pacification 147 

Cbaftbr  VI.— The  Shan  States  and  the  Tai 187 

Cbattbr  VII.— The  Kachin  Hills  and  the  Chingpaw 331 

Craftir  VIII.— The  Chin  Hills  and  the  Chin  Tnbea 441 

Cbaptir  IX.— Ethnology  with  Vocabularies 475 



Page    3,  line  17,    for    'west'     rtad   "east.' 

4    '7.  M  2o,      „      'about'    „       'above/ 

"    43*  >•      9*    deh'hy.' 

»    *^  »  34.   /or    'choragos'   read     'choragus.* 

»    7ft  f.       6,      „     'Bayingyan'  „       'Bayingan/ 

».    8».  »      2.      „      'lead'  „       'led/ 

f*    83,  „  a8,      „     *  Governor '      „       '  Convenor/ 

H    85,  „  2$,    &/#•  again/ 

M    86(  „  33,  /or     'Nammada'    r«ad    'Nammadaw/ 

n    87,  „  3,      „      '  Nammada '      „        '  Nammadaw.' 

"    SA  >•      5  from  bottom,  for  '  were  *    reorf    '  was.' 

"  107»  M  I4i   /or    '  Bomby '  read  '  Bombay/ 

»  109.  „  II  and  13  from  bottom,  insert '  to/ 

n  \ii»  „       I,    /or    'enquires' rvflt/' enquiries/ 

•*  "I.  ..      S»     ..      *i895'  „     '1885.* 

,1  126»  »  10,     9t.  seq.  for  'Myinthfe'  read  '  Myinthi/ 

w  '33.  M       2|  for  '  Yetagyo  *       reai/  *  Yesagyo/ 

»  133,  „  14,    ti   '  Sameikkyon '  „      '  SameikkAn/ 

>•  i59.  M       ».     M    'was'  „     'were' 

M  185,  „  3,     read    '  Chinese '  Shan  States. 

„  188,  „  9  from  bottom, /fff  '  1895 '.raorf  '  »835.' 

„  194.  «      9  »  »     'is*  ..      'were/ 

..203,  „     15,   /or  '  Bein-kawngi  *  rwrf  '  Bein  Kawng/ 

„  207,  „     11     from  bottom,  for  'as'  read  'as  is/ 

„  209,  in  the  Mandarin  dialect  the  names  are  more  properly— 

5A«,  the  rat ;  A^im,  theox;  /^«,  the  tiger ;  Tu,  the  hare;  Lung,  the 
dragon;  She,  the  snake;  Afa,  the  horse;  Yang,  theeoat;  tiou.iha 
monkey  ;  CAi,  the  cock  ;  Ch'iian,  the  dog;  Chu,  the  pig. 

„  225,  line  13  from  bottom,  for  '  Hke '  read  '  Hk&/ 

,,239,  „        9,     t^e/tf  first 'him.' 

„  229,  „  '4  from  bottom, /or  'get*  read  'got.' 

»  242,  „       3,  „  „     '  Emperer  *     „    '  Emperor.' 

M  25s,  „  18,    for    'L6ng'  read    '  Ldng/ 

„  270,  „  21,     „        'found'     „        *  lormed/ 

,,284,  „  15  and  18,  /or    'flank'  read     'plank/ 

>.  308,  .»       S.  »      'rules*  „        'rulers/ 

»  3»4.  »  »3»  »      '  Mong  Si'        „        '  M6ng  Sit.' 

>i  329,  «       9  and  23,    „      '  Htamfing '      „        *  Htamflng/ 

,.  340,  „  33,  ,.      '  1888  •  „        '  1889/ 

H  367.  M  9»  »      'stamped'        „        'stampeded/ 

m  39Si  IW  line^  »       '  peope  *  „        '  people.' 

(  »  ) 

Page  408,  line  35,  dtU  '  a.* 

M  430.  n  33»for  'calaxrutitea'read  'calamities.' 

»  475.  »  18.    «    •  professer '      „    '  professor/ 

»  4^1  »  3  from  bottom, /or  'sides'  read      'side.' 

».  499*  »  8, /or  '  billard  *    reotf 'billiard.' 

„  500,  „  16,   „    'warder'       „    'wander.* 

»  505f  »  "»    »    *  trough-like,,    '  trough,  like.' 

I)  544*  1.  3  fro™  bottom,   /or    '  Yawng-tung'  read  'Sawng-tiJng.' 

*i  57f .  »  I4»  Z*""  *  peluMve,  read  '  delusive.' 

m  586>  n  i<>  from  bottom,   /or   'occassion'  r«a^ '  occasion.' 

n  59<S»  *.  9»  /<"'  *  3t  Lxjti '  read  '  a  Lot^' 

M  597i  >i  3  fro™  bottom, /or    'the'  read  'that.' 

.*  6ao.  „  a  „  M      'whatveer'  r«ad  'whatever. 





Thk  northern  and  north-eastern  boundaries  of  Upper  Burma 
have  not  yet  been  finally  demarcated.  In  f^eneral  terms  it  may  be 
said  that  Upper  Burma  lies  between  the  2oih  and  27(h  parallels  of 
north  latitude  and  between  the  92nd  and  looth  parallels' of  east 
longitude.  The  greatest  distance  from  east  to  west  is  about  500 
miles  ;  from  north  to  south  about  450  miles.  The  area  of  the  Upper 
Province  is  estimated  at  83,473  square  miles  and  that  of  the  Shan 
States,  Northern  and  Southern,  at  a  little  over  40,000  square  miles. 
On  the  north  the  boundaries  are :  the  dependent  State  of  Manipur, 
the  Naga  and  Chin^paw  hills,  and  the  Chinese  province  of  Yunnan  ; 
on  the  east  the  Chinese  province  of  Yunnan,  the  Chinese  Shan 
States,  the  French  province  of  Indo-China,  and  the  Siamese  Tai  (or 
Lao)  States  ;  on  the  south  Lower  Burma  ;  and  on  the  west  Arakan 
and  Chittagong. 

Within  these  boundaries,  but  administered  as  semi-dependent 
States,  are  the  Northern  and  Southern  Shan  States,  described 
separately  ;  the  Sta'e  of  Mong  Mit  (Momeik)  with  its  dependency, 
Mong  Lang  (Mohlaing),  under  the  supervision  of  the  Commissioner, 
Mandalav  Division  j  the  State  of  Hkamti  Lung^,  which  with  the 
Kachin  Hills  north  of  the  confluence  of  the  upper  branches  of  the 
Irrawaddy  is  only  indirectly  under  administration;  the  States  of 
Hsawng  Hsup  {Thaungthut)  and  Singkalins:  Hkamtt  (Zinglein 
Kanti)  in  the  Upper  Chindwin  district ;  and  the  Chin  Hills  under  a 
Political  Officer. 

Upper  Burma  is  portioned  out  into  natural  divisions  by  its  more 
important  rivers.  The  Irrawaddy  rises  beyond  its  confines  in  the 
unexplored  regions  where  India,  Tibet,  and  China  meet  and  runs  due 
southwards,  dividing  Upper  Burma  roughly  into  two  equal  parts, 
east  and  west.     After  completing  about  two-thirds  of  its  course 


through  the  upper  province,  it  is  joined  from  the  west  by  the  Chind- 
win,  the  largest  and  most  imporlani  of  its  tributaries,  which  flows 
into  it  a  few  miles  above  the  town  of  PakOkku.  The  Chindwin 
may  be  said  to  divide  the  northern  portion  of  Upper  Burma  west  of 
the  Irrawaddy  into  two  halves.  South  of  the  fork  the  country, 
which  is  for  the  most  part  dry  and  sandy,  stretches  away  from  the 
western  bank  of  the  Irrawaddy  to  the  easlem  slopes  of  the  Arakan 
Yomas  and  the  Southern  Chin  Hills.  This  tract  comprises  the  dis- 
tricts of  Minbu  and  Pakokku.  From  the  junction  of  the  Irrawaddy 
and  Chindwin  northwards  the  nature  of  the  country  lo  the  west  of 
the  latter  river  changes  completely.  From  the  right  bank  of  the 
Chindwin  the  Chin  Hills  rise  abruptly  to  merge  themselves  with  the 
Lushai  and  Naga  Hills  in  the  wide  tract  of  mountainous  countryi 
which  forms  the  whole  of  the  north-western  frontier  of  the  Province. 
On  the  left  bank  of  the  Chindwin  the  land  is  comparatively  level  and 
stretches  for  the  most  part  over  low  ranges  of  hills  to  the  Irrawaddy 
valley,  but  farther  north  these  ranges  increase  in  height,  until  the 
whole  tract  between  the  two  rivers  becomes  a  mass  of  hill  country 
intersected  by  mountain  streams  and  inhabited  by  semi-barbarous 
communities,  whose  country  extends  acToss  the  main  stream  of  the 
Irrawaddy  to  the  eastern  border  of  the  Bhamo  district  and  as  far 
down  on  the  eastern  side  of  the  river  as  the  State  of  Mong  Mit 
(Momelk),  where  it  joins  the  northern  extremity  of  the  Shan  Hills. 
The  country  to  the  east  of  the  Irrawaddy  immediately  above  the 
frontier  of  the  lower  province  corresponds  very  closely  with  that  on 
the  west  of  the  river  in  the  same  latitude.  It  comprises  the  districts 
of  the  Mciktila  division  and  the  Magwe  district  of  the  Minbu  division. 
It  is  comparatively  dry  and  arid,  is  intersected  by  forest-clad  ridges, 
and  is  bounded  on  the  east  by  the  rampart  of  the  Shan  plateau,  which 
runs  almost  parallel  to  the  Irrawaddy  till  about  the  level  of  the  town 
of  Mandalay.  Here  the  bend  of  the  river  brings  it  close  to  the  Shan 
Hills,  and  from  this  point  northwards  the  space  between  the  stream 
and  the  hills  becomes  gradually  narrower  and  more  confined. 

Upper  Burma  is  encircled  on  three  sides  by  a  wall  of  mountain 
.  ranges.     The  Shan  and  Karen  Hills  which  run  h 

ountains.  parallel  ridges  fur  the  most  part  almost  duenorth^ 

and  south  form  the  eastern  boundary.  In  the  Mandalay  district  the 
Shan  Hills  approach  the  Irrawaddy.  The  hilly  parts  of  this  district, 
which  form  the  greater  portion  of  its  area,  may  be  divided  into  two 
tracts,  the  northern  and  the  eastern.  Ihe  northern  consists  of 
parallel  ridges  descending  from  the  Ruby  Mines  district,  with 
peaks  of  from  2,000  to  3,600  feet ;  the  eastern  consists  of  the 
Pyinulwin  subdivision  and  forms  a  plateau  of  3,500  feet  above 
mean  sea-level.     Both  of  these  tracts  geographically  form  part  of 



the  high-Jands  known  as  the  great  Shan  plateau,  as  does  the 
Ruby  Mines  district,  which,  with  ihe  CNception  of  the  riverain 
portion,  is  intersected  by  high  ranges  of  hills  with  points  here  and 
there  of  over  7,000  feet  in  height.  In  the  west  of  this  district  the 
hill  ranges  run  north  and  south,  but  in  the  interior  their  course  is 
approximately  east  and  west.  In  the  Bhamo  and  Myitkyina  dis- 
tricts there  are  four  main  ranges  of  hills,  the  Eastern  fCachin  Hills 
running  northward  from  the  State  of  Mong  Mil  (Momeik)  to  join 
the  plateau  which  divides  the  bjisins  of  the  Irrawaddy  and  the  Sal- 
ween  ;  the  ICum6n  range  extending  from  the  llkamti  L6ng  country 
east  of  Assam  to  a  point  north  of  Mogaung  ;  the  Kaukkwc  hills, 
which  start  from  Mogaung  and  run  in  a  southerly  direction  to  the 
plains  in  the  west  of  the  Irrawaddy  valley,  and  the  Jade  Mines 
tract  lying  to  the  west  of  (ho  Upper  Mogaung  stream  and  extend- 
ing across  the  watershed  of  the  Uyu  river  as  far  as  the  Hukawng 
valley.  The  Chin  Hills  form  the  western  boundary  of  the  Upper 
Province,  as  do  the  Kachin,  Shan,  and  Karon  Hills  on  the  west. 
These  Chin  Hills  form  a  continuation  of  the  Naga  Hills  which  con- 
stitute the  eastern  boundary  of  Assam,  and  southwards  they  are 
known  as  the  Arakan  Yoma.  The  Pegu  Yoma  rises  in  the  uplands 
of  Kyauks^  and  Meiktila  districts  and,  running  parallel  to  the  Shan 
Hills,  divides  the  basin  of  the  Irrawaddy  from  that  of  the  Sittang. 
The  Paunglaung  range  rises  in  the  highlands  of  the  Shan  plateau 
and  divides  the  basin  of  the  Sittang  from  that  of  the  Salween.  This 
range,  unlike  the  Pegu  Yoma,  which  is  insignificant,  ranging  between 
800  and  I J  200  feet,  has  peaks  of  considerable  height,  one  at  least 
reaching  nearly  8,000  feet.  This  range  sinks  down  into  the  plain  of 
Thaton.  The  easternmost  range,  which  divides  the  basin  of  the 
Salween  from  the  Mfekhong,  also  runs  north  and  south  and  In  its 
southerly  portion  divides  British  territory  from  the  neighbouring 
kingdom  of  Siam  and  farther  south  still  forms  the  ridge  of  the  Malay 
Peninsula.  In  the  extreme  north  all  these  ranges  take  their  origin, 
or  lose  themselves,  in  the  Tibetan  plateau. 

Burma  may  therefore  be  divided  conveniently,  but  with  no  great 
precision,  into,  first.  Northern  Burma,  including  the  Chin  and  Kachin 
Hills  with  a  thin  and  miscellaneous  alien  population  ;  second,  Burma 
Proper,  which  is  practically  the  valley  of  the  Irrawaddy  after  it  ceases 
to  be  a  gorge ;  and,  third,  the  Shan  tributary  States.  Burma  Proper 
is  practically  one  great  plain ;  the  hills  are  comparatively  mere 
undulations,  and  the  one  considerable  peak,  P6ppa,  is  volcanic.  Still 
it  is  very  different  from  the  vast  levels  that  stretch  from  the  base 
of  the  Himalayas.  It  is  rather  a  rolling  upland  interspersed  with 
alluvial  basins  and  sudden  ridges  of  hills.  The  other  two  divisions 
are  described  separately  below. 



Irra-waddy, — Of  the  rivers  by  far  ihe  most  important  is  the  Irra- 
waddy,  for  long  the  only  great  highway  of  the 
country.  It  is  described  at  some  length  in  the 
British  Burma  Gasetteer  of  1880,  as  far  as  it  was  then  known,  that 
is  to  sav,  to  the  third  or  upper  defile.  Since  then  much  has  been 
learnt,  out  there  is  still  considerable  uncertainty  as  10  the  true  source 
of  the  Irrawaddy,  and  the  adventurous  journey  of  Prince  Henri 
d'Orleans  is  merely  tantalizing  in  so  far  that  it  proves  practically 
notiiing,  except  that  the  conjectures  of  Britisli  ofTuers  were  right  in 
a  particular  spot  and  may  therefore  be  correct  throughout.  But  the 
actual  sources  are  as  uncertaFn  as  ever.  The  Irrawaddy  is  formed  by 
the  confluence  of  two  rivers,  the  Mali  and  the  'Nmai  (the  kha  which 
is  usually  added  to  these  is  simply  the  Kachin  word  for  river  and  is 
better  omitted,  because  it  leads  to  such  tautologies  as  the  Mali  kha 
river).  They  join  about  latitude  25°  45'  at  a  distance  by  land  from 
Bhamo  of  about  150  miles.  Up  to  this  point  the  river  is  navigable 
in  the  rains  for  steamers,  though  the  Manst  rapid  just  below  Lapfe, 
the  Tangp^  rapid  immediately  below  the  confluence,  and  the  third 
defile,  offer  constant  difficulties.  For  over  900  miles,  however,  as 
far  as  Bhamo,  the  river  is  navigable  throughout  the  year. 

In  Kachin  Mali  X7/fl  means  big  river,  and  the  Burmese  call  it 
Myit-gyi.  The  eastern  branch,  the  'Nmai  kka,  means  bad  river, 
and  the  Burmese  call  it  Myit-ngt:,  the  small  river.  But,  from  the 
data  given  below,  it  would  appear  that  the  Mali  or  \vesicrn  branch 
has  really  the  smaller  volume  of  water,  and  that  the  'Nmai  river  is  the 
true  Upper  Irrawaddy.  The  native  opinion  is  merely  the  familiar 
oriental  theory  that  a  navigable  river  is  a  big  river,  and  that 
along  which  boats  cannot  ply  a  small  one.  The  Mali  can  be  navi- 
gated by  country  bnats  all  the  year  round  as  far  as  Sawan,  whereas 
m  consequence  of  the  rapids,  impracticable  even  for  dug-outs,  the 
'Nmai  cannot  be  navigated  at  any  time.  The  Mali  river  ts  now 
approximately  all  known — its  tributaries,  the  villages  and  marches 
along  its  banks — and  it  is  indisputably  the  same  as  the  Nam  Kiu 
(the  Shan  name  for  the  Irrawaddy)  surveyed  by  the  late  General 
Woodthorpe  in  his  trip  to  the  Hkamti  country  in  1884-85, 

There  is  an  absence  of  all  accurate  information  about  the  'Nmai 
river.  It  has  been  mapped  as  far  as  'Nsentaru,  where  the  channel 
makes  a  sudden  turn  to  the  west  after  flowing  from  the  north. 
Above  'Nsentaru  the  general  direction  of  the  'Nmai  as  it  comes 
down  from  the  north  is  known,  but  the  river  itself  is  shortly  lost 
behind  high  mountains,  and  as  to  the  course  north  of  this  no  trust- 
worthy information  is  to  be  had.  "Nobody  goes  there"  is  the 
extent  of  native  information,  and  the  mountains  seem  to  be  as  wild 
and  unengaging  as  the  inhabitants.     Captain  L.  E.  Eliott  says: 

CHAP.   I.] 


"  There  does  not  appear  to  be  any  trade  at  all,  and  the  'Nmai  kha 
"  north  of  'Nsentaru  probably  degenerates  into  a  furions  mountain 
"  torrent,  dashing  through  profound  gorges  and  quite  impracticable 
"  even  for  rafts  of  the  lightest  kind."  There  appears  not  even  to  be 
a  track  along  its  banks. 

The  old  idea  was  that  the  river  bifurcated  some  way  farther  up 
and  that  one  of  its  branches  flowed  from  the  Naungsa  lake  lying  to 
the  east.  This  was  the  version  given  by  the  native  explorer  Alaga, 
who  was  sent  up  in  ihu  year  1880  to  endeavour  to  determine  the 
sources  of  the  Irrawaddy.  He,  however,  only  got  a  very  few  days 
inland  in  the  country  between  the  two  rivers  and  was  then  turned 
back  by  the  Kachins.  It  is  significant  that  no  Chinaman  or 
Kachin  seems  ever  to  have  seen  or  even  heard  of  this  lake,  and  the 
march  of  Prince  Henri  d'Orleans,  corroborated  by  the  researches 
lower  down. of  Lieutenant  Pottinger,  finally  disprove  the  existence  of 
any  lake,  or,  at  any  rate,  of  any  considerable  lake.  Considerable 
doubt  seems  now  also  to  be  thrown  on  the  assumption  that  the  'Nmai 
had  its  source  farther  north  than  the  Mali  and  drained  a  country  with 
a  heavier  snowfall.  In  support  of  this  theory  Lieutenant  A.  Blewitt 
of  the  King's  Royal  Rifles  instanced  the  fact  that  at  the  confluence 
the  water  of  the  'Nmai  is  6  degrees  colder  than  that  of  the  Mali. 
This,  however,  may  well  be  due,  as  it  is  in  iheSalween,  lo  the  narrow- 
ness of  the  valley  through  which  the  'Nmai  flows,  which  prevents 
the  sun  from  shining  on  the  river  for  more  than  a  few  hours  daily. 
Lieutenant  Blewitt  took  the  following  measurements  of  depths  and 
velocities  at  the  confluence  in  January  1891  : — 

The  Irrawaddy  main  river  in  a  straight  reach  of  water  about 
3  miles  below  Mawkan  rapid.  Breadth  of  actual  water,  4.20  yards. 
Eight  soundings  taken  in  as  straight  a  line  as  the  boatmen  can 
manage — ■ 













Soundings  in  feet 
Angles  to  position 








From  the  above  it  was  evident  that  either  the  boat  had  not  kept 
a  straight  course,  or  that  the  angles  were  incorrectly  taken,  since 
the  last  three  are  an  impossibility.  The  angles  were  unfortunately 
taken  by  a  native  surveyor  with  a  prismatic  compass  instead  of  a 
plane-table.  The  current  at  the  right  bank  was  practically  nii  and 
became  gradually  swifter  towards  the  left  bank.  The  rate  of  the 
whole  was  little  under  2  miles  an  hour.  The  sectional  area  of  the 
river-bed  was  roughly  20,160  square  feet. 

6  THE    UPPER    BURMA    GAZETTEER.  [  CHAP.    I. 

Measurements  of  the  ' Nmai  kba  or  Myit-nge^  the  eastern  branch  of  the 

Irrawaddyt  taken  about  i  mile  above  the  confluence. 
Breadth  of  water               ...  ...        165  yards. 

Temperature    ...  ...  ...         56° 

Pace  of  current  ...  ...  3J  miles  an  hour. 

Sectional  area  of  river-bed  ...    6,600  square  feet. 

Estimated  volume  ...  ■••  32,257  cubic  feet  per  second. 

Six  soundings  in  a  straight  line  were  in  feet — 













True  data  were  very  difficult  to  get  owing  to  the  swiftness  of  the 
current  under  the  left  bank.  The  last  sounding  of  14  feet  was 
taken  close  under  the  bank. 

Measurements  of  the  Mali  kha,  or  Myit-gyt\  the  western  branch  of  the 
Irraviaddy,  taken  about  i  mile  above  the  confluence. 
Breadth  of  water  ...  ...      150  yards. 

Temperature  ...  ...        61" 

Pace  of  current  ...  ...  3}  miles  an  hour. 

Sectional  area  of  river-bed  ...    4,000  square  feet. 

Estimated  volume  ...  ...  23,108  cubic  feet  per  second. 

Five  soundings  in  a  straight  line  were  in  feet — 

First.             1           Second. 









Lieutenant  Blewitt  thinks  the  rate  of  the  current  may  have  been 
a  little  over-estimated  in  both  cases,  and  the  difficulty  in  keeping 
the  rope  taut  naturally  was  against  accuracy.  Nevertheless,  the 
figures  seem  to  prove  that  the  'Nmai  river  is  the  larger  of  the  two. 

The  two  volumes  taken  together  give  a  total  of  55,000  cubic  feet 
per  second  at  the  confluence,  and  the  late  Sir  Henry  Yule,  in  his 
introduction  to  Captain  Gill's  River  of  Golden  Sand,  gives  the  esti- 
mated volume  of  the  Irrawaddy  at  Amarapura  as  35,000  cubic  feet 
per  second.  From  what  measurements  this  was  deduced  is  not 
stated,  nor  is  the  time  of  year  given,  so  that  a  comparison  of  the 
two  sets  of  figures  is  impossible.  The  natives  of  Hkamti  L6ng  refer 
to  two  rivers  east  of  their  country  called  the  Nam  Tisan  and  the 
Phungmai,  The  Nam  Tisan  is  described  as  three  days'  journey 
from  the  Hkamti  country,  from  which  it  is  separated  by  the  Tchet 
Pum,  and  five  days'  more  marching  to  the  east  brings  the  traveller 

CHAP.  I,] 


to  the  Noikon  range,  from  which  silver  Is  extracted,  and  to  the  east 
of  it  flows  the  Nam  Dumai  or  Phun^mai.  The  Hkamti  Shans  are 
said  to  call  this  expressly  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Irrawaddy,  and 
the  general  similarity  of  the  names  Dumai,  Phungmai,  and 'Nmai,  as 
used  by  Shans,  Khunnongs,  and  Kachins,  tend  to  show  the  identity. 
The  depth  given  by  the  TlkamtJ  Shans  would  also  correspond  with 
the  probable  depth  of  the  'Nmai  river  in  that  latitude.  They  de- 
scribe it  as  not  deep,  but  not  fordable.  or  somewhat  deeperthan  the 
Mall  kha  about  the  same  latitude,  which  was  ascertained  by  Wood- 
thorpe  to  be  5  feet.  Besides  this,  as  Captain  Eliott  continues,  the 
distance  from  the  Hkamti  country  east  to  the  Phungmai,  about  45 
miles  in  a  straight  line,  would  approximately  correspond  vvitli  where 
the  'Nmai  kha  valley  must  be,  for  the  river  cannot  come  farther 
from  the  east,  since  the  position  of  the  Lu  kiang^  or  Salween,  is 
known  In  the  latitude  of^  B6nga,  and  also  lower  down  between 
Bhamo  and  Tali-fu.  The  Hkamti  Shans  said  there  were  two  more 
big  rivers  to  be  crossed  before  reaching  China,  and  these  would  be 
the  Lu  kiang^  or  Salween,  and  the  Lan  Ts'an  kiattg,  or  M6- 
khong.  No  doubt  can  remain  now  that  the  Lu  kiang  is  identi- 
cal with  the  Salween.  Yule  states  that  the  chief  ground  for  dis- 
crediting the  length  of  course  ascrit^ed  to  the  Salween  and  its 
Tibetan  origin  is  its  comparatively  small  body  of  water,  and  adds 
that  this  may  be  due  to  its  restricted  basin,  which  is  certainly  no 
longer  a  disputable  fact.  As  far  as  is  known,  all  the  water  up  to 
witnin  a  few  miles  of  the  actual  Salween  falls  into  the  Irrawaddy 
drainage.  It  Is  the  vast  drainage  of  the  latter  river,  combining  the 
Mali  kha,  'Nmai  kha,  and  ChJndwin  areas,  that  makes  it  develope 
so  rapidly  into  a  noble  river,  at^d  the  same  reasoning  will  tend  to 
make  us  look  not  very  far  for  the  sources  of  the  river.  It  is  now 
nearly  certain  that  the  'Nmai  river,  or  main  stream  of  the  Irrawaddy 
has  its  source  not  higher  than  28°  30'.  Yule  calls  the  east  branch 
of  the  Irrawaddy  in  the  Introductory  essay  above  referred  to  the 
Tchitom,  Scheie,  Ku-ts'kiang,  and  Khiu-shi  Ho.  These  will  pro* 
bably  prove  to  be  the  local  Tibetan  and  Chinese  names  for  the 
'Nmaiof  the  Kachins,  or  for  the  streams  which  unite  to  form  it.  It  is 
at  any  rate  definitely  settled  that  the  Irrawaddy  has  no  connection 
with  the  Sanpu,  either  by  anastomosis,  or  in  any  more  obvious  way. 
Prince  Henri  d'Orleans'  account  of  his  journey  rrom  Tonkin  to  India 
may  be  quoted  here,  since  he  says  it  is  "  by  the  sources  of  the 
Irrawaddy."  His  journey  commands  admiration  for  his  courage, 
his  endurance,  and  the  high  spirits  which  he  maintained  throughout, 
but  his  account  of  it,  both  in  his  lecture  before  the  Royal  Geogra- 
phical Society  and  in  From  Tonkin  to  India,  is  most  irritating  in 
Its  inconclusiyeness.     It  is  characteristic  of  the  Prince  to  beirrltat- 



ing  in  the  most  varied  way.  It  is  impossible  to  determine  from  his 
narrative  what  can  be  considered  as  the  main  stream  of  the  Irra- 
waddy,  and  it  may  be  permitted  to  doubt  whether  the  Prince  brmed 
any  idea  of  the  kind  himself.  What  is  certain  is  that  he  confirms 
the  information  and  the  conjectures  of  British  explorers,  that  a 
number  of  considerable  streams  early  join  together  and  form  two 
great  rivers,  destined  to  become  the  Irrawaddy  lower  down.  But 
which  of  these  streams  is  the  main  branch  cannot  be  ascertMned 
from  the  Prince's  book.  All  that  is  certain  is  that  the  'Nmai  and 
all  its  affluents  are  savage  torrents,  while  the  Mali  early  becomes 
what  may  more  justly  be  called  a  river. 

The  following  items  are  pieced  together  from  the  Prince's  book, — 
**  A  range  with  a  pass  of  3,600  mdlres  ( 1 1 ,8 1 2  feet)  rose  between  the 
"  Salween  and  an  affluent  to  the  right  of  it."  which  seemsto  be  the 
Pula  Haw,  though  it  is  not  expressly  so  stated.  This  was  a  little 
south  of  latitude  28^  "The  two  following  days  were  employed  in 
"  surmounting  a  crest  of  10,725  feet  •  •  •  When  we  exchanged 
"this  vegetation  (thick  bamboo  brake)  it  was  for  barer  heights, 
"  among  which  often  gleamed  little  grey,  blue  lochs  (any  one  of  which 
"may  have  been  the  Naung  Sa;,  a  scenery  not  unlike  some  parts  of 
"  the  Pyrenees.     •     •     *     In  the  bottom  of  the  valley  we  sighted 

'*  the  Kiu-kiang,  running  over  a  shingle-bed,  blue  as  the  Aar 

"The  inhabitants  were  of  a  gentle  limid  race,  Kiu-tses,  so  named 
"  from  the  Kiu  kiang,  though  they  styled  themselves  Turong  orTu- 
"long  and  the  river  Tulong-Remai."  The  Prince  crossed  the  river 
[whose  'name  the  Kiu  kiang  may  be  compared  with  the  Ku-ts 
kiang  and  the  Khiu-shi  ho  (kiang  and  ho  both  meaning  river) 
as  well  as  with  the  Nam  Kiu,  the  Shan  name  for  the  Irrawaddy] 
over  a  bamboo  bridge  made  for  him  by  the  Turongs,  "  The 
'*  river  at  this  point  was  about  50  yards  broad,  with  traces  of  a 
"  rise  of  40  feet  in  flood.  This  valley  of  the  Kiu  kiang,  which 
"we  had  now  been  threading  for  several  days,  wllh  many  more  to 
"  follow  (Ironi  iollrt0  3oth  October),  gave  an  Impression  of  greater 
"size  than  that  of  iheM^khong,  since,  though  narrow  at  the  bottom, 
"  it  was  bounded  by  mountains  of  receding  gradients,  each  with  its 
"  own  forest  species,  from  palms  below  to  ilex  and  rhododendrons 
"  above."  The  march  seems  to  have  been  much  what  it  is  along 
the  Salween  in  the  Shan  States  ;  stretches  along  the  bank  with 
more  shingle  and  bare  rock  than  sand  ;  climbs  up  sleep  banks 
to  avoid  gorges;  descents  to  torrent  affluents — the  Tatei,  Madu- 
madon,  Geling,  and  Tukiu-mu  are  mentioned,  mostly  spanned  by 
liana  bridges,  which  do  not  exist  on  the  Salween  aflluents — with 
camps  alternaieiy  on  small  beaches  and  steep  hillsides.  The  Prince 
marched  45  miles  in  the  20  days  between  leaving  and  returning  to 

CHAP.  i. 


the  Kiu  kiang,  which  when  he  finally  marched  west  "was  a  broad 
"  sheet  of  water,  swift  but  noiseless  and  wonderfully  clear.  On  the 
"  30th  October  we  reached  at  nightfall  another  confluence  of  two 
"  torrents.  One  was  the  Lublu,  the  other  was  the  Neydu,  or  Telo 
'*  — the  great  river  of  which  we  had  heard  so  much,  its  silent  tide 
"and  tranquil  depth.  •  *  'It  was  a  wretched  disap- 
"  pointment.  Instead  of  level  fields,  hills  and  impenetrable  forest  as 
"  before ;  instead  of  houses,  crags  as  savage  as  any  in  the  valley  of 
"  the  Kiu  kiang,*.  •  •  •  We  had  attained  one  of  the 
'*  principal  feeders  of  the  Irrawaddy.  Like  the  Kiu  kiang,  it  did  not 
"come  from  far,  but  it  brought  a  considerable  body  of  water,  and  it 
"  is  the  great  number  of  these  large  tributaries  that  accounts  for  a 
"  river  of  the  size  of  the  Irrawaddy  in  Burma.  *  •  •  j^e 
"  Dublu  crossed  (it  was  32  yards  wide),  we  proceeded  up  the 
"  left  bank  of  the  big  river  *  •  •  transferred  ourselves  to  the 
"  other  (right)  side  of  the  river  on  rudely  improvised  bamboo  rafts  ; 
"  the  water  was  quiet,  deep,  and  of  a  grey-blue  colour.  For  the 
"  two  succeeding  days  we  climbed  a  steep  and  rugged  track, 
"catching  sight  through  openings  in  the  woods  of  an  amphitheatre 
"of  snow-covered  mountains.  In  the  west  a  high  white  range  run- 
"  ning  north-east  and  south-west  was  identified  by  us  as  the  Alps 
"  of  Dzayul  (Zayul,  the  land  of  the  earthen  pots),  on  the  other 
'*  side  of  which  lies  the  basin  of  the  Upper  Brahmaputra  in  Tibet." 
Much  of  the  travelling  was  in  actual  torrent-beds,  a  form  of  high- 
way familiar  to  most  travellers  who  have  crossed  the  Salween  in 
the  Shan  Slates  and  most  destructive  16  boot-leather.  Thus  they 
climbed  over  into  the  basin  of  the  Mali  kha.  Various  cols  are 
mentioned  with  no  heights  given.  The  highest  pass  between  the 
Salween  and  the  Hkamti  L6ng  valley  was  3,600  mHres  (11,812 
feet).  The  first  tributary  of  the  Mali  kha,  or  Nam  Kiu,  reached 
was  the  Reunnam.  "  We  forded  a  broad  and  shallow  river,  the 
"Reunnam  ;  and  it  was  hard  to  believe  ourselves  at  the  base  of 
"  the  lofty  mountain  chains  of  Tibet."  After  this  "  a  diversified 
"  woodland  march  ended  for  the  day  in  a  real  village.  Five  houses, 
"each  90  feet  long,  placed  parallel  to  one  another,  testified,  with  the 
"  barking  of  dogs  and  grunting  of  pigs,  to  an  approach  of  compara- 
"tive  civilization.  On  the  loth  November  we  debouched  upon  a 
"fine  sandy  beach,  ideal  camping-ground,  by  the  shores  of  a  con- 
"  siderable  river,  the  Nam  Tsam.  The  stream  was  40  yards  in  width 
"  and  expanded  into  a  small  lake  at  the  foot  of  a  sounding  cataract." 
The  Reunnam  seems  ro  join  the  Nam  Tsam  about  27**  15'  and  the 
united  streams  apparently  enter  the  Nam  Kiu  or  Mali  in  about  lati- 
tude 27°.  The  Nam  Tsam  was  crossed  by  a  fish-dam,  erected  by 
Kiu-tses  (Turongs).     "  Mountain  rice  culture  began  to  be  visible 



"  in  clearings  of  the  woods,  and  felled  trees  laid  horizontally  here  and 
*'  there  assisted  the  path  •  •  *.  As  we  drew  near  to  habitations, 
"averting  emblems  reappeared,  and  we  noticed  a  fenced  elliptical 
tomb."  This  seems  to  indicate  that  the  Turongs  are  Chingpaw, 
or  at  least  closely  allied  to  the  Kachins,  and  indeed  the  photo- 
graph which  the  Prince  gives  of  a  Kiu-tse  might  be  taken  for  a 
Kachin  both  with  regard  to  features,  method  of  wearing  the  hair, 
dress,  and,  above  all,  the  linkin  dha.  After  crossing  a  number  of 
streams,  the  Pandam,  the  Nam  Lian,  the  Nam^Chow,  all  appa- 
rently easily  fordable,  and  staying  for  a  night  at  Melekeu,  "com- 
posed of  pile-houses  sometimes  130  feet  long,  not  unlike  the  Moi 
dwellings  in  Annam,'*  the  Prince  at  last  enlere<i  the  level  plain  of 
Hkamti  Long,  which  the  Lissus  or  Lesus  call  Apnn  (apparently 
their  name  for  theShans  generally,  which  recalls  the  Manipuri  name 
of  the  kingdom  of  Pong)  and  the  Kiu-tses  and  Lutses  and  other 
Turongs  call  Moam.  "  A  wide  expanse  of  apparent  inundation, 
"enveloping lagoons  of  land,  but  what  to  our  eyes  seemed  swamps, 
"were  no  doubt  paddy-ficlds.  The  Nam  Kiu.or  Meli-remai  of  the 
"  Kiu-tses,  the  western  branch  of  the  Irrawaddy  *  •  was  about 
"  160  yards  in  width  and  12  feet  deep;  water  clear  and  sluggish. 
"  We  crossed  without  delay  in  five  or  six  pirogues." 

Here  the  Prince  had  reached  country  known  through  the  jour- 
neys of  the  late  General  Woodthorpe  and  Mr.  Errol  Grey.  His 
journey  shows  that  the  sources  of  tne  Irrawaddy  certainly  do  not 
lie  farther  north  than  latitude  28°  30' ;  that  the  Mali  kha  or  Nam 
Kiu  is  more  of  a  river  and  'that  the  'Nmai  kha  is  more  of  a  torrent 
and  in  its  upper  courses  is  frayed  out  into  a  mass  of  streams  very 
much  like  a  chowrie  or  a  cow's  tail.  Unhappily,  however,  we  still 
do  not  know  which  is  the  greater  stream.  Probably  the  Mall  river 
will  come  to  be  looked  upon  as  the  main  river,  because  it  is  both 
navigable  and  accessible.  There  is  an  analogy  for  the  smaller  stream 
usurping  the  name  in  the  Red  River,  the  Songkoi  of  Tongking, 
which  at  Hung  Hwa,  where  the  Black  River  joins  it,  is  the  lesser 
of  the  two. 

Tributaries  of  the  Irra'waddy. —  Below  the  confluence  the  most 
important  tributaries  of  the  Irrawaddy  are  the  Nam  Kawng  or 
Mogaung  river,  the  Moife,  and  the  Taping.  The  first  flows  in  on 
the  right  bank  and,  with  its  affluent,  the  Indaw  river,  is  navigable 
for  small  steamers,  during  the  rainSj  for  some  distance  from  its  mouth. 
The  other  two  are  left  bank  affluents  and  are  unnavigable  to  any 
distance.  Farther  south  the  Shweli,  or  Nam  Mao,  flows  in  from 
the  Shan  States  and  China  and  the  M6za  comes  in  on  the  right 
bank.  At  Amarapura  the  Mylt-ngfe  or  Nam  Tu  comes  in  from  the 
Northern  Shan  Sutes,  but  is  not  navigable  for  any  great  distance. 

CHAP.   I.] 



Below  this  at  Myinmu  the  Mu  river  comes  in  on  the  right  bank. 
The  main  tributary,  the  Chindwin,  with  its  affluents,  the  Uyu,  the 
Yu,  and  the  Myittha,  joins  the  Irrawaddy  some  little  distance  above 
the  town  of  Fakokku.  It  is  navigable  as  far  as  Homalin  near  the 
mouth  of  the  Uyu  at  all  times  of  the  year.  The  only  other  tributary 
of  any  note  is  the  M6n,  which  joins  on  the  right  bank  about  12 
miles  above  the  station  of  Minbu. 

Sittang. — The  Sittang  river  rises  in  the  hills  on  the  fringe  of  the 
Shan  plateau,  runs  into  the  Meiktila  division,  and  does  not  attain 
any  size  until  it  reaches  the  Lower  Province.  In  its  upper  course 
it  is  known  as  the  Paunglaung. 

Saiween. — The  Salween  is  probably  unequalled  for  wild  and  mag- 
nificent scenery  by  any  river  in  the  world,  but  it  is,  for  the  present, 
unnavigated  except  in  broken  reaches  above  the  Thaung  Yin  rapids 
in  the  Lower  Province.  It  is  probably  an  actually  longer  river  than 
the  Irrawaddy,  but  it  is  characteristic,  not  only  tor  the  narrowness 
of  its  valley,  which  is  little  more  than  a  ditch  with  banks  varying  in 
British  territory  from  3,000  to  6,000  feet  high,  but  also  for  the  limited 
width  of  the  area  which  it  drains.  Unlilit  reaches  Lower  Burma  the 
basin  does  not  anywhere  reach  two  parallels  of  longitude  in  breadth. 
So  far  as  is  known,  it  receives  no  affluent  northofTCokang,  which  is 
longer  than  a  mountain  torrent,  rising  in  the  ranges  on  either  side 
which  form  its  water-shed,  cramped  between  the  Irrawaddy  and  the 

Yet,  or  rather  because  of  this  restriction  of  its  basin,  it  is  repre- 
sented on  old  maps  as  rising  far  up  in  the  Tibetan  steppes  to  the 
north-west  of  Lhassa ;  and  since  it  is  now  certain  that  the  Salween, 
the  Nam  Kong  of  the  Shans,  is  the  Lu  jkiang  of  China  and  Tibet, 
there  is  no  reason  to  believe  that  these  maps  are  wrong.  In  his  intro- 
duction to  Gill's  /^iver  of  Golden  Sand,  Yule  says :  "Every  one  who 
"  has  looked  at  a  map  of  Asia  with  his  eyes  open  must  nave  been 
"struck  by  the  remarkable  aspect  of  the  country  between  Assam 
"  and  Chinaj  as  represented,  where  a  number  of  great  rivers  rush 
"  southward  in  parallel  courses,  within  a  very  narrow  span  of  longi- 
"  tude,  their  dehneation  on  the  map  recalling  the  /asc is  of  thunder- 
"  bolts  in  the  clutch  of  Jove,  or  (let  us  say,  less  poetically)  the 
"  aggregation  of  parallel  railway  lines  at  Clapham  junction."  Of 
these  rivers — the  Brahmaputra,  the  Irrawaddy,  the  Salween,  the 
M^khong,  the  Yang-tze,  the  Hwang  Ho,  besides  their  numerous 
considerable  early  feeders — the  Salween  yields  to  none  in  the  extreme 
northerly  position  of  its  source ;  and  its  size,  in  latitudes  where  it  is 
so  crushed  in  that  it  can  have  no  tributaries  larger  than  hill  streams 
a  mile  or  two  in  length,  seems  to  prove  that  these  old  maps  arc 



These  Jesuit  maps  call  it  Nou  Kian  (Lu  kiano\  and  it  is  the  Lu-ts* 
kiang  of  Bishop  desMazurcs.  "The  French  Missionaries  who 
"were  for  some  years  stationed  near  the  \.yi  kian^^  about  latitude 
"  28^  20',  speak  of  it  as  a  great  river.  Abbo  Durand,  June  1863, 
"  describing  a  society  of  heretical  Lamas,  who  had  invited  his  in- 
*'  structions»  and  who  were  willing  to  consign  the  paraphernalia  of 
"  their  worship  to  the  waters,  writes:  '  What  will  become  of  it  all  ? 
'* '  The  great  river,  whose  waves  roll  to  Martaban,  is  not  more  than 
*'  *  two  hundred  or  three  hundred  paces  distant.'  ...  A  river  so 
"  spoken  of  in  latituide  28'  20'  or  thereabouts  may  easily  have  come 
*'  from  a  remote  Tibetan  source.  It  is  hard  to  say  more  as  yet,  amid 
"  the  uncertainties  of  the  geography  of  Tibetan  sf^ppes,  and  the 
"  difficulty  of  discerning  between  the  tributaries  of  this  river  and 
"  that  of  the  next ;  but  the  Lu  kiang,  or  a  main  branch  of  it,  under 
"  the  name  of  Suk-chu,  appears  to  be  crossed  by  a  bridge  on  the 
"  high  road  between  Ssu-Ch'wan  and  Lhassa,  four  stations  west  of 
"  Tsiamdo  on  the  Lan  Ts'ang  (the  Mtikhong.)"  The  iron  suspen- 
sion bridge  in  about  latitude  25°  N.  on  the  road  from  Bhamo  to 
Tali  has  been  often  described  by  travellers.  It  is  in  two  spans  of 
altogether  600  feet  in  length.  One  span  over  the  main  channel  is 
270  feet  wide  ;  the  other  over  a  portion  of  the  bed  exposed  in  the 
dry  season  is  330  feet  wide.  Colborne  Baber  thus  described  it  : 
"  The  floor  of  this  valley  lies  at  the  surprisingly  low  level  of  2,670  feet 
"  above  the  sea.  The  river  is  some  340  feet  lower,  running  between 
'*  steep  banks  of  a  regular  slope  much  resembling  a  huge  railway 
"  cutting.  It  sweeps  down  a  short  rapid  under  the  bridge  ;  but  farther 
"down  it  was  evidently  of  considerable  depth,  by  no  means  swift, 
"  with  a  breadth  of  90  yards  or  more,  and  navigable  for  boats  of  large 
"  size  ;  but  not  a  punt  or  shallop  was  to  be  seen."  This  character 
it  preserves  till  it  reaches  Lower  Burma.  Here  and  there  the  hills 
are  lower,  in  a  few  places  there  are  even  some  acres  of  flat  land,  but 
almost  the  whole  way  it  preserves  this  appearance  of  a  mammoth 
railway  cutting.  Prince  Henri  d'Orleans  visited  and  marched  along 
the  Salween  for  a  short  distance  about  latitude  26°  and  again  about 
latitude  28*^.  At  the  former  spot,  west  of  Fey-Iong-klao,  and  almost 
due  west  of  Tali  "  we  dropped  down  into  the  Salween  basin  between^ 
"wooded  hills  that  sheltered  rare  hamlets  *  •  •  the  gradients 
*'  of  the  sides  being  less  steep  than  those  of  the  Mckhong.  The 
"Cheloung  kiang  [this  "  nine  dragons'  stream  "  is  the  name  given 
"  near  Ta-ya-keo  in  Mong  Lem  to  the  M^khong],  the  Lu  kiang,  or 
"  Salween,  as  it  is  variously  called,  flows  at  its  base  in  an  average 
"breadth  of  120  yards.  Its  waters  are  easily  distinguished  from 
"  those  of  the  Lan-tsang  X-mw^,  for,  while  the  latter  are  reddish  brown, 
"  the  Salween's  are  a  dirty  grey.     At  the  point  where  we  struck  it 

CHAP.    I.] 



"  the  current  seemed  less  rapid  than  the  Mfekhong ;  the  lemptTature 
"  of  the  water  was  66^  Kahr.  The  level  of  the  SaUveen  is  only 
"  3.087  feet,  or  1,625  lower  than  the  Mfekhon^.  Without  admitting 
"a  shallower  depth  than  is  the  case,  it  Isdifncult  to  believe  that  so 
*' great  a  body  of  water  can  issue  from  so  short  a  course  as  that 
"  indicated  by  the  latest  English  map  of  Tibet,  published  in  1894. 
"  The  impression  we  derived  was  of  a  large  river  coming  from  far." 
When  a  short  distance  farther  north  the  Prince  marched  back  to  the 
Mfekhong,  "coming  so  recently  from  the  Salween,  it  seemed  small, 
"  and  its  valley  more  confined  and  less  green  than  the  latter." 

From  Tsekou  in  latitude  a8^  Prince  Henri  aeain  crossed  the 
Mfekhong- Salween  watershed.  The  pass  was  hign,  3,800  meifes 
(12,467  feet).  The  descent  was  through  bamboo  and  high  grass 
jungle.  "  We  ferried  over  in  skiffs  about  16  feet  long,  hollowed  out 
"  of  trunks  of  trees.  From  two  to  four  men  manoeuvred  them 
"with  small  oars ;  the  crossing  was  an  easy  matter  compared  with 
"  that  of  the  Mekhong  at  Halo  ;  there  Avere  no  real  rapids  here,  and 
"  counter-currents  could  be  taken  advantage  of;  the  temperature  of 
"  the  water  was  much  the  same  as  that  of  the  Mfekhong  at  the  same 
"  height,  being  60^^  Fahr. ;  but  a  neighbouring  tributary  from  the 
"  mountains  registered  nearly  6"  higher.  » 

"  On  the  right  bank  we  received  a  messenger  from  the  Lamaserai 
"  of  Tchamou-tong,  distant  now  only  a  few  miles,  who  announced 
•'  that  the  superior  had  under  him  76  Lamas  (Red-hats).  On  the 
"  23rd  and  24th  September  we  continued  down  ihe  Salween  by  a  good 
"  road.  As  is  the  case  lower,  the  valley  is  greener  tlian  that  of  the 
"  Mfekhong,  with  flora  almost  approaching  that  of  warm  counlries. 
"  The  trees  were  literally  decked  with  tufts  of  orchids,  whose  yellow 
"and  brown-spotted  blooms  hung  in  odoriferous  clusters/' 

From  the  Salween  over  to  the  Irrawaddy  the  road  proved  to 
be  impracticable  for  mules.  "  We  did  not  mount,  we  did  not  descend, 
"  we  simply  gave  ourselves  over  to  gymnastics."  The  Salween  has 
evidently  as  troublesome  banks  there  as  in  parts  of  ihe  Northern 
and  Southern  Shan  States,  where  picturesque  descriptive  language 
is  also  employed. 

The  Salween  enters  British  territory  in  the  Shan  State  of  North 
Hsenwi,  runs  through  the  Shan  States  north  and  south,  and  emerges 
from  Karenni  into  Lower  Burma.  It  varies  very  greatly  in  breadth. 
Where  it  enters  Kokang  it  is  about  80  yards  wide  ;  at  the  Kun 
Long  ferry  it  is  about  200  feet,  but  its  lowest  width  is  below 
the  mouth  of  the  Thaungyin,  where  it  measures  no  more  than  30 
yards.  The  main  tributaries  on  the  left  bank  are  the  Nam  Hkaand 
the  Nam   Hsim,  both  considerable  streams,  navigable  locally  for 



countr)'  boats,  and  both  rising  in  British  territory.  The  Nam 
Ting  rising  in  Chinese  territory  and  joining  the  Salween  some  miles 
below  the  Kun  Long  ferry,  where  it  forms  the  island  which  gives 
the  ferry  its  name,  is  considerably  smaller,  as  is  the  Nam  Ma  of  the 
Wa  country.  On  the  right  bank  the  chit-f  affluents  are  the  Nam 
Pang  (Bin  chnung)  and  the  Nam  Teng  (Tein  chaung),  both  rising 
in  the  Northern  Shan  States,  flowing  parallel  to  and  at  no  great 
distance  from  one  another  and  the  Salween,  and  entering  it  in  the 
Southern  Shan  Stales  ;  the  Nam  Pang  in  Keng  Hkam  ;  and  the  Nam 
Teng  in  Mawk  Mai.  Both  are  navigable  locally  in  reaches  for  native 
boats.  Farther  south  the  Nam  Pawn  with  its  tributaries,  the  anas- 
tomosing Nam  Pilu  and  the  Nam  Tu  (or  Tu  c/iautig),  joins  the 
Salween  where  Karenni  and  Lower  Burma  meet. 

The  Mtrkhong,  called  tht  Lan  Ts'an  iiaug  in  its  upper  reaches 
by  the  Chinese,  forms  the  boundary  between  the  Shan  States  and 
the  French  province  of  Indo-China  for  a  distance  of  between  50 
and  roo  miles.  It  hardly  therefore  calls  for  detailed  description 
in  an  Upper  Burma  Gazetteer.  It  may,  however,  be  said  that, 
like  the  Salween,  it  rises  far  north  in  Tibet  and  rivals  even  the 
Yang-lze  in  length.  The  town  of  Tsiamdo,  capital  of  the  province 
of  Khary,  which  stands  between  the  two  main  branches  that  form 
the  Mekhong,  in  about  latitude  30**  45',  was  visited  by  Hue  and 
Gabet  on  their  return  under  arrest  from  Lhassa ;  but,  as  Yule  says, 
"whatever  ^MOji-geographical  i>articulars  Hue  gives  seem  to  have 
"  been  taken,  after  the  manner  of  travellers  of  his  sort,  from  the 
'*  Chinese  itineraries  published  in  Klaproth's  Description  dti  Tubet,*' 
Kiepert  in  his  map  of  1864  calmly  implied  that  he  did  not  believe 
Hue.  Bishop  desMazures  and  Abbe  Desgodins,  who  followed  the 
course  of  the  Lan-ts'ang  at  no  great  distance,  visited  Tsiamdo  in 
1866  (they  call  it  Tcha-Mouto),  and  thus  the  Mekhong  may  be  said 
to  be  known  to  this  point.  In  the  same  latltLidc?;  it  is  about  the 
same  si;!e  as  the  Salween,  but  soon  after  leaving  China  its  basin 
opens  out  and  there  are  fairU-  extensive  plains  on  its  banks  in  many 
parts  both  of  Keng  Hung  ((Theli)  and  Keng  Tong,  and  it  is  far  from 
being  so  picturesque  a  river  as  the  Salween.  As  a  navigable  stream 
it  is  neither  better  nor  worse  than  the  Salween,  but  French  pluck 
and  enterprise  have  done  much  more  for  it  than  has  been  attempted 
on  the  British  river.  It  cannot,  however,  be  called  a  water-way  for 
commerce.  Its  chief  tributaries  in  British  territory  are  the  Nam 
Lwi,  which  rises  in  the  Chinese  prefecture  of  Ch^npien  and  forms 
for  a  great  portion  of  its  course  the  boundary  between  Chinese  and 
British  territory  and  the  Nam  Hkok  which  rises  in  KengTOng  State 
and  enters  the  Mfekhong  not  far  below  Chieng  Hsen  in  Siamese 
territory.     The  Nam   Hok  (M^  Huak  in  Siamese),  which  is  con- 

JHAP.    I.] 


siderably  smaller  than  either  of  these,  forms  the  boundary  between 
Siamese  and  British  territory  and  joins  the  Mtkhong  some  miles 
above  Chiengbsen. 

The  largest  lake  in   Upper   Burma  is  the  Indawgyi  in  the  Myit- 
Lakes  kyina  district.     It  measures  i6  miles  by  6  and  is 

bordered  on  the  south-cast  and  west  by  two  low 
ranges  of  hills,  and  has  one  outlet  in  the  north-east,  which  forms 
the  Indaw  river  discharging  into  the  Nam  Kawng  or  Mogaung  river. 
Tradition  says  that  this  lake  was  formed  by  an  earthquake  and 
submerged  a  Shan  town.  The  Iiidaw  in  the  Kalha  district  is  also 
a  natural  lake,  and  covers  60  square  miles.  The  Meiktila  lake  and 
the  Aungpinle  lake  near  Mandalay  are  artificial  reser\'oirs.  The 
Indein  lawe,  near  Yawng  Hwe  in  the  Southern  Shan  States,  is  the 
last  of  the  lakes  which  no  doubt  in  prehistoric  times  filled  all  the 
Shan  valleys.  It  is  nearly  as  large  as  the  Indawgyi,  but  has  greatly 
diminished  in  size  within  comparatively  recent  times.  The  lake  or 
lakes  at  Mong  Nai  have  shrunk  to  comparatively  insignificant  pro- 
portions, though  the  southern  lake  is  much  deeper  than  that  at 
Yawng  Hwe.  Such  other  lakes  as  exist  in  various  parts  are  chiefly 
marshes  formed  after  the  fall  of  the  floods  and  they  are  usually 
wholly  or  partially  dried  up  in  the  hot  season.  The  only  other  lake 
worthy  of  special  notice  is  Nawng  Hkeo,  which  is  situated  on  the 
top  of  a  hill,  some  miles  north  of  Mong  Hkain  the  heart  of  the  Wa 
States.  It  is  surrounded  by  heavy  jungles,  is  said  to  be  very  deep, 
and  to  have  no  fish  in  it.  It  forms  the  subject  of  a  number  of 
traditions  and  wild  beliefs  among  the  Wa  and  the  Shans,  and,  as  is 
pointed  out  elsewhere,  may  be  the  Chiamay  lake  of  seventeenth 
century  wxiters. 

Immediately  above  the  frontier  between  Upper  and  Lower  Burma 
begins  the  dry  zone  which  extends  from  the  aoth  to  the  22nd 
degrees  of  latitude  and  includes  roughly  speaking  the  whole  of 
the  Minbu  and  Meiktila  divisions.  Here  the  country  rises  from 
the  Irrawaddy  in  long  slopes  and  rolling  ridges.  The  vegetation 
rapidly  loses  its  rich  tropical  character  and  the  uplands  are  merely 
dotted  with  sparse  and  stunted  trees  and  bushes,  which  led  to  the 
old  idea  that  the  country  was  a  mere  "  despohlado  (uninhabited 
waste)  of  dry  rolling  hills  dotted  with  thin  bushes  and  euphorbias." 
But  the  uplands  sink  at  pretty  regular  intervals  into  decided  valleys, 
running  at  right  angles  to  the  Irrawaddy  and  the  Sittang,  into  which 
they  discharge  the  drainage  of  the  interior  by  broad,  shallow,  sandy 
channels,  always  dry,  except  immediately  after  heavj'  rain.  North 
of  Pagan  this  upland  still  exists,  but  it  is  less  elevated  and  less  bare 
and  barren  and  is  separated  from  the  river  by  a  greater  or  less 



extent  of  fruitful  soil.  The  idea  formed  of  the  country  varies 
greatly  according  to  the  time  of  year  at  which  it  is  seen,  before  or 
after  the  rainy  season.  The  same  general  character  is  reproduced 
on  the  right  bank  of  the  Irrawaddy,  but  extending  over  a  much 
more  restricted  area.  In  the  dry  zone  the  annual  rainfall  averages 
as  low  as  20  or  30  inches  only.  North  of  this  dry  belt  there  is  a 
much  more  marked  rainy  season  and  the  annual  rainfall  seems  to 
average  about  70  or  80  inches.  The  temperature  varies  as  much 
as  the  rainfall.  Except  in  the  dense  forest  tracts  and  the  remoter 
portions  of  some  of  the  outlying  districts,  where  malarial  fever  is 
prevalent,  the  Upper  Province  is  by  no  means  unhealthy  either  for 
the  natives  of  the  country  or  for  Europeans. 

The  districts  which  have  the  smallest  rainfall  are  Kyaiiksfe,  23*7 
inches  ;  Pakokku,  23*  18 inches;  Myingyan  23"9 inches  ;  and  Minbu 
24'134  inches,  which  is  the  average  over  a  period  of  five  years. 
Those  with  the  highest  are  Ruby  Mines,  8388  inches  ;  Upper 
Chindwin,  73587  inches;  Bhamo,  7o'io6  inches  ;  and  Kalha  4697 
inches  over  the  same  period.  These  are  all  mountainous  or  sub- 
Alpine  districts. 

The  Chin    Hills  were  not  declared  an  integral  part  of  Burma 

Th  cv  Hil  ""^'^  '^^^'  ^"*  ^^^y  "**^  ^^^"^  ^  scheduled  district. 
The  following  account  of  their  general  features  is 
condensed  from  the  Gazetteer  of  Messrs.  Carey  and  Tuck  and  from 
the  reports  of  Intelligence  Officers, — The  Chin  Hills  lie  between 
latitude  24"  and  21°  45'  and  longitude  93°  20'  and  94°  5'.  They 
thus  form  a  parallelogram  about  250  miles  long  and  from  100  to 
1 50  and  miles  broad.  There  are  no  plains  or  table-lands,  nothing  but 
a  series  of  ridges  separated  by  deep  valleys.  The  approach  irom 
the  Myiuha  valluy  is  by  rugged  steep  spurs  covered  with  dense 
jungle  and  divided  by  deep  narrow  ravines.  These  hills  are  sparsely 
if  at  all  inhabited  and  lead  up  to  the  first  ridge,  which  runs  parallel 
to  the  Myittha  river  and  about  50  miles  west  of  it,  with  an  ave- 
rage height  of  about  7,000  feet  above  sea-level.  Beyond  this  lie 
range  upon  range  of  almost  bare  hills,  their  sides  dotted  with  villages 
and  scored  with  terraced  fields,  which  have  taken  the  place  of  the 
thin  virgin  forest.  The  main  ranges  run  generally  north  and  south 
and  vary  in  height  from  ^,000  .to  9,000  feet.  The  most  important 
is  the  Letha  or  Tang,  which  is  the  watershed  between  the  Chindwin 
and  the  Manipur  rivers ;  the  Imbukklang,  which  forms  the  divide 
for  the  waters  of  Upper  Burma  and  Arakan;  and  the  Rongklang, 
which  occupies  the  same  position  for  the  southern  hills,  discharging 
on  one  side  into  the  Myittha  and  on  the  other  into  the  Boinu.  The 
highest  peak  appears  to  be  the  Liklang  some  70  miles  south  of  Haka, 

CHAP.    I.] 



which  rises  to  nearly  10,000  feet.  Others  are  Lunglen,  the  western 
point  of  the  Chin  Manipur  boundary,  6,531  feel;  Katong,  7,837 
feet,  on  the  same  frontier;  Noakuvum,  8,500  feet;  and  Kul,  8,860 
feet,  which  is  known  as  Kennedy  Peak.  In  the  southern  hills  the 
chief  are  Rumklao,  8,231  ;  Rongklang,  8,000  feet ;  Boipa,  8,Soo; 
and  many  others  ranging  about  8,000  feet. 

There  are  several  rivers  of  fair  size.  The  Manipur  river  issues 
from  the  Lontak  lake,  flows  aln^ost  due  south  from  Shuganu  to 
Molbein,  where  it  curves  to  the  east,  passes  below  Falam,  and 
enters  the  Myittha  a  mile  below  Sihaung.  The  Boinu  rises  in  the 
Yahow  country,  flows  south  and  then  west,  and  eventually  south 
again  into  Arakan,  where  it  enters  the  sea  under  the  name  of  the 
Kuladan.  Its  affluent,  the  Tyao,  issues  from  a  lake  north  of 
Tattun.  The  Tuivai  is  the  largest  tributary  of  the  Barak  river  in 
Assam,  All  these  rivers  are  fordable,  except  the  Manipur  river, 
which  can  seldom  be  crossed  below  Kwaiiglui,  and  never  before  the 
month  of  February  even  as  far  north  as  Tunzan. 

The  climate  of  the  Chin  Hills  judged  at  an  altitude  of  between 
2^500  and  6,500  feet  is  temperate.  In  the  shade  and  off  the  ground 
the  thermometer  rarely  rises  about  80°  or  falls  below  25^  Fahr.  In  the 
hot  season  and  in  the  sun  as  much  as  150'^  Fahr.  is  registered  and  on 
ihe  grass  in  the  cold  weather  10  degrees  of  frost  are  not  uncommon. 
During  the  first  five  years  of  iheir  occupation  snow  has  only  been 
seen  once  in  the  Chin  Hills,  on  the  Tang  or  Letha  range,  in  1893, 
and  it  only  lay  for  two  days.  The  Chins  speak  of  it  as  happening 
only  occasionally.  In  June  the  rains  commence  definitely  and  last 
till  about  the  middle  of  November.  During  the  rest  of  the  year 
there  are  occasional  showers,  but  no  prolonged  rain.  Registration 
shows  that  the  rainfall  varies  considerably  in  different  parts  of  the 
hills,  and  at  Kennedy  Peak,  Fort  White,  the  Imbukklang,  and  Haka, 
where  there  is  heavy  forest,  the  rainfall  is  greater  than  at  Tiddim, 
Dimlo,  and  Falam.  where  pine  trees  are  found  and  the  undergrowth 
is  neither  thick  nor  rank.  At  Haka  and  Fort  White  the  rainfall 
is  very  similar  and  is  heavier  than  at  any  of  our  other  posts.  The 
rainfall  registered  at  Haka  was  1 1  ro3  inches  in  1893  and  92*26 
inches  in  1894.  and  at  Fort  White  ii  was  estimated  at  the  same.  Ap- 
proximately one-third  less  fell  at  Falam  and  one-half  at  Tiddim. 

Owing  to  the  great  number  of  tribes,  sub-tribes,  and  clans  of  the 

Tu   tf    »,■    ijti         Kachins,    the  part   of  the   Kachin   Hills  which 
The  Kachin  Hills.        ,  ,      '  ,^  ,  j     •   •   ^     ^-  •       .. 

has    been   taken    under   administration    m   the 

Bhamo  and  Myitkyina  districts  has  been  divided  into  40  tracts. 
Beyond  these  tracts  there  are  many  Kachins  in  Kaiha,  Mong  Mit, 
and  the  Northern  Shan  States,  but  though  they  are  often  the  pre- 
ponderating, they  are  not  the  exclusive  population,  and  they  are 



comparatively  recent  settlers.  The  country  within  these  40  tracts 
may  be  considered  the  Kachin  Hills  proper  and  it  h'es  between  23** 
30'  and  26*^  30'  north  latitude  and  96"^  and  98°  east  longitude. 

The  area  of  the  country  thus  enclosed  may  be  roughly  estimated 
at  19177  square  miles,  and  it  consists  of  a  series  of  ranges,  for 
the  most  part  running  north  and  south,  and  intersected  here  and 
there  by  valleys,  all  leading  tnwards  the  Irrawaddy,  which  drains 
the  country.  The  Irrawaddy  is  navigable  for  steamers  as  far  as 
Myitkyina,  73  miles  above  Senbo  ;  beyond  this,  as  has  been  noted 
above,  two  difficult  rapids  prevent  their  passage,  except  in  the 
height  of  the  floods.  Myitkyina  was  the  most  northerly  point  to 
which  Burmese  jurisdiction  extended,  and  beyond  this  the  whole 
country  remains  Kachin. 

From  Senbo  to  Myitkyina  the  country  may  be  briefly  described 
as  a  well-watered  plam,  with  an  occasional  isolated  low  hill  rising  out 
of  jungle  more  or  less  dense.  The  Shans  and  Burmese-Shans  who 
used  to  cultivate  it  were  driven  away  by  Kachin  raids  and  are  only 
now  beginning  to  return.  The  land  is  very  fertile  and  is  capable  of 
supporting  a  very  large  population.  From  Myitkyina  to  the  con- 
fluence the  country  becomes  gradually  wilder  and  the  jungle  more 
dense.  Above  the  confluence  of  the  Mali  and  'Nmai  kha  the  appear- 
ance of  the  country  changes  entirely.  No  more  flat  ground  is  met 
with,  and  as  far  as  Hkamti  Long  there  stretches  a  mass  of  low  hills, 
formed  into  valleys  by  high  parallel  ranges  of  mountains  bearing 
generally  north-north-east  and  south-south-west.  Lieut.  Blewitl, 
who  accompanied  Captain  L.  E.  Eliott  on  an  expedition  to  the 
reaches  of  the  Irrawaddy,  says : — 

"  Our  march  was  practically  along  one  of  these  ranges,  not  more  than 
3,000  to  4,000  feet  high,  and  varying  from  3  to  4  miles  west  of  t)ie  Mali 
kha.  It  was  not  a  continuous  range,  being  intersected  by  deep  gorges, 
through  which  flow  the  diflerent  tributaries  of  the  Mali  kha.  This  range 
apparently  terminated  at  Pumluni  Hum,  and,  standing  on  this  peak  at  a 
height  of  3,500  feet  above  sea  level,  the  general  appf^arance  of  thecoualry, 
turning  to  the  different  points  of  the  compass,  is  as  follows  :  — 

''  Due  north  as  far  as  one  could  see,  thp  hills  were  all  of  lower  elevation, 
looking  west  was  a  large  valley  30  or  40  miles  across,  backed  by  a  high 
range  of  hills,  the  continuation  of  the  Shwedaung-gyi  and  called  the  Kam6n 
taung.  The  average  height  of  this  range  througboul,  judging  from  a  dis- 
tance, appeared  to  be  from  5,000  to  6,000  feet,  and  in  it,  .ilmost  due  west 
of  Pamtum  Pum,  was  a  noticerfble  break  or  gap,  through  which  is  perhaps 
the  road  to  the  Hnkawng  valley,  but  unfortunately  we  could  not  get  this 

"Turning  to  the  east,  looking  across  the  Mali  .(y&d,  the  space  between 
it  and  the  'Ntnai  kha  was  Filleil  with  high  bills,  and  beyond  these  again  rose 
high  parallel  ranges,  eventually  ending  in  snow-peaks  in  the  far  north-north- 
east    The  valley  to  the  west,  the  low  hilts  to  the  north,  and  the  spat 

CHAP.   I.] 



betwocnthc  two  branches  of  the  Irrawaddy  were,  for  Kachin-hnd,  densely 
populatcci,  and  it  may  be  said  lo  be  the  heart  of  the  Kachin  country." 

vStill  further  to  the  north,  between  latitudes  2^'' and  28"  or  28'' 
30'  lies  the  Hkamti  Long  country,  which  has  as  its  eastern  neigh- 
bour the  land  of  the  Khunnongs,  which  extends  to  the  watershed 
between  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Irrawaddy  and  the  Salween. 
Farther  east  than  longitude  98*^  and  farther  north  than  latitude  28^* 
the  country  is  unexplored,  except  for  the  passage  of  Prince  Henri 
d'Orleans,  which  was  very  dashing,  but  none  the  less  disappoint- 
ing as  far  as  information  is  concerned.  The  Hkamti  I-6ng  country 
is  practically  the  valley  of  the  Nam  Kiu  (the  Shan  name  for  the 
Irrawaddy  generally,  but  here  meaning  the  Mali  river).  To  the  east 
and  north  of  this  rise  hills,  increasing  in  height  as  Mr.  Errol  Grey 
says  :■ — 

''Successive  ranges  uf  forcst-clad  hills,  spreading  out  like  the  lingers  of 
the  op^n  hand  to  the  south  and  converging  to  the  north  until  massed  in  the 
high  snows  of  the  Tibetan  ranges,  which  arm,  stretching  southwards  and 
covered  deep  with  snow,  limited  the  vision  to  the  east." 

This  snow-clad  range  would  appear  to  be  the  watershed  between 
the  eastern  branch  of  the  Irrawaddy,  the  'Nniai,  locally  called 
Tamai,  and  the  Salween.  The  whole  of  fhe  country  west  of  this  is 
drained  by  the  Nam  Kiu,  or  Mali,  the  western  branch  of  the  Irra- 
waddy, and  its  chief  tributary,  the  N;im  Tisan,  or  Nam  Tesang, 
which  joins  it  on  the  left  bank.  Both  the  Nam  Kiu  and  the  Nam 
Tisan  run  from  north-west  to  south-east,  and  the  latter  takes  its  rise 
in  a  range  rising  to  about  1 1,000  feet  above  sea-level.  This  range 
connects  the  ridge  which  separates  the  'Nmai  (or  Tamai)  from 
the  Tisan  with  that  which  divides  the  Nam  Tisan  from  the  Nam 
Kiu,  or  Mali  i'ha,  and  is  situated  in  latitude  27^  50'.  The  average 
height  of  these  ranges  is  from  5,000  to  7,000  feet.  The  snow  water 
which  swells  the  Irrawaddy  in  the  early  months  of  the  year  must 
therefore  come  down  the  'Nmai  kka.  East  of  97^  45  the  hills 
abound  in  iron,  which  is  worked  by  the  Khunnongs.  They  used  also 
to  mine  silver,  but  are  said  latterly  to  have  given  it  up. 

The  country  to  the  immediate  north  and  north-east  of  Bhamo, 
that  is  to  say,  between  the  'Nmai  river  on  the  north  and  the  Taping 
on  the  south,  is  a  rugged  mass  of  hills,  except  for  the  tract  of  low- 
lying  country  immediately  to  the  east  of  the  upper  defile  and  the 
Hat  lands  along  the  Irrawaddy  above  this  on  its  left  bank.  These 
hills  range  from  1,000  to  13,000  feet  above  sea-level  and  reach  their 
highest  point  to  the  east  and  north-east  of  Sad6n,  falling  away 
towards  the  Irrawaddy.  The  main  ranges  run  from  north  to  south 
and,  except  where  they  have  been  cleared  for  cultivation,  are  covered 
with  dense  forest  with  a  tangled  undergrowth  of  cane  and  small 



bush.  They  are  very  sieep  and  the  soil  is  poor.  Deep  valleys 
separate  the  spurs,  and  at  the  bottom  of  these  arc  rocky  streams 
with  excellent  water.  Towards  the  hill-tops  water  is  very  scarce, 
though  many  of  the  villages  are  situated  there.  No  metals  seem  to 
be  found. 

West  of  the  Irrawaddy  traversed  by  one  of  the  high  roads  from 
Assam  to  the  Irrawaddy  lies  the  Hukawng  valley,  lying  between 
latitude  26''  15'  and  ab'*  45'  and  longitude  96°  15'  and  97".  It  is 
about  54  miles  in  length  by  35  in  breadth  and  in  Shape  somewhat 
resembles  an  egg-cup.  Low  hills  converge  to  form  its  southern 
boundary.  run  as  sub-features  from  the  Mong  Hkawn 
(Maing  Hkwan)  hills  bounding  the  west  of  the  valley,  and  from  the 
6,000  feet  range  of  Shwedaunggyi  which  bounds  it  on  the  east,  and 
meet  at  a  point  about  18  miles  south-sonth-west  of  Mong  Hkawn. 
The  northern  boundary  is  a  lofty  rani^c  of  about  8,000  feet,  a  pro- 
longation of  the  Khallak  hills.  The  valley  ilseU  is  absolutely  flat 
throughout,  clothed  with  dense  forest,  mostly  impenetrable,  inter- 
sected by  numerous  beautiful  streams  and  with  a  considerabJe 
population.  Like  most  of  the  similar  valleys  in  the  Shan  Stales, 
the  Hukawng  valley  formed  at  no  very  remote  era  the  bed  of  an 
Alpine  lake,  which,  like  that  of  the  Manipur  valley,  has  been  gra- 
dually raised  to  its  present  level  by  long  continued  alluvial  deposits 
and  detritus  from  the  hills  which  encircle  it  on  every  side,  These 
deposits  raised  the  level  of  the  water  and  facilitated  its  drainage, 
until  it  became  so  shallow  that  evaporation  completed  the  process 
and  rendered  the  soil  fit  for  habitation.  This  process  is  by  slow 
degrees  being  carried  out  in  the  Yawng  Hwe  lake. 

The  Hukawng  valley  drains  into  the  Tanai  river,  which  when  it 
loaves  the  valley  takes  the  name  of  the  Chindwin.  The  Tanai  kha, 
called  in  its  upper  reaches  the  Tanai  Ivu  (the  head  or  source),  rises 
in  the  hills  south-west  of  Thama,  in  latitude  25^  30'  and  longitude 
97**,  and  flows  almost  due  north  until  it  enters  the  south-east  corner 
of  the  Hukawng  valley,  when  it  turns  north-west  and  continues  in 
that  direction,  cutting  the  valley  into  two  almost  equal  parts, 
until  it  reaches  the  north-west  verge,  when  it  turns  almost  du 
south.  It  is  a  swift  clear  river  ranging  from  50  to  300  yards  in^ 
w^idth  and  is  fed  on  both  sides  by  numerous  streams,  the  largest  of 
which,  the  Tarong,  comes  from  the  north.  Except  the  Tawan,  also 
coming  from  the  north,  the  other  tributaries  are  small,  ranging  from 
5  to  40  yards  in  breadth.  They  run  swift  and  clear,  over  gravel  or 
pebble  bottoms  with  high  dry  banks.  In  the  valley  they  are  very 
tortuous  and  form  deep  pools  here  and  there. 

Of  other  rivers  the  chief  on  the  left  bank  is  the  Taping,  which 
the  Kachins  call  Myun  kha.     It  rises  in  China  about  latitude  27**. 

CHAP.    I.] 




At  the  point  where  the  Nampaung  joins  it  it  is  a  raging  torrent, 
with  huge  boulders  and  foaming  rapids,  and  is  perfectly  impassable 
for  men,  mules,  or  boats.  In  the  cold  weather  it  is  about  75  yards 
broad,  but  is  double  this  in  the  rains.  Boats  of  a  large  size  can  go 
up  the  Taping  as  far  as  Myothit.  Small  dug-outs  can  go  another 
2  miles  up  to  the  mouth  of  the  Nantabet,  which  rises  in  the  south 
and  is  itself  navigable  as  far  as  Kazu.  Here  the  river  is  in  places 
only  15  to  20  yards  wide,  with  a  current  of  6  miles  an  hour  and  a  bed 
full  of  rocks  both  concealed  and  above  water.  Myothit  is  at  the 
mouth  of  the  defile  and  the  Taping  is  180  yards  wide  here  with  a 
depth  of  9  feet  in  the  centre  in  the  cold  weather  and  a  current  of  3 
miles  an  hour.  After  this  point  it  winds  about  through  the  plains 
and  joins  the  Irrawaddy  a  mile  and  a  half  above  Bhamo. 

The  Nampaung  is  a  rocky  torrent  rising  near  Alaw  Pum.  It  is 
about  30  yards  wide  at  its  mouth  and  easily  fordable  all  through  its 
course,  the  latter  part  of  which  is  between  impassable  hills.  Its 
chief  importance  is  that  it  forms  the  boundary  line  with  China. 

North  of  the  Taping  on  the  left  bank  is  the  Molfe,  which  the 
Kachins  call  Manii  kba.  It  joins  the  Irrawaddy  about  5  miles  above 
Bhamo  close  to  Kyungyi  after  a  very  tortuous  course  through  the 
plains  and  is  navigable  for  large  country-boats  as  far  as  Hnget- 
pyadaw.  Above  this  it  is  a  rocky  torrent,  though  it  is  fordable  in 
many  places  coming  out  of  the  Kadon,  Wach6n,  and  Khwikhaw  hills. 
Below  Khwikhaw  it  is  only  a  foot  deep  with  a  breadth  of  15  yards. 
The  Nam  Sang  kha  rises  to  the  west  of  Bumra  Shikong  and  enters 
the  Irrawaddy  opposite  Hotha  about  5  miles  south  of  Ayeindama. 
1 1  appears  to  be  navigable  as  far  as  Pantong  for  small  boats.  At 
Ka-u  in  January  the  stream  is  40  yards  broad  and  2  feet  deep,  with 
sandy  gravelly  bottom,  free  from  stones,  and  a  ver)' sluggish  current. 

The  Namien  kba  rises  in  Namien  Ku  Pum.  In  the  hills  it  is  a 
rocky  torrent  full  of  boulders  and  deep  holes.  I1  is  fordable,  but  not 
without  difficulty.  At  Loisaw  in  the  plains  west  of  Hop6ng  it 
begins  to  be  navigableand  enters  the  Irrawaddy  near  VVaingmaw, 
not  far  below  Myilkyina.  Other  streams  on  the  left  bank  are  all 
torrents  and  unnavigable. 

On  the  right  bank  the  Mogaung  river  is  the  chief  tributary  of 
the  Irrawaddy,  which  it  enters  in  34°  53'.  It  rises  in  the  north- 
west of  the  Hukawng  valley  above  latitude  26^  and  flows  south-east. 
As  far  as  Kamaing  it  retains  its  old  Shan  name  of  Nam  Kawng.  It 
is  navigable  for  steam-launches  as  far  as  Laban,  up  to  which  point 
it  is  never  less  than  50  yards  wide  and  usually  averages  70.  Be- 
tween Kamaing  and  Laban  the  channel  is  apt  to  shift,  and  sandbanks 
studded  with  snags  impede  free  navigation.     The  Mogaung  river 



in  its  lower  reaches  is  tortuous  and  the  country  on  cither  side  is 
mostly  jungle-covered,  while  low  hills  shut  the  river  in. 

The  only  other  tributary  of  any  importance  on  the  right  bank  of 
the  Irrawaady  is  the  Nam  Kwi  This  rises  to  the  north  in  the  lati- 
tude of  the  confluence  and  runs  southward  parallel  to  the  Irrawaddy 
until  it  enters  that  river  5  miles  south  of  H^chetn.  It  is  60  yards 
wide  and  2i  feel  deep  with  a  good  sound  bottom. 

Little  is  known  of  the  streams  in  the  Kachin  Hills  north  of  the 
confluence,  but  none  appear  to  be  navigable  and  they  are  all  very 
much  alike  with  deep  rocky  gorges  and  precipitous  Banks  covered 
with  deep  jungle.  Bridges  arc  unknown,  but,  except  in  the  rains,  the 
rivers  seem  to  be  all  fordable.  Most  of  the  drainage  of  the  country 
between  the  Mali  and  the'Nmal  flows  eastwards  into  the  latter  river. 

In  the  mass  of  hills  there  are  three  main  ranges.  The  western- 
most of  these  is  the  water-parting  between  the  Chindwin  and 
the  Irrawaddy.  Under  the  name  of  the  Patkoi  or  Pikoi  range  it 
runs  east  and  west  across  the  north  of  the  Hukawng  valley  and 
then,  under  the  name  of  Jaumong  Pum,  turns  south  and  forms  the 
eastern  limit  of  the  same  valley.  Farther  south  still  it  is  known  as 
the  Kam6n  range  and  a  little  north  of  Mogaung  a  large  spur  goes  off 
dividing  the  Tanai  from  the  Mogaung  river.  So  far  as  is  known,  its 
highest  peak  lies  to  the  north-east  of  the  Hukawng  valley  and  rises 
to  a  height  of  over  10,000  feet,  tast  of  this  range  lies  the  water- 
shed between  the  Mali  and  the  'Nmai  l-ha,  the  heart  of  the  Kachin 
country.     This  is  but  little   known   beyond  its  southern  extremity. 

East  of  this  again  is  the  water-parting  between  the  Irrawaddy  and 
the  Salween.  This  splits  into  two  before  arriving  at  the  known  part 
of  the  Kachin  country,  one  branch  dividing  the  Irrawaddy  from  the 
Taping,  and  the  other  separating  the  Taping  from  the  Nam  Mao  or 
Shweli.  The  highest  peak  in  the  more  northerly  branch  is  Bumra 
Shikong,  8,523  feet.  The  southern  branch  rises  to  a  height  of  about 
7,000  feel  west  of  Loisao  to  the  south-west  of  Nam  Ilkam.  In  the 
early  morning  in  December  the  lowlying  hills  and  plains  are  covered 
with  a  dense  raw  fog  and  there  are  very  heavy  dews  later.  In  the 
higher  country  from  the  end  of  November  until  the  end  of  March 
there  is  a  cool  breeze  during  the  day  and  frosts  at  night.  In  Janu- 
ary the  sun  in  the  middle  of  the  day  is  hot  and  a  haze  begins  which 
gradually  thickens  till  it  is  laid  by  the  rains.  The  rainfall  during 
the  wet  season  is  heavy,  but  has  not  been  registered. 

Only  a  very  small  portion  of  the  northern  and  eastern  frontiers  of 

Tk^ci,.    uii  t^*-*  S^^"  Stales  have  been  as  yet  defined.     The 

area,    however,   may   be   estimated  at  between 

40,000  and  50,000  square  miles,  and  broadly  speaking  they  may 

be  said  to  lie  between  the  I9lh  and  24th  parallels  of  latitude  and 
the  96tli  and  102nd  of  longitude.  It  must,  however,  be  understood 
that  their  shape  is  roughly  that  of  a  triangle,  with  its  base  on  the 
plains  of  Burma  and  its  apex  on  the  M^khong  river,  so  that  to  the 
eastward  the  superficial  area  rapidly  diminishes. 

The  ranges  which  run  fan-wise  (roni  tliehigh  steppes  of  Tibet  are 
at  first  almost  as  sharply  defined  as  the  deep  gorges  in  which  the 
rivers  run.  But  as  the  ribs  of  a  leaf  fade  away  into  the  texture,  so, 
as  space  is  gained,  the  ridges  spread  out  and  fall  away.  The  Irra- 
waddy  and  the  Mfekhong  gain  space  for  their  basins  at  the  expense 
of  the  Salween,  so  that  not  only  is  this  river  crushed  up  in  its  bed, 
but  its  watershed  on  either  side  is  so  compressed  that,  though  it  falls 
away,  there  is  not  room  to  form  a  plain.  This  is  what  causes  what 
is  called  the  Shan  plateau.  The  original  Satween-Irrawaddy  water- 
shed is  disturbed  in  its  continuity  by  the  Taping  and  the  Shweli, 
which  split  it  into  two  and  then  comes  a  geological  fault,  where  the 
Namtu  or  Myit-ngfe  takes  its  rise  at  no  great  distance  from  the  Sal- 
wet-n  and  runs  east  and  west  across  the  map  into  the  Inawaddy. 
This  completely  breaks  up  the  first  well  marked  water-parting  and 
leaves  the  table-land  of  the  Shan  States,  which  is  roughened  by 
ridges  of  its  own,  all  of  them  still  in  favour  of  the  Irrawaddy.  On 
the  eastern  side  the  water-parting  between  the  Salween  and  the 
Mekhong  keeps  up  its  continuity  much  further  south,  and  if  the 
Salween  has  the  advantage  in  the  Namting.  the  Mfekhong  "  comes 
me  cranking  in  "  with  the  Namlwi  and  cuts  a  monstrous  cantleout. 
Before,  however,  there  is  room  for  a  table-land  to  form,  the  Mfekhong 
makes  its  huge  sweep  from  Chieng  Usen  to  ihe  east  and  leaves 
space  for  the  various  streams  which  form  the  Mtnam  to  continue 
the  constriction  of  the  last  stages  of  the  Salween  basin. 

The  Shan  plateau  is  therefore  properly  only  the  coimtry  between 
the  Salween  and  the  Irrawaddy.  On  the  west  it  is  abruptly  mark- 
ed by  the  long  line  of  hills,  which  begin  about  Bhamo  and  run 
ithwards  till  they  sink  into  the  plains  of  Lower  Burma.     On  the 

ist  it  is  no  less  sharply  marked  by  the  deep  narrow  rift  of  the  Sal- 
ween, the  most  uncompromising  natural  boundary  in  the  world. 

The  average  height  of  the  plateau  is  between  2,000  and  .1,000 
feet,  but  it  is  seamed  and  ribbed  by  mountain  ranges  which  split 
up  and  run  into  one  another,  though  they  still  preserve  the  original 
north  and  south  direction,  and  leave  here  and  there  space  for  broad 
rolling  downs  and  sometimes  only  for  flat-bottomed  valleys.  On 
the  north  the  Shan  States  are  barred  across  by  the  east  and  west 
ranges  which  follow  the  line  of  the  Namtu.  The  huge  mass  of 
Loi  Ling,  8,842  feet,  projects  southward  from  this  and  from  either 



side  of  it  and  to  the  southward  extends  the  wide  billowy  plain 
which  forms  the  most  important  part  of  the  Shan  Slates  and  ex- 
tends down  to  Mong  Nai.  The  ascent  from  the  plains  of  Burma 
leads  to  a  similar  series  of  downs,  a  sort  of  shelf  which  overlooks  the 
valley  of  the  Irrawaddy  until  it  breaks  into  a  confused  mass  of  peaks 
and  ridges  in  the  Karen  hills.  Elsewhere  the  spaces  between  the 
hills  are  either  Ions;  riband-lines  of  cultivation  in  a  river  valley,  or 
circular  plains  bounded  by  entering  and  re-entering  spurs.  In  the 
Northern  Shan  States,  south  of  the  Namtu,  the  watershed  between 
the  Irrawaddy  and  the  Salween  is  a  mere  undulation  of  the  ground, 
and  then  through  broken  country  it  trends  westward,  until  in  the 
Myelat  it  reaches  the  edge  of  the  plateau  which  overlooks  the  plains 
of  Burma. 

The  highest  peaks  are  in  the  north  and  the  south.  Loi  Ling 
mentioned  above  is  the  highest  point  west  of  the  Salween,  and  in 
Kokang  and  other  parts  of  North  Hsenwi  there  are  many  peaks 
above  7,000  feet,  and  the  same  heights  are  nearly  reached  in  the 
hills  of  the  Karen  country.  The  majority  of  the  inierniediate 
parallel  ranges  have  an  average  of  between  4,cx}o  and  5,000  feet 
with  peaks  rising  to  over  6,000. 

The  country  beyond  the  Salween  is  much  less  open  and  more 
hilly,  that  is  to  say,  instead  of  a  rolling  plateau  there  is  a  mass  of 
broken  hills.  It  presents  no  clearly  defined  range  of  mountains, 
but  rather  a  confused  and  intricate  mass  of  hills,  where  the  several 
drainage  systems  may  be  said  to  overlap  each  other,  and,  beyond 
a  few  narrow  valleys  and  some  insignificant  plains,  no  open  space 
is  seen  until  Keng  Tung  ^w'li*^^  's  in  the  basin  of  the  Miikhong) 
is  reached.  Except  in  the  north,  as  is  the  case  west  of  the  Sal- 
ween, the  hills  are  clad  with  dense  forest.  In  the  south  towards  the 
M6nam  they  range  from  2,000  to  3,000  feet,  while  in  the  north 
towards  the  \Va  States  they  average  from  5,000  to  7,000.  Several 
peaks  rise  to  8,oco  feel,  such  as  Loi  Maw.  8,102,  and  the  abrupt- 
ness of  the  slopes,  especially  in  the  north,  is  very  marked. 

The  Salween  and  the  Mfekhong  have  been  generally  described 
above.  The  main  tributaries  of  ihe  Irrawaddy  are  the  Nam  Tu 
(Myit-ng^)  and  the  Zaw-gyi.  The  Nam  Tu  rises  in  a  hill  swamp 
some  distance  east  of  Hsen  VVi  town,  runs  west  into  Tawng  Peng, 
I-oi  Long,  south  ihrough  mountain  gorges  into  the  Hsi  Paw  valley, 
and  then  through  the  narrow  Pyaun^  Shu  gorge  down  to  Amarapura. 
It  is  navigable  only  to  the  fi>ot  of  the  hills,  but  dug-outs  ply  on 
many  reaches  of  the  upper  river  and  it  is  unfordable  after  it  enters 
Tawng  Peng.  The  Zaw-gyi  rises  in  Lawk  Sawk  State  and  has  a 
most  extraordinarily  tortuous  course  until  it  descends  to  the  plains 

CHAP.  I.] 



through  Maw.     Us  waters  and  those  of  the  Myittha  are  utiliaed 
for  the  Kyauks6  irrigation  canals. 

The  main  tnbutaries  of  the  Salween  on  the  right  bank  are  the 
Nam  Pang,  the  Nam  Teng,  and  the  Nam  Pawn.  The  Nam  Pang 
rises  in  the  hills  north  of  Loi  L6ng  at  no  great  distance  from  the 
Salween  and  runs  parallel  to  that  river  until  it  enters  it  some  dis- 
tance south  of  the  Kaw  ferrj^.  It  flows  partly  through  plain  coun- 
try and  partly  between  low  jungle-covered  hills,  but  everywhere  it 
is  noted  for  its  rocky  bottom,  which  appears  in  reefs  and  ruptures 
producing  cataracts  throughout  its  entire  course,  and  it  finally  enters 
the  Salween  in  a  foaming  descent  several  hundred  yards  long.  At 
Keng  Hkam,  15  miles  above  this,  it  is  quarter  of  a  mile  wide 
with  numerous  islands.  It  is  unfordable  south  of  Mong  Hkao  in 
West  Mang  Lonand  boats  ply  upon  it  locally,  but  as  a  stream  it  is 
unnavigable.  The  Nam  Teng  rises  in  the  hills  to  the  west  of  Mong 
Kiing  on  the  watershed  range  and  flows  through  Kehsi  Man  Hsam, 
Lai  Hka,  and  Mong  Nawng  into  KOng  Tawng  and  enters  the  Sal- 
ween at  Ta  Hsup  Teng  on  the  border  of  Mawk  Mai  and  Karenni. 
Like  the  Nam  Pang  it  is  full  of  rocks  and  boulders  in  its  upper 
course,  but  in  the  plains  of  Lai  Hka  and  Keng  Tawng  it  becomes 
comparatively  sluggish  and  clay-buttonicd.  In  its  lower  course  it 
enters  among  the  hills,  and  the  last  few  miles  are  little  better  than 
a  lasher.  It  is  therefore  unnavigable,  but  far  up  Into  Lai  Hka  there 
are  boats  on  it  which  serve  ferries  and  move  about  locally. 

Unlike  ihese  two  the  Nam  Pawn  is  shut  in  between  hills  through- 
out its  entire  course,  with  only  occasional  breaks  of  narrow  plain 
land.  It  rises  on  the  borders  of  Lai  Hka  and  Mong  Pawn  and  south- 
ward of  the  capital  of  the  latter  State  is  fordable  only  in  a  few 
places  and  indeed  runs  for  miles  through  narrow  gorges.  It  enters 
the  Salween  in  Karenni  at  Pa/aung.  The  Nam  Pawn  receives  the 
waters  of  the  Nam  Pilu,  which  issues  as  a  considerable  stream  from 
the  Yawng  Hwe  lake  and  is  navigable  for  70  miles  to  Loi  Kaw  in 
Karenni.  A  few  miles  below  that  place  it  sinks  into  the  ground 
and  so  joins  the  Nam  Pawn  at  the  foot  of  the  hills  some  miles  away. 
A  little  lower  the  Nam  Tu,  rising  in  the  hilts  of  ihe  Brfe  Karens, 
enters  the  Nam  Pawn  not  far  from  its  mouth.  Its  course  is  of  the 
same  hilly  character  as  that  of  the  Nam  Pawn  and  like  it  it  is  un- 

On  the  left  bank  of  the  Salween  the  chief  tributaries  are  the  Nam 
Ting,  the  Nam  Hka,  and  the  Nam  Hsim.  The  Nam  Ting  rises  in 
the  Chinese  Shan  States  to  the  north-west  of  Shunning-fu  and, 
flowing  nearly  due  west,  enters  the  Salween  some  miles  below 
Kun  L6ng  ferry,  where  it  forms  the  boundary  between  North  Hsen 



Wi  and  S6n  Mu  States.  In  its  upper  course  it  is  shut  in  by  hills, 
but  near  its  mouth  it  has  a  fairly  wide  flat  valley,  which  affords 
abundance  of  room  for  the  terminus  of  the  Mandalay-Kun  LAng 
Railway.  The  Nam  Hka  appears  to  have  its  chief  source  in  the 
mountain  lake  of  Nawng  Hkeo.  It  receives  a  number  of  affluents 
from  the  well-watered  VVa  country  and  is  increased  in  volume  by  the 
Nam  Ping  flowing  northwards  out  of  Keng  Tong  State.  As  far  as 
is  known,  it  is  unnavigable  at  its  mouth  as  it  is  for  most  parts  of 
its  course,  though  it  is  unfordable  in  most  parts  far  up  in  the  \Va 
States.  It  is  shut  in  by  hills,  except  in  a  very  few  places,  the  chief 
ofwhich  is  Pang  Hseng  opposite  Mong  Ngaw  in  Mong  Lem  ter- 
ritory. The  Nam  Hsim  is  also  a  river  of  considerable  size  and 
rises  in  the  range  to  the  north-west  of  Keng  Tang.  Throughout 
it  has  a  very  rapid  current  and  in  its  lower  reaches  it  seems  to  be 
little  better  than  a  torrent.  It  is  only  fordablein  dry  weather  on  the 
southern  of  the  two  routes  to  Keng  Tong.  In  addition  to  these 
there  are  great  numbers  of  shorter  affluents,  sometimes  with  a  con- 
siderable volume  of  water,  but  with  only  a  short  course  and  useful 
only  as  means  of  floating  out  timber,  or  as  roads  down  to  the  Sal- 

The  climate  of  the  Shan  States  varies  very  considerably.  From 
December  to  February  or  March  it  is  cool  everywhere  and  on  the 
open  downs  sometimes  as  much  as  lo  degrees  of  frost  are  experi- 
enced. In  most  parts  during  the  hot  weather  the  shade  temperature 
does  not  exceed  from  80°  to  90**  Fahr.,  but  in  the  narrow  vallevs 
and  especially  in  the  Salween  valley  the  shade  maximum  reaches 
over  1 00°  regularly  for  several  weeks  about  April.  Even  on  the 
highest  peaks  of  the  north  snow  seems  to  fall  but  very  rarelv. 
White  frosts  are,  however,  nearly  universal  in  the  paddy  valleys, 
where  condensation  greatly  reduces  the  temperature  and  greater 
cold  is  experienced  than  on  the  ridges  several  ihou.sand  feet  above. 
The  rains  begin  about  the  end  of  April  or  the  beginning  of  May, 
but  they  are  not  continuous  until  August,  which  appears  always  to 
be  the  wettest  month.  The  rainfall  varies  greatly,  but  seems  to 
range  from  about  60  inches  in  the  broader  valleys  to  about  too  on 
the  higher  mountains. 

The  fauna  of  Upper  Burma  does  not  greatly  differ  from  that  of 
P  the  Lower  Province,  particulars  of  which  will  be 

found  in  the  British  Burma  Gasetteer,  or  in  the 
more  elaborate  works  edited  by  Dr.  Blanford.  The  hilly  country 
naturally  contains  other  species,  but  the  subject  is  not  one  that  can 
be  condensed,  and  as  yet  no  one  has  had  the  leisure  to  carry  on 
systematic  scientific  research,  or  to  record  the  results  he  may  nave 




obtained  which  would  be  new  to  specialists.  In  general  terms  it 
may  be  said  that  the  birds  and  beasts. of  the  Chin,  Kachin,  and  Shan 
hills  seem  to  be  much  the  same.  The  elephant  is  to  be  found  near 
any  of  the  plains  where  water  is  plentiful  and  the  herds  are  occasion- 
ally large  in  the  Shan  States.  Bison  {Gavteus  gaurus)  are  to  be 
found  in  the  same  localities.  Rhinosceros^  both  the  Sumatrensis 
and  the  Sondaicus,  are  found  both  on  the  Irrawaddy  and  the  Sal- 
wecn,  and  near  them  are  usually  saing  {Gavceus  Sondaicus).  Ail 
kinds  of  deer  (sambhur,  hog-deer,  barking-deer,  and  brow-anllered 
deer)  are  met  with  almost  in  all  parts,  and  the  ghural  and  the  serow 
{/Vemorhtedus  Bulfah'na)  are  ionnd  on  the  more  secluded  and  jungly 
slopes,  as  are  some  of  the  Capridie.  The  tiger  and  the  panther 
are  almost  too  common  in  many  parts  of  the  hills,  and  man-eaters 
of  both  species  were  for  a  time  numerous  in  the  Shan  States. 
All  of  the  Felidm,  indeed,  are  abundant,  as  well  as  the  Viverridcs 
and  paradoxures  or  tree-cats.  The  common  and  the  small-clawed 
otter  haunt  most  streams  and  both  the  Malayan  sun-bear  and  the 
Himalayan  black  bear  do  much  harm  to  hill  cultivation  and  fre- 
quently maul  the  cultivators.  The  wild  dog  hunts  in  packs,  and 
it  is  confidently  asserted  that  the  jackal  also  Has  been  seen,  though 
the  belief  was  thai  he  docs  not  exist  in  Burma.  Badgers  and 
porcupines  are  widely  distributed,  and  monkeys  and  apes  (Afacacus 
and  Semuopithecus)  exist  in  great  variety,  as  do  squirrels,  some  with 
very  handsome  furs.  Hares  are  common  wherever  there  is  pasture 
for  them.  Wild  boar  are  very  abundant,  but  never  in  country  where 
they  can  bo  coursed,  and  the  pangolin,  or  armadillo  as  he  is  usually 
called,  finds  abundance  of  ants  to  eat,  though  he  is  not  often  seen 
himself.  Bats  and  the  various  kinds  of  Muridce,  as  well  as  voles, 
are  particularly  numerous  in  their  species. 

The  birds  of  Burma  have  been  specially  dealt  with  by  Mr.  Eugene 
Oates.  Several  rare  varieties  of  pheasant  have  been  found  in  the 
Shan  States  and  the  argus  and  silver  pheasants  are  to  be  got  with 
reasonable  certainty  by  those  who  seek  for  them.  The  number  of  tree 
partridges  is  considerable  and  the  painted  quail  has  been  shot. 
Woodcock  arc  extensively  found,  but  not  in  such  numbers  as  to 
deprive  the  succefssful  shot  of  complacency.  The  Anatidtesxe  found 
in  very  great  variety.  Nearly  20  varieties  have  been  shot  on  the 
Aungplnle  water  near  Mandalay,  and  the  number  of  species  obtained 
on  the  Yawng  Hwe  and  smaller  remote  lakes  greatly  exceeds  this. 

The  Columhid(e  are  very  numerous  from  the  great  imperial  pigeon 
to  the  smallest  variety  of  the  green  pigeon.  Birds  of  prey  are  abund- 
ant, but  seem  to  be  of  the  usual  species.  They  cover  very  wide 
tracts  of  country.  The  English  cuckoci  {Cucttlus  canorus)  occurs, 
but  the  black  cuckoo  of  India  is  far  more  common.     It  begins  to 


call  in  the  Shan  States  towards  the  end  of  March.  The  lark  ap- 
pears to  be  the  same  as  the  European  species  and  sings  as  sweetly. 
Both  the  sarus  {Grus  antigone)  and  the  demoiselle  crane  are  found 
in  the  Shan  States,  but  the  former  is  the  commoner.  The  Bncerotidoe^ 
or  hombills,  are  found  in  great  variety  wherever  there  is  much  forest, 
and  the  PicidcB^  or  woodpeckers,  are  still  more  numerous  in  species 
and  in  brilliance  of  plumage.  Singing  birds  are  more  common  in 
the  hills  than  in  the  plains,  and  many  of  the  Turdidis  are  as  mellow 
in  their  note  as  those  of  home  gardens.  Of  the  smaller  birds  at  high 
altitudes  many  are  no  doubt  new  to  science. 

So  far  as  is  known,  the  reptilian  fauna  of  Upper  Burma  differs  in 
no  way  from  that  of  the  Lower  Province.  The  Chapter  by  Mr. 
Theobald  in  the  British  Burma  Gazetteer  may  be  consulted,  as  well 
as  that  on  ichthyology  in  the  same  work. 

Cobras  are  rare  in  the  hills.  In  some  places  the  necklace  snake, 
the  Tic  polonga  or  Russel's  viper,  is  particularly  common,  as  for 
example  at  MInbu.  The  BungaruSy  or  Krait,  on  the  contrary  is 

In  all  the  hill  streams  the  niahseer  and  the  carp  in  several  varie- 
ties are  very  common.  The  former  have  been  caught  with  the  rod 
in  the  Nam  Teng  and  other  rivers  up  to  28  pounds. 

CHAP.  II.] 






In  the  British  Burma  Gase/ieer,  published  in  1880,  the  history 
of  Burma  is  brought  down  to  the  end  of  the  second  Burmese  war, 
that  is  to  say,  to  the  year  1853.  The  end  of  the  war  was  practical- 
ly coincident  with  the  fall  of  Pagan  Min  and  the  ascent  of  the 
throne  by  Mindon  Min.  In  the  papers  of  the  Hlutdaw  was  found 
a  sort  of  Annual  Register,  a  chronicle  in  Burmese,  of  the  events  of 
the  King's  reign,  and  from  this  the  following  disjointed  narrative  of 
events  is  translated,  with  notes  by  foreign  servants  of  the  King 
added  here  and  there.  The  history  is  singularly  parochial.  Little 
notice  is  taken  of  what  passed  outside  of  Burma,  very  little  indeed 
of  events  outside  of  the  capital.  But  since  it  furnishes  an  example 
of  the  way  in  which  the  Burmese  thought  history  should  be  record- 
ed, it  seems  a  document  worth  preserving,  and  it  is  given  exactly  as 
the  annalist  wrote  it  down  with  the  margmal  notes  added  by  a  later 
scribe.  It  gives  a  remarkably  good  picture  of  the  King,  one  nf 
the  best  Kings  Burma  ever  had.  He  was  for  ever  engaged  in  pious 
and  meritorious  works,  and  these  are  sedulously  chronicled.  He  was 
genial  and  amiable  and  passionately  anxious  for  peace ;  he  was 
imperious  In  his  manner ;  he  was  very  easily  led,  and  yet  he  had  a 
high  sense  of  his  responsibilities  ;  he  was  vain  and  proud  of  his 
Buddhistic  learning,  yet  he  was  eager  for  knowledge  and  anxious 
to  keep  himself  informed  of  the  progress  of  events  in  foreign 
counlries.     All  this  is  naively  brought  out  by  the  Burman  historian. 

This  history  of  King  Mindon  is  followed  by  details  from  native 
sources  of  the  accession  of  King  Thibaw  and  of  the  chief  events  in 
his  short  reign. 

In  the  month  of  November  1852  there  was  a  dacoity  in  the 
Danun  quarter  of  Amarapura,  at  the  house  of  Ma  Th^,  the  sister  of 
Ma  Ywe,  the  Pagan  King's  nurse.  The  dacoity  took  place  at  one 
in  the  morning  and  the  same  day  Pagan  Min  ordered  the  Myowun, 
who  was  Governor  of  the  city,  to  arrest  the  dacoils.  The  MyoTvun 
immediately  sent  for  Shwe  Hnya  and  Nga  Lat,  two  notoriously  bad 
characters,  and  told  them  they  must  Bnd  the  dacoits.     Upon  this 



these  two  men  said  that  a  few  days  before  the  dacoity  they  saw 
the  Kanaung  Min's  men,  Nga  Yan  Gale,  Nga  Thdn  Byin,  and  Nga 
Shwe   Waing,  come  oui  of  Ma  Thfe's  house.     These  men  were 
arrested  and  examined,  but  nothing  was  found  against  ihem.     They 
were,  however,  delained  because  they  were  the  Kanaung  Min's  men, 
and  shortly  afterwards  they  were  again  exanrjned  before  the  Taung' 
dve  Bo,  Maung  Tok,  and  the  Ponna  U'utj,  Maung  Kala,  inside  the 
Palace,  but  still  noihing  came  out  about  the  dacoits.     The  Myintal 
Bo,  Maung  Po,  then  represented  to  Pagan  Min  that,  besides  these 
three  men,  there  were  others  from  Shwcbo  living  in  the  houses  of 
Mind6n  Min  and  Knnaung  Min.     He  gave  the  names  of  the  fol- 
lowing men, — Maung  Kh^,   Maung  Net  Pya,   Maung  Shwe   Eik, 
Maung  Shwe  Thalk,   Maung   Shwe  Tha,  and    Maung  Thu    Yin. 
Upon  this  Mindon  Min's  Akytsaye,  Maung  Pa,  the  Kanaung  A/i/f 
tka's  Akyisaye,  Maung  Yfe,   Maung  Hnin,  and  the  Kunyagaung, 
Maung  Shwe  Aung,  were  thrown  into  prison  and  ordered  to  deliver 
up  these  men.     The   Kanaung  Mintha  and   Mindon   Min's  chief 
Akyidan\   Maung  Yan   We,  then  went  logether  to  Mind6n  Min's 
house  and  set  the  matter  before  him.     They  pointed  out  how  these 
men  had  been  falsely  imprisoned  and  that  there  was  a  regular  plot 
to  misrepresent  the  matter  to  Pagan  Min  and  to  secure  the  punish- 
ment of  these  men  contrary  to  justice.     They  therefore  advised 
Mindon  Min  for  his  own  sake  to  leave  the  place.     At  first  Mindon 
Min  objected  and  said  that  after  the  death  of  his  father  he  looki 
upon  Pagan  Min,  his  elder  brother,  as  having  taken  the  place  of" 
his  father,  and  respected  him  accordingly.     Pagan  Min,  moreover, 
had  given  both  him  and  the   Kanaung  Min  a  greater  number  of 
cities  for  their  portion  and  therefore  it  was  right  that  he  should  ex- 
pect  submission.     This    he   repeated    three   or   four  times.     The 
Kanaung  Mintha  pointed  out  again  that  it  was  the  Ministers  who 
were  falsely  representing  the  matter  to  the  King,  and  that  even  if  he 
and  Mindon  Min  did  rot  leave  the  city,  they  ought  to  allow  their 
servants  to  do  so,  in  order  that  they  at  least  might  escape  punish- 
ment.    Then  at  last  Mindon  Min  sent  for  his  chief  followers  and 
pointed  out  that  the  enquiry  into  the  dacoity  case  was  being  carried 
on  in  a  very  unusual  way.     The  investigation  was  not  held  in  the 
lilutdav)  as  it  ought  to  have  been,  or  at  least  In  the  Bybiaik^  or  the 
police  courts,  but  was  being  conducted  in  the  south  garden  of  the 
palace  by  the  Taungdive  Boy   Maung  Tok,  and  the  Ponna  Wun, 
Maung  Kala,  who  were  thus  able  to  do  what  they  pleased.     Min- 
d6n  Min  also  added  that  he  had  heard  from  some  of  the  queens 
that  the  object  was  to  prove  that  he  and  the  Kanaung  Mintha  had 
instigated  the  dacoity  and  so  to  get  them  into  trouble  ;  he  therefore 
wished  to  know  what  his  people  thought  of  the  matter.     The  Kan- 

CHAP.  U.] 







aung  Aftntha  said  that  it  was  clear  to  him  that  there  was  an  orga- 
nized plot  to  bring  them  into  disgrace  with  the  King  and  ultimately 
to  secure  their  downfall.  He  then  went  on  to  remind  them  what  his 
and  Mindon  Min's  mother  had  often  related:  how  a  few  days  be- 
fore Mind6n  Min  was  bom  in  1814  a  vast  multitude  of  people  had 
come  to  worship  at  the  Ratanamyazu  pagoda  at  Myedi  to  the 
north  of  Amarapura.  This  she  always  maintained  foretold  a  high 
destiny  for  Mindon,  who  was  to  become  head  of  the  religion  and  pro- 
tector of  the  people.  Another  omen  also  there  was  :  a  banyan  tree 
in  front  of  their  residence  in  Amarapura,  opposite  the  Shwe  Linbin 
Pagoda,  burst  into  flower,  which  is  against  the  law  of  nature.  Many 
people  from  all  parts  of  the  country  came  to  see  and  worship  before 
this  tree,  and  from  that  time  all  the  people  loved  and  respected 
Mindon  Min.  The  Kanaung  Mintha  was  therefore  of  opinion  that 
they  should  all  immediately  leave  the  city  and  make  for  a  safe  place, 
where  they  could  consider  what  was  to  be  done,  and  put  themselves 
in  communication  with  their  friends,  the  i'A"-Madaya  7vun,  Maung 
On  Sa,  the  ^A-Kyaiikhmo  myowun,  Maung  Nun  Bon,  the  ex- 
Yabat  Myintat  Bo,  Maung  Kyi,  the  Kyaukmyaung  Myook,  Maung 
Yi,  the  f;v-Myedu  Myowun,  Maung  Hlaing,  Maung  Nyat  Pya, 
Maung  Pa,  Maung  Thaing,  Maung  Shwe  Ut,  Maung  Shwe  Ba, 
Maung  Shwe  Thct,  Maung  Gyi,  Maung  W'alng,  Maung  Kyi,  Maung 
Thel  Pyin,  Maung  Shwe  Tha,  Maung  Tu  Yin,  Maung  Taung  Ni, 
Maung  Tha  Dun,  Maung  A  Ka,  and  their  relations  and  followers 
in  Madaya,  Singu,  Kyaukmyaung,  Shwebo,  Myi:du,  Tabayin,  Pyin- 
sali,  Thontabin,  and  other  places  in  the  north  of  the  kingdom.  When 
they  had  consulted  with  these  people  some  plan  might  be  formed 
for  the  future.  Mind6n  Min  then  said  that  while  he  was  keeping 
fast  at  the  time  when  his  father  was  living  in  the  temporary  palace  at 
Myedi,  a  pickle  of  radishes  was  made  in  a  jar  and  the  next  day  the 
radishes  sprouted.  Also  while  he  was  living  in  his  former  house,  a 
gardener  of  Myingun  brought  a  branch  of  a  (lowering  tree  which  was 
planted  in  the  garden  and  burst  into  blossom  only  a  day  or  two 
afterwards,  both  of  which  events  were  looked  upon  as  fortunate 
omens  and  treasured  up  in  the  memory  of  his  mother.  Again,  one 
day  when  Mindon  Min  was  getting  into  his  carriage  to  go  to  the 
palace,  a  small  bird  called  Shive-pyt-so  settled  on  his  shoulder,  and 
this  was  generally  interpreted  to  mean  that  one  day  he  would  be 
King  of  the  Golden  City. 

Upon  this  the  Prince's  following  declared  that  there  was  evidently 
a  conspiracy  against  them.  The  dacoily  had  been  really  commit- 
ted by  Ma  Ywe's  men,  Nga  Hlaing,  Maung  Shwe  Thu,  Maung 
Tok  Tu,  and  others,  but  it  was  now  sought  to  throw  the  blame  of 
it   on   the   Prince's   men.     They   were   therefore  unanimously   of 



Opinion  that  they  should  leave  Amarapura,  and  all  promised  to  serve 
Miiidun  Mill  iaithfuily  and  devote  their  lives  to  his  service. 

Mind6n  Min  upon  this  yielded  and  he,  with  all  his  family  and  fol- 
lowing, to  the  number  of  300,  left  his  house  in  Amarapura  on  the 
8ih/fl5fl«of  Pyatho  (i8th  December)  185a  at  about  seven  o'clock  at 
night.  When  they  reached  the  north-eastern  gate  called  Lagyun 
they  found  the  door  closed.  The  gatekeeper  Nga  Po  Gaung  re- 
fused to  open  it  and  was  killed  by  one  of  the  Kanaung  AfintHa's 
men.  They  then  went  on  to  the  Arakan  pagoda,  where  they  over- 
powered the  guard  and  seized  their  arms  and  ammunition.  Beyond 
this  al  the  Yaliaing  bazaar  an  unknown  man  presented  Mindon  Min 
with  a  large  white  pony,  which  the  Prince  mounted  and  rode  always 
after  this.     The  party  camped  for  the  night  at  Madaya. 

The  Pomia  iVutt,  Maung  Kala,  was  the  first  to  report  the  flight  of 
the  Princes  to  King  Pagan,  who  immediately  sent  a  Tkanda-sjsin  to 
see  whether  it  was  true.  He  then  ordered  the  Taungdwe  Bo, 
Maha-minhla-kyawdin,  and  the  Ponna  Wun  Mingyi,  Maha-min- 
kyaw-tazaung,  with  500  men  to  follow  and  seize  them.  They  with 
the  Madaya  IVun's  forces  attacked  the  two  Princes  on  the  19th 
December,  but  were  defeated.  The  Taung  Winhmu,  Thado-min- 
kyaw-maha-mjngaung-yazalhu,  with  1,000  men  then  came  and  took 
over  command  from  the  Taungdwe  Bo  and  the  Ponna  Wun.  The 
Wundauk  Mittgyi,  Maha-minkyaw-mindin,  the  Myauk  Tayangase 
Bo,  Maha-minhla-tazaung,  the  Yabat  Myintai  Bo,  Maha-mindin- 
mingaung,  also  sent  up  500  men  by  river. 

When  they  arrived  at  Sagyintaung  the  Kanaung  Afiniha  made 
his  brother  Mindon,  with  the  women  and  children  and  servants,  go 
on  to  Singu,  while  he  remained  behind  to  attack  the  pursuers.  When 
the  Taungdzve  Bo,  the  Ponna  Wun,  and  the  Madaya  Wun  reached 
Sagyin  with  1,000  troops  the  Kanaung  Mintha  met  them  with  60 
men  stationed  in  the  centre  of  the  valley,  60  men  under  Maung  Shwe 
Thet  on  the  eastern  side,  and  60  men  under  Maung  Mo  on  the  west- 
ern side  of  the  valley.  The  King's  forces  attacked,  but  were  beaten 
off  and  then  the  Kanaung  Mintha  followed  his  brother  over  lo 
Singu.  At  Shweg6ndaing  a  number  of  Shans  with  arms  and 
ammunition  joined  them  and  at  Segyet  and  other  villages  along  the 
line  of  march  people  flocked  in  to  support  them  or  ^ive  them 
weapons.  At  Singu  Mindon  Min  with  the  women  ana  children 
crossed  the  river  first  and  then  the  Kanaung  Mintha  made  the 
Myook  a  prisoner,  crossed  over,  and  destroyed  all  the  boats.  The 
parly  then  made  for  !"Cyaukmyaung,  where  130  men  were  picked  out 
and  hidden  on  the  bank  of  the  rivec  near  Makaukmala.  When  the 
Taung   Winhmu  with  the  Taungd-we  Bo  and  the  Ponna  Wun  with 

CHAP,  ir.] 



their  men  came  up  this  party  suddenly  attacked  ihem  from  their 
ambush  and  killed  a  great  number  and  so  checked  the  pursuit. 
Meanwhile  Mindon  Min  held  a  conference  as  to  what  point  he  should 
ft  make  for  and  suggested  Shwebo.  The  Ngamyo  VtvadJ:,  Maung 
'  T6k  Gyl,  was  against  this.  Shwebo  he  said  was  well  defended  ana 
beyond  their  strength,  and  he  therefore  advised  a  march  to  Manipur. 
The  Yindaw  WmigyCs  son,  Maung  Po  Hlaing,  however,  pointed  out 
that  hitherto  in  all  their  skirmishes  they  had  been  victorious  against 
the  King's  troops  and  reminded  ihem  that  the  Shwebo  IVun  was  so 
hated  by  the  people  that  they  would  not  fight  for  him.     A  retreat 

Ion  Manipur  he  said  would  alienate  all  ihe  people  who  had  declared 
for  them,  while  the  capture  of  Shweb  i  would  gain  over  a  still  larger 
number.  Maung  So,  who  afterwards  became  Yenangyaung  Mingyi 
and  other  officials  united  in  supporting  this  advice  and  a  party  of 
about  1,000  men  was  sent  to  attack  Shwebo.  A  few  men  went 
on  in  front  to  set  fire  to  some  houses,  and  during  the  confusion  the 
rest  rushed  into  the  town.  The  Shwebo  Wun,  who  had  3,000  men 
with  him,  was  routed  and  fled  for  his  life.  Mindon  Min  immediate- 
ly afterwards  marched  into  the  town  and  look  up  his  quarters  in  the 
kAVmis  house  preparatory  to  building  himself  a  palace.  This  was 
on  the  lath /rfjffn  of  Pyatho  (the  aand  December)  of  the  same 
year.  Immediate  preparations  were  made  for  the  defence  of  the 
place.  Maung  Shwo  Bvin,  the  Myintai  Bo  of  Hladawgyi,  with  all  his 
lamily,  relations,  and  following,  to  the  number  of  100  with  100 
ponies,  came  in  and  was  appointed  a  chief  Bo  with  a  force  of  500 
men  stationed  at  I  lalin  to  the  south  of  Shwebo.  Maung  Shwe  Thcl 
also  with  a  command  of  500  men  was  stationed  at  Kauk  and  Ta-6n 
to  the  east  of  the  city,  and  Maung  Hlaing  had  the  defence  of  the 
north  with  headquarters  at  Pyinzala,  Thontabin,  and  Myedu.  After 
this  a  number  of  Saivb-was  came  in  and  gave  their  allegiance  lo  Min- 
don Min  and  were  confirmed  in  their  titles  and  appointments. 

VVhen  Pagan  Min  heard  of  the  defeat  of  his  troops  and  the  loss 
of  Shwebo  he  appointed  his  vounger  brother,  Hlaing  Min  Thiri- 
dhammayaza,  to  the  command  of  1 ,000  men  and  gave  him  as  assist- 
ants the  Daing  Wundauk,  Myank  Taya-ngasd  Bo,  and  the  Amyauk 
IVun  and  despatched  them  to  operate  by  way  of  Sagaing.  He  also 
gave  the  Mohnyin  Prince, Thiridhammayaza,  and  his  son,  the  Hlaing- 
det  Prince,  Thadominyfe  Kyawdin,  500  men  and  sent  them  up  by 
way  of  Alon. 

Meanwhile  the  force  commanded  by  the  Taung  IVinhmu,  the 
Taungdwe  Bo,^x\&x\\G  Ponna  J  fun  again  advanced  to  the  attack  at 
Ta-6n  and  were  met  by  Mindon-Min's  leaders  Bo  Thet,  Bo  Maung 
Gyi,  Bo  Be,  Bo  Waing,  and  Bo  Kyh.  The  King's  troops  were  again 
~   defeated  and  fled  with  the  enemy  in  hot  pursuit  across  the  river  to 



Singu,  and  at  a  villajE^e,  Khulaing,  in  that  circle  the  Taung  li'inhmu 
and  the  Tonngdwe  Bo  were  captured  togeiher  with  their  elephants, 
gold  cups,  swords,  and  umbrellas  and  other  insignia  by  Bo  Waing  and 
a  Shan  trader  and  handed  over  lo  Mindon  Min's  people  at  Ta-dn. 
The  Ponna  IVun,  however,  escaped.  At  Halin  also,  to  the  south  of 
Shwebo  Mind6n's  troops  were  equally  successful.  The  royal  forces 
commanded  by  (he  Paunjr  IVunfinuk,  Maung  Kini,  and  the  Yabai 
Myiniat  80,  Maung  Po,  were  completely  rcuted  by  Bo  Byin  and  Bo 
Hpa,  and  the  Myauk-faya-ngasd  Bo  committed  suicide  m  a  sayat. 
Bo  Byin  thtn  marched  south  to  Saqain^;  with  1,000  men  and  on  his 
way,  at  Samun,  came  upon  Hlaing  Min,  who  fought  most  deter- 
minedly, but  in  the  end  was  beaten  back  with  great  loss  of  arms  and 
amniunit-Dn.  which  were  sent  to  Shwebo.  Mindon  Min  now  appoint- 
ed the  She  Winhmu,  Tharawun  Mingyi  Mahamingaung,  to  the  cnn»* 
mand  of  the  forces  on  the  east  of  the  river  with  the  Yaukmyaung 
Bo,  Mahamingyaw,  the  Thetchobin  Bo^  Minhlaiazaung,  the  Singu 
Afyo-wnn,  Mingyaw,  and  the  Madaya  Bo  as  his  lieutenants.  Tnc 
lauug  Winhmtt  Afittgyi,  Mahaiayabyaw,  was  at  about  the  same 
lime  despatched  to  Al6n  to  fight  the  Mohnyin  Prince,  whom  he 
defeated.  Upon  this  the  That6n  iVnngyi,  Mahayazathugyaw,  was 
appointed  Commander-in-Chief  of  all  the  forces  and  marched  for 
Amarapura  by  way  of  Sagaing. 

Pagan  Min  now  called  an  assembly  of  all  the  chief  f>ongyis  and 
ficdesiasiics  and  officials  in  Amarapura  and  explained  the  situation 
to  them.     The    troops    which    he   had    sent   against   the   revolted 
princes  had  all  been  beaten,  and  on  account  of  the  constant  drain  of 
men  to  the  lower  country  to  fight  the  British  there  were  no  more 
fighting  men  left.     He  did  not  wish  the  people  to  be  oppressed,  or 
burdened  on  his  account  and  he  was  therefore  willing  to  abdicate  in 
favour  of   Mindon  Min  and  wished  the  assemblage   to   authorize 
representatives  to  go  and   inform    Mindon   Min  of  this   decision. 
Accordingly    the    Ma?we  IVundttuk  Mingyi.    Maha-minhla-sithu- 
amahayanemyo-sithu,  Than  dang  an  Tat  Pau.  Ameindawya  Maung 
Po,  with  the  Chief  Gaivgoks,  were  sent  off  10  Mind6n  Min.      At 
Saya  village  in  Sagaing,  however,  they  met  the  Talok  ^^'wtgyi,  who 
refused  to  allow  them  to  go  on  to  Shwebo,  so  they  had  to  return  to 
Amarapura  again,  whither  also  all  the  troops  sent  out  by  Pagan  Min 
returned.     The  Zal6n  Wungyi,  Maha-yaza-thukyaw,  thereupon  took 
possession  of  Sagaing  and  Mind»^n  Min  sent  some  representatives  to 
the   British  troops,  asking  them,  In  consideration  of  former  friend- 
ship, to  delay  their  advance  for  the  present. 

Pagan  Min  meanwhile  held  another  conference  in  the  palace  and 
said  that,  since  his  peaceable  overtures  had  not  only  not  been  receiv- 
ed, but  the  messengers  ^f  peace  had  actually  been  turned  back,  there 


CHAP.  II.] 



remained  nothing  bul  lo  fortify  the  city,  shut  the  gates,  and  mount 
all  the  guns  on  the  walls,  so  as  to  make  the  best  possible  defence. 
The  Kyiwun  Mingy! ,  Thadomingyi  Mahathetdawshe,  was  appointed 
to  command  the  norih  wall,  Meyinzaya  Athonnun,  Thadomingyi 
Mahamingaungmindin,  to  command  on  the  east,  Myana;ng  Aihdn- 
wutt,  Thadoming)'i-maha-minhla-minkyaw,  on  the  south.  The 
Hlaing  Prince,  wiih  the  title  of  Eingshemitiy  Thiri-mahadhamma- 
yaza,  commanded  on  the  western  side  of  the  city.  Tlie  Pagan  Min 
came  out  of  the  palace  in  a  State  carriage  and  made  an  inspection 
of  t!ie  troops  all  round  the  walls  and  returned  to  the  palace  again. 

When  the  Zalon  Wiiugyi  heard  of  these  arrangements  for  the 
defence  he  put  Bo  Hai  in  command  of  alt  the  forces  on  the  east  side 
t)i  the  city,  sent  the  Taungbo  Myifignung,  Maha-mingaung-thuya, 
forward  with  4,000  men  on  the  south,  and  gave  the  Papai  AthouTvun 
and  Uladawgyi  Bo  Byin  2,000  men  each  10  attack  on  the  west  and 
north  sides  of  the  city.  The  troops,  however,  when  they  reached  the 
suburbs  surrounded  the  city,  but  instead  of  fighting  they  plundered 
the  country,  dug  up  treasure,  and  burned  and  sacked  in  a  way  which 
had  never  been  known  in  Burma  before.  Meanwhili?  Mindon  Min, 
seeing  that  the  city  was  very  strongand  well  supplied  with  provisions, 
and  that  it  was  necessary  to  have  a  man  in  command  who  was  well 
acquainted  with  the  country,  appointed  his  brother  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  all  the  forces  with  the  title  of  Eingshemin  (heir-apparent) 
and  sent  him  with  5,000  men  from  Shwebo.  The  Eingshemin  left 
Shwebo  on  the  1 1  th  January  v853andarrivedat  Sagaingon  the  18th, 
He  dug  up  two  cannon  which  were  buried  in  Ava  and  conmenced  to 
bombard  the  town  with  them.  These  cannon  were  5  cubits  4  inches 
long,  2  J  cubits  in  circumference,  with  a  bore  of  1  span.  The  followers 
ot  the  Mohnyin  Prince  and  his  son,  the  HIaingdet  Prince,  who  had 
been  defeated  at  Alon,  gradualfy  deserted  and  dwindled  away  and  the 
two  leaders  with  a  few'  followers  were  seized  by  the  Governor  of  Myin- 
gyan  at  Pun-ngo  ami  handed  over  as  prisoners  10  the  Eingshemin  at 
Sagaing.  Shortly  after  this  a  number  of  the  Pagan  Min  :» troops,  who 
had  been  sent  to  light  the  British  in  Lower  Burma,  retuined  and  joined 
the  Eingshemin.  Notwithstanding  these  successes,  Mindon  Min 
lost  patience  with  the  slow  progress  o[  the  siege  and  sent  orders  to 
push  matters  on.  Delay,  he  said,  would  be  punished  with  the  ex- 
ecution of  the  Zalon  Afzngyi  and  all  the  other  officials.  The  fight- 
ing then  became  very  severe  and  many  fell  on  both  sidtrs.  Of  the 
Pagan  Min's  supporters  the  Afyaukdawebo  Maha-mylnaung  yaza  and 
the  AmyaukTvun  Mingyi  Maha-mlndin-mingaung  were  killetf,  but  still 
no  definite  advantage  was  gained.  The  main  body  of  the  troops 
sent  by  Pagan  Min  to  fight  the  British  under  the  Kyaukpadaung 
Wungyi  Thado-Lhudharania-niaba-mingaung  and  the  Sittaung  Wun- 




^_V;  Thado-minyfc-mingaung  now  returned  and,  when  they  met  Min- 
don  Mill's  troops,  ihey  all  deseiled  and  handed  over  their  leaders  to 
the  Eingshemin  al  Sagaint;.  The  iw  o  generals  were  placed  in  palan- 
quins and  carried  round  the  city  walls  of  Amarapura  to  dishearten 
the  garrison  and  were  made  to  call  out,  "  Give  up  all  hope  for  we 
have  been  captured."  Upon  this  a  large  body  of  the  King's  truops 
deserted  with  their  arms.  These  were  taken  and  sent  to  Sagaing 
and  the  men  were  allowed  lo  go  to  their  villages.  The  HIaing 
Prince,  however,  made  a  sally  and  overthrew  Mmdon's  troops  and 
drove  them  back  to  the  river.  He  then  camped  with  a  thousand 
men  at  Parani,  opposite  the  Nandamu  gate,  to  the  south-west  of 
the  city.  This  was  on  the  i8th  February,  but  on  the  same  day  the 
Kyaukhmu  IVungyi^  who  had  been  keeping  up  a  correspondence 
with  the  Crown  Prince  at  Sagaing  and  had  secretly  won  over  the 
troops,  suddenly  arrested  the  Kyi-wun  Mitifryi  Maung  Pyaw,  Afhiht 
-wuti  Maung  Po,  Siti-athomvun  Maung  Pauk  Si,  WuttJau/:  Maung 
Than  Ni,  Wutidauk  Maung  Shwe  Yi,  and  other  influential  oflicials 
immediately  after  a  meeting  of  the  Hint.  Mind6n  Min's  troops 
were  then  admitted  into  the  city  and  overran  it  all.  When  the 
HIaing  Prince  heard  the  uproar  he  returned  with  a  few  troops,  but 
was  almost  Immediately  overpowered  and  killed. 

The  same  night  the  Eingshemin  came  over  from  Sagaing  and 
stayed  at  the  Yenarttia'd\  or  water  palace,  and  moved  next  day  into 
the  Illut  after  having  put  guards  over  the  13  gates  of  the  city  and 
the  four  gates  of  the  palace.  All  the  arms  in  the  city  were  collect- 
ed and  stored  in  the  Hlutda-x  and  the  Pagan  Min's  ofFlcials  were 
all  arrested,  while  the  crown  and  the  royal  robes  and  insignia  were 
sent  to  Shwebo.  Mlndon  Min  sent  strict  orders  that  Pagan  Min 
was  to  be  treated  with  every  consideration  and  to  be  allowed  to 
live  in  the  AUnandaia  (the  central  palace)  with  all  his  queens. 
He  was  bom  on  the  second  lasan  of  Waso  181 1,  ascended  the 
throne  at  the  age  of  35,  and  reigned  for  six  years  and  three  months 
until  the  i8th  of  February  1853,  at  9  o'clock  in  the  morning  (as 
the  Burman  chronicles  remark  with  great  exactitude).  He  was 
then  41  years  and  eight  months  of  age  and  died  of  small-pox  in 
Mandalay  in  1881. 

Mind6n  Min  had  already  at  Shwebo  received  the  allegiance  of 
many  of  the  Shan  Saubwas.  He  now  sent  to  summon  in  the  rest 
lo  make  their  submission  and  ordered  all  fA-oflicials  to  come  in  also. 
The  Tawngpeng  Sawbwa  Thiha-pappa-yaza  was  the  first  to  appear 
and  brought  presents  of  gold,  silver,  ponies,  gongs,  and  iegfiet  (pick- 
led tea),  and  received  in  return  a  gold  saM  studded  with  emer- 
alds, a  diamond  and  a  ruby  ring,  pasos,  and  other  gifts.  He  return- 
ed to  his  State  almost  immediately.     In  accordance  with  the  advice 

CHAP.  II.] 



of  the  astrologers  and  wise  men  the  beating  of  ihe  palace  bells 
and  drums  was  stopped  on  the  ^.yth  February  and  nothing  was 
beaten  but  the  gong  until  the  time  of  the  coronation. 

Pagan  Min's  mother,  sister,  aunt,  and  Bag)idaw*s  daughter  and 
three  daughters  of  Tharrawaddi  Min  were  sent  to  Shwebo  and  were 
established  there  in  a  temporary  palace,  specially  built  for  them. 
On  the  4lh  waning  of  Tagu  at  "  one  in  the  morning,*'  yi'wg  Tharra- 
waddi's  eldest  daughter,  the  sister  of  the  Pagan  Min,  was  brought 
from  the  palace  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony  to  the  place  where 
Mindon  Min  was.  He  received  her  with  equal  ceremony  and  state 
at  the  Afyenatty  the  main  building  of  the  palace,  and  the  marriage 
service  according  to  Burmese  royal  custom  was  carried  out  with 
great  rejoicings  and  feastings.  She  was  appointed  chief  Queen, 
Bagyidaw's  daughter  was  nominated  Ald-nammadnwy  or  middle 
Queen,  Mind6n  Min's  former  wife  became  Myatik-nammada-w,  or 
northern  Queen,  while  a  younger  daughter  of  Tharrawaddi  was  named 
Queen  of  the  west,  Anank-nammadaic.  Oihcr  former  wives  were 
appointed  queens  according  to  their  rank,  or  the  favour  they  met 
with  from  the  King. 

Shortly  afterwards  Mindon  Min  sent  the  Kyaukmyosa  Mingyi  to 
Prome  to  confer  with  thu  English  about  the  Pegu  provinces,  but 
nothing  came  of  the  mission  and  the  Mingyi  soon  returned.  The 
Saga  Myosa,  Thaungbansa  Mahazaya  Wunthuyaza,  presented  his 
sister,  a  girl  of  seventeen  years  of  a2;e,  to  the  K  ing  and  she  was  placed 
in  the  palace  apartments.  Shortly  afterwards  the  Nyaungywe 
(Yawng  Mwe)  Sawbwa  also  sent  his  sister.  Pagan  Min  was  sent 
in  a  State  barge,  called  the  Udaung  Paungda'v.\  with  all  his  queens 
to  Shwebo,  and  in  another  barge,  the  Karaivatk  Paungdaw,  the 
Eingskemitt  accompanied  bim  They  were  hospitably  received  and 
well  treated  by  Mindon  Min.  Before  the  end  of  the  year  an  Embas- 
sy arrived  from  the  Emperor  of  China  with  presents  and  a  con- 
gratulatory letter.  The  Ambassador  was  detained  at  Bhamo  and 
the  letter  and  presents  were  taken  on  to  Shwebo.  King  Mind6n  in 
his  turn  sent  a  friendly  letter  and  presents  with  an  Embassy  to 
Peking  and  the  party  went  back  with  the  Chinese  emissaries.  The 
Burmese  Embassy,  however,  got  no  further  than  Minsin.  It  was 
stopped  there  by  the  Mahomedan  rebellion  in  Yunnan.  The  pre- 
sents and  letter  were  sent  on  to  Peking  and  the  Nw/ingfi  seni  an 
answer  and  further  presents  in  acknowledgment,  which  were  taken 
to  .^marapura  by  the  Burmese  mission  on  its  return.  King  Min- 
d6n  also  went  in  State  to  the  Mahanantja  lake,  where  a  temporary 
palace  had  been  erected.  The  Eingshemin  and  al!  the  Ministers 
accompanied  him  and  the  whole  party  ploughed  the  fields  for  paddy 
cultivation.      The  King  then  assigned  to  the  Crown  Prince  the 



revenues  of  Tabayin,  Taungdwingyi,  Pyinzala,  and  Salfe,  logether 
with  various  gardens  nnd  paddy- lielils  and  the  title  of  Mah&thu- 
dhammayaza.  with  a  complete  retinue  of  oUciala,  Eittgske  WuMt 
Eingshe    .it/iutfu'itft,    U^urihmu,    Anaukivun,    Nakkan,    Sayegyt, 
Thunsaitig,  Thungit.  and  S'l  forth.     The  Eingshemtn  then  married 
hisslep-si^ler^tfie  lllaing  Uinthami,  a  daughter  of  Tharawaddi  Min 
by  the  Anauk-na'/imadav).     Mindon  Min  also  ordered  the    fhado 
Xfingyi,  Mahaminh'a  Kyawthu,  to  repair  the  irrigation   works   on 
the  l^e^  of  Mahananda,  Yinhu,   Gyogya,   Sin:>ul,  Kadu,  and   Pa- 
laing.     He  also  sent  orders  to  have  the  palace  at  Amarapura  repair- 
ed and  to  build  new  quarters  for  the  Eifigshemin  and  the  Pagan 
Min,  and,  when  these  were  finished,  he  left  Shwebo  with  all    his 
queens,  officials,  and  retainers  on  the  5th  labyi^yaw  of   Tasaung- 
mon  (November)  1853  and  came  down  by  boat  to  the  capital.     He 
slept  two  nights  on  the  way,  at    Kyaukmyaung  and  Myingun,  and 
entered   the  palace  without  any  particular  ceremony.     Very  soon 
afterwards  the  King,  with  his  queens,  Ministers  and  a  great  follow- 
ing, went  to  see  his  tild   house  near  the  Shwe  Kungye-6k  pagoda, 
north  east  of  Amarapura,  and   spent  some  time  lookmg  it  all  over. 
In  Kebruiry  1854  the  Ale-nammada-w  was  delivered  of  a  daughter. 

About  this  time  a  large  ruby,  12  inches  in  circumference,  4 
inches  in  height,  and  23  ticah  in  weight  (equal  lo  the  weight  of 
Rs.  51)  was  presented  to  the  King  by  the  Suii-biva  of  Keng  Hting 
I  Kyaingyongyi),  Zodinagara  Mahathiha-pawaya  Thudhammayaza, 
and  was  broui^ht  into  the  palace  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony. 
The  colour  of  this  ruby  was  that  of  the  ripe  ihabye-thi,  the  fruit 
of  the  Eugenia,  it  was  brought  down  by  the  Nga  Thinwibwa  Sikk^ 
and  the  iJaivbaya  or  Keng  HQng  Council  of  Stale. 

The  Siamese  at  that  time  were  encroaching  on  the  borders  of 
K^ng  Tong  and  Keng  Hung  and  the  King  despatched  ihc  Kyun- 
daung  Mivtha  Thjri-yalhu-maha-dhammayaza,  with  a  force  of  3^000 
men,  to  expel  them.  In  the  meantime,  however,  the  Keng  HOng 
Sawbwa,  together  with  the  Saivbwas  of  Keng  TOng  and  Mong  Pu^ 
combined  with  the  Mong  Nai  (Mont)  Saivb%HX  and  others  and  de. 
fealed  the  Siamese.  The  chief  Siamese  generals  were  captured, 
together  with  a  vast  quantity  of  arms,  ammunition,  elephants,  and 
ornaments.  Over  a  thousand  men  were  killed  and  wounded  and 
the  rest  fled  to  their  o^vn  country.  This  was  in  the  month  of  May, 
and  two  months  later  the  King  received  the  thanks  of  the  ^a-mbiaas^ 
according  to  custom,  for  the  magnificence  and  power  which  had 
enabled  them  to  defeat  tl\eir  enemies.  The  messengers  were  re- 
ceived with  great  ceremony  in  the  Hall  of  Audience  and  the  King 
afterwards  made  a  great  distribution  of  alms  \o  pongyts,  Brahmins, 
and  poor  people.     During  the  month  of  TawihaUn  Nga  ICy^,  the 

CtiAP.  II.]  HISTORY.  39 

brother  of  one  of  the  queens,   named   Ka\vngt6n,  presented  a  large 
pearl  williin  the  shell,  weighing  25J  ficals. 

In  the  same  year  the  Burmese  Embassy  headed  by  the  Namma- 
daw  ffw«,  Mingyi  Maha-mingaung-yaza  (named  U  Pathi  and  for- 
merly Governor  of  Dalla,  opposite  Rangoon),  with  numerous  other 
high  officials,  among  them  Mr.  Mackertich,  the  Kaiawun,  was 
despatched  to  Lord  Dalhousie  at  Calcutta  with  a  royal  letter  and 
presents.  On  thpir  arrival  they  met  with  a  brilliant  reception  on 
the  t  ith  of  December  at  Government  House,  and  were  shown  all 
the  sights  of  the  city.  At  the  final  interview  on  the  23rd  Decem- 
ber the  question  of  the  restitution  of  Pegu  was  brought  up,  but  (he 
Viceroy  was  Inexorable  and  the  mission  returned  unsuccessful  to 
Amarapura,  much  to  the  King's  chagrin.  About  this  time  Mingan 
Ngathul6n  yaza.  SA^-Myoza  of  Lawk  Sawk  (Yatsauk),  came  in  and 
presented  a  magic  spear  to  the  King. 

In  1855  ^  return  complimentary  mission  was  sent  to  Amarapura 
by  Lord  Dalhousie,  with  Major  Arthur  Phayre  and  a  staff  of  jc 
gentlemen.  They  left  Rangoon  on  the  \^\.  Augusi  and  reached 
the  capital  on  the  ist  of  the  following  month.  The  I'Vungyis  and 
Ainin-nuins  gave  them  a  hearty  reception  at  the  Residency  on  tlie 
i-^thof  September  and  they  were  most  cordially  received  by  the 
King  and  Queen  at  the  Hall  of  Audience.  The  Governor-General's 
letter  was  read  with  a  loud  voice  by  the  Thanda'xgan  and  the  list 
of  presents  to  the  King  and  Queen  was  also  read.  After  some 
gracious  enquiries  by  the  King  as  10  the  health  of  the  party  and 
remarks  on  the  weather,  the  linvoy  was  presented  by  the  King 
with  a  sahv^  of  nine  strings,  a  silver  cup  embossed  with  the  signs 
of  the  zodiac,  two  Hne  rings,  one  set  with  rubies  and  the  other  with 
sapphires  and  topazes,  and  some  waist-cloths.  After  a  final  inter- 
view with  the  King  the  party  left  Amarapura  on  the  2rs'  October 
with  a  letter  from  the  King  to  the  Goverimr-Gencral. 

[  Such  is  the  way  in  which  the  Burmese  chronicle  recounts  the 
attempt  to  conclude  a  commercial  treaty.] 

During  this  month  of  October  there  were  554  people  who  kept 
rigorous  fast.  Four  of  these  were  headmen,  and  to  them  the 
King  gave  Rs.  10  each  The  others  were  presented  with  Rs.  5. 
Mindon  Min  also  gave  alms  and  robes  to  6,457  ^«Wjpy'i  belong- 
ing to  66  different  monasteries,  and  gave  charity  to  Rs.  6,270  neces- 
sitous old  men  and  women. 

(n  this  year  a  shipowner,  named  Owen,  bought  a  steamer  for 
Rs.  1,22,900  and  presented  it  to  ihe  King.  It  measured  60  cubits 
along  the  keel  and  10  cubits  beam  and  5  cubits  down  to  the  bottom 
of  the  hold. 



On  the  28th  February  1856  an  Embassy  was  sent  to  Paris,  with 
a  royal  letter  and  presents  to  the  Emperor  of  the  French.  The 
Embassy  was  delayed  in  Cairo  by  the  illness  of  the  Nakkandaw,  one 
of  the  party,  and  did  not  reach  Paris  until  the  27th  September. 
They  were  received  by  Count  Walewski,  the  Minister  of  Foreign  Af- 
fairs, in  October  and  shortly  aftens-ards  were  presented  to  the  Em- 
peror and  Empress  in  the  Palace  of  St.  Cloud.  They  were  honour-^ 
ably  received  in  the  presence  of  a  number  of  high  officials  and  Iadi< 
and  the  King's  letter  to  the  following  purport  was  read  :  "  In  for- 
"  mer  times  great  friendship  existed  between  these  two  great  coun- 
"  tries,  but  these  relations  have  been  long  interrupted  and  therefore 
**  to  renew  now  this  ancient  friendship,  and  to  add  to  the  advantage 
•'  and  prosperity  of  both  countries,  as  well  as  for  the  welfare  and  hap- 
"piness  of  the  subjects  of  each,  I  have  sent  Nakhan,  Mindinyaza- 
"  thiriyathu,  Ahmuy^,  Mindin-minhla-sithu,  and  J.  S.  Manook,  Esq., 
"with  a  letter  and  presents,  to  your  great  Court  with  a  view  to 
"cement  the  former  Iriendship.  I  beg  that  your  Imperial  Majesty 
"will  accept  the  letter  and  presents  which  they  bring  you,  and  that 
"you  will  vouchsafe  them  an  audience." 

The  presents  for  the  Emperor  and  Empress  were  one  fine  gold 
sword  studded  with  valuable  rubies,  one  large  ruby  ring,  one 
sapphire  ring,  one  large  gold  cup,  weighing  about  a  viss,  studded 
with  precious  stones,  and  a  number  of  fine  silk  pasos.  His  Majesty 
received  the  Ambassadors  well,  thanked  them  for  their  presents,  and 
expressed  his  desire  to  keep  on  friendly  terms  with  the  King  of. 
Burma.  A  few  days  aftenvards  the  party  was  invited  to  lunch  by 
Prince  Napoleon  and  by  the  Princess  Mathllde  in  their  palaces.  They 
saw  all  the  sights  of  Paris  during  their  long  stay  and  had  a  final  in- 
terview with  the  Kmperor  on  the  3rd  January  1857  at  the  Tuileries, 
when  he  presented  a  fine  gun  to  the  Nal'haniiaw,  a  fine  sword  to  the 
Ahtn.Hyi\  and  a  pair  of  revolvers  to  Mr.  J.  S.  Manook.  Three  days 
afterwards  the  Ambassadors  left  for  Amarapura.  In  this  year 
His  Majesty's  purveyor,  Kaswa,  brought  from  India  for  presentation 
a  very  fine  conch  shell,  with  colours  like  mother-o'-pearl,  The 
volutes  were  all  turned  to  the  right  and  it  was  presented  with  great 

King  Minddn  wished  to  change  the  site  of  the  capital  from 
Amarapura,  which  had  always  been  unhealthy,  so  he  called  to- 
gether the  chief  SayadaTos,  the  Crown  Prince,  the  Ministers,  and 
astrologers  and  consulted  ihem.  The  King  suggested  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Mandalay  bill  and  this  was  unani?nously  approved. 
The  hill  had  long  been  noted  as  a  pleasant  and  well-omened  place, 
and  the  wise  men  now  declared  that,  if  the  King  built  a  new  city 
there,  he  would  meet  with  all  kinds  of  success ;  his  power  would  be 

CHAP.  II.] 



increased ;  he  would  live  long  himself ;  and  the  throne  would  be  se- 
cured to  his  descendants  for  many  generations,  while  the  people 
would  be  happy  and  prosperous  ;  his  dominions  would  be  extend- 
ed ;  and  peace  and  tranquillity  would  be  insured. 

The  following  tradition  was  produced  from  old  chronicles.  The 
Great  Biuldha,  when  he  overcame  the  five  Mara  and  was  able  to 
see  into  futurity,  prophesied  regarding  Mandalay  hill  as  follows : 
"  This  hill,  which  was  known  in  the  time  of  the  Buddha  Kakusan- 
"  dho  (Kawkathan)  as  Khinasavopuram  ;  in  the  time  of  the  Buddha 
"Konii  Gomano  (Gawnagon)  as  Wilawa  Pura  ;  in  the  time  of  the 
**  Buddha  Kassapo  (Kalhapa)  as  Padatha-Puram  ;  and  in  subse- 
"  quent  times  as  Mandalay  was  my  abode  in  many  former  existences 
"as  an  elephant,  as  a  lion,  as  a  stag,  a  quail,  an  iguano,  and  as  a 
"hunter,  this  spot,  so  fair  in  its  formation,  possesses  every  quality 
"  that  is  good  and  is  fit  only  for  the  abode  of  Kings."  Thus  spake 
the  Lord  Buddha  when  he  visited  the  place  with  his  disciple  Anan-" 
da.  A  female  biln  heard  him  as  he  spake  and  worshipped  his  coun- 
tenace,  which  shone  like  the  moon  at  the  full.  In  her  ardour  she  cut 
off  one  of  her  breasts  and  laid  it  as  an  offering  at  the  foot  of 
the  Lord  Buddha,  who  then  prophesied  as  follows:  "In  the  two 
"thousand  four  hundredth  year  after  the  establishment  of  my  religion, 
"this  place  known  as  Mandalay  will  become  avast  city  under  the 
"  name  of  Ratnapuram  (Yatanabon)  and  thou,"  addressing  the 
ogress,  "  as  a  descendent  of  the  great  Mahasammato  (Mahathama- 
"da),  shalt  be  the  king  of  that  city  and  shall  have  the  means  of  great- 
"  ly  promoting  my  religion."  Thus  the  Great  Buddha,  who  had  over- 
come the  five  Mara  and  possessed  intuitive  knowledge,  like  unto 
Sakko  [Indra  or  Thi(n)gyaJ  foresaw  the  royal  city  with  its  moat, 
palace,  pagodas,  temples,  and  monasteries.  Thus  did  Mindon,  the 
possessor  of  numerous  while  elephants  and  celestial  weapons,  endow- 
ed with  all  the  virtues  and  accomplishments  of  a  king,  and  moreover 
the  subject  of  five  distinct  prophecies,  became  the  founder  of  the 
city  of  Mandalay. 

While  he  was  still  a  Prince,  Mindon  Min  had  many  dreams,  all 
of  which  pointed  to  Mandalay  hill.  He  dreamt  that  he  was  on  a  high, 
many-tiered  tower,  almost  reaching  to  the  clouds  and  there  took  to 
his  bosom  a  holy  monk,  who  was  a  diligent  propagator  of  religion. 
Also  that  he  took  two  women  by  the  hand,  named  Baw  and  Ma, 
one  on  each  side,  and  mounted  a  white  elephant  of  tlie  colour  of 
molten  silver.  Also  on  Friday,  the  second  waning  of  the  moon  of 
Tasaungman  1218,  at  3  o'clock  in  the  morning,  he  dreamed  that  he 
went  to  Mandalay  hill  and  saw  there  the  house  of  a  woman,  named 
Mi  Htun  Aung,  far  advanced  with  child.     He  entered  her  house 




and  from  it  saw  hov  fair  vere  the  Yankintaung  luU  and  the  KuUa- 
pyog6n,  and  he  saw   that   Mandalav   hill  was  all  overgrown  with 
sweet-scented  gra£s.     Some  of  this  scented  sx^ss  a  man  nai 
Nga  Tin  plucked   and  gave  to  him  and  said  thai,  if  the  myat^ 
elephants  and  horses  were  fed  on  this  grass,  they  would  be  free  from 
disease  and  all  other  evils. 

When  the  Ministers  heard  these  dreams,  whic-h  were  told  to  ihem 
informal  audience,  they  said  that  in  consequence  of  the  great  power 
and  might  of  His  Majesty  the  nais  had  seni  him  these  dreams  to 
show  that  Mandalay  was  a  fit  site  for  building  a  new  capital,  and 
that  the  lime  for  doing  so  had  arrived. 

The  Prime  Minister,  the  Pakhangyi  Myoza^  held  numerous  con- 
ferences with  Sadaws,  PonnaSt  the  heir-apparent,  and  the  chief 
Queen,  and  it  was  eventually  decided  that  ancient  records,  the  Bud- 
dha's prophecy,  the  Nga  Hmangan-gnvompadi,  the  sayings  of 
rishts,  sakkos  {nats),  and  the  Ceylon  puroms,  all  pointed  to  this 
spot  as  one  whereon  a  king  born  on  a  day  of  the  week  represented 
by  a  lion  (Tuesday,  Maung  I, win's  birthday^  should  reign,  and  to 
the  year,  the  two  thousand  four  hundredth  of  the  s&sanam  (the 
religious  era),  as  the  fitting  time. 

Just  about  this  time  certain  doggerel  verses  were  put  about, 
which  all  indicated  that  the  choice  of  site  and  time  for  a  new  city 
were  favourable  and  the  sanis  taken  were  interpreted  by  the  Sava- 
daws  as  full  of  good  omen.  [To  seek  signs  by  sanis  a  few  persons 
are  selected  who  have  to  sanctify  themselves  by  incarnation  and 
prayer.  They  are  then  sent  out  by  night  in  different  directions  to 
certain  parts  of  the  town,  usually  to  the  south.  When  (hey  arrive 
at  fixed  places,  under  a  house,  at  a  street  comer,  or  in  the  middle 
of  the  road,  thev  wait  until  they  hear  some  one  speak.  Whatever 
is  said  is  carefully  written  down  and  taken  to  the  person  who  sent 
them  out.  All  the  utterances  thus  recorded  are  considered  together 
and  experts  decide  whether  their  import  is  favourable  or  not. J 

The  King  therefore  finally  decided  on  this  site  and  gave  orders 
for  the  calculation  of  the  measurements  and  the  determination  of  a 
lucky  day  for  the  foundation  of  the  city.  The  Council,  after  long 
consultation,  fixed  all  the  dimensions  and  selected  Friday,  the  5th 
iabyigyaw  of  Tabodw^  1218  B.  E.  (13th  February  1857)  as  the  aus- 
picious day  to  commence  the  building  of  the  city  and  palace.  The 
following  officials  were  told  off  to  superintend  the  works  and  were 
sent  to  Mandalay, — the  Myedaung  Myoza  Tlumat  IVungyi  Thado 
mingyi-maha-minhla-kyawthu,  the  Pakhan  Wungyi  Thado-ming)"!- 
maha-minhla-sithu,  ihe  Dai ng  Wundaui'  Maha-minhla-lhirithunow 
fjK-Khampat  IVungyi},  the  Thittaw   ii^un    Minkyaw-minhla-sithu, 


the  Namkfe  IVun  Minhla-mindin  Kyawthu,  the  Sayegyi  Minhla-mln- 
din-yaza,  the  Atwinsaye  Minhla-mindin-kyaw,  the  Atwinsaye  Min- 
hla-thiri-yaza  (nuwtf;r-Kinwun  Mingyi)  and  the  Ahmya  Minhla-thin- 
I  khaya.  Mandalay  hill  was  fixed  upon  as  the  point  from  which 
to  start  the  site  of  the  city  and  town  which  were  mapped  out  as 
follows  :  the  boundaries  were,  on  the  soulh  the  Zaunggalaw  bank, 
measuring  on  that  side  500  tas ;  on  the  west  the  river  Irrawaddy 
wiihin  a  space  of  1,600  tas  so  much  land  as  was  level  was  to  be 
taken  up  ;  on  the  east  by  the  Aungbinlfe  tank  ,  and  on  the  north 
the  Mahananda  tank.  In  the  month  of  April  the  King  advanced 
money,  bullocks,  seed-grain,  and  all  other  requisites  to  the  owners  of 
land  between  Avaand  Mandalay  and  Mandalay  and  Madaya,  whether 
Government  servants,  officials,  soldiers,  or  ancestral  possessors,  to 
enable  them  to  cultivate  the  soil,  and  in  the  same  month,  on  the 
auspicious  day,  thi:  King  and  Queen  received  a  formal  blessing 
from  the  sayadaws,  as  had  been  done  when  his  great-grandfather 
Bodaw  founded  Amarapura  in  1  145  B.E.  {1783  A.D.)  and  when  his 
uncle  Bagyidaw  founded  Ava  for  the  fourth  time  in  1185  B.E. 
(1834),  and  Tharrawaddi,  his  father,  rc-foundcd  Amarapura  in  1203 
B.E.  (1841).  The  King  took  the  title  of  ThiniJawaya-wizeya-nan- 
daya-thapandita  Mahadhammayazadiyaza  and  the  chief  Queen  took 
the  title  of  Thlripawaya-mahayaxeinda-dipati-yatana  Dewi. 

The  following  month  the  white  elephant  called  Hnitpa-pyitsaya 
Nagayaza  died.  The  body  was  kept  three  days  and  was  then  placed 
in  a  large  white  open  cart  covered  with  while  umbrellas.  All  its 
harness,  adornments,  and  utensils  were  solemnly  carried  in  front  of 
it  and  proceeded  from  the  west  gale  of  the  palace  to  the  Alawigate 
of  the  city  and  thence  to  the  burial-ground  and  was  there  burnt  with 
great  ceremony,  according  to  custom.  The  bones  were  collected 
and  placed  in  large  jars,  which  were  buried  between  the  walls  of  the 
Mahawezayanthi  Pagoda,  and  over  them  a  tomb  was  erected. 
The  image  of  the  elephant  also  was  carved  and  placed  in  a  building 
with  a  spire  and  the  title  was  written  up  over  the  doorway,  in  order 
to  preserve  the  memory  of  the  royal  animal.  This  noted  white 
elephant  was  brought  to  the  capital  in  the  reign  of  Bodawpaya,  the 
King's  great-grandfather,  and  was  highly  esteemed  and  respected 
and  worshipped  by  the  Burmese. 

In  June  1857  the  King,  the  chief  Queen,  and  the  whole  Court 
moved  in  great  procession  from  Amarapura  to  Mandalay-  On  the 
way,  at  a  halt,  a  fire  broke  out  in  the  carap  of  the  Eingshemin  and 
to  shelter  huts  were  burnt  before  it  was  put  out.  The  fire  began 
in  the  hut  of*Ma  Paw,  one  of  the  minor  wives,  and  the  astrologers 
declared  that  it  was  a  good  omen  in  order  to  please  the  King,  The 
people,  however,  thought  otherwise,  for  the  removal  had  caused  great 



distress  and  discontent.  They  were  forced  lo  leave  their  houses, 
gardens,  and  lands  in  order  to  settle  in  the  city  and  no  one  dared 
utter  a  word  of  complaint  for  fear  of  punishment. 

At  Mandalay  the  King  established  himself  in  a  temporary  palace 
until  the  large  building  now  existing  should  be  built  and  went  out 
frequently  on  the  female  elephant  called  Tein-u  Layaung  to  inspect 
the  works  round  the  city  and  to  assign  lo  the  various  olricials  sites 
for  their  houses.     When  the  temporary  kyaungs  were  built,  the  Tha- 
thanahaing,  sayadaws  and  pongyis,  to  the  number  of  about   500, 
also  marched  in  great  procession,  with  the  images  of  Gautama  and 
i)\Q  pitakas  from  Amarapura  lo  Mandalay,  and  settled  in  their  new 
establishments.     The  images  and  pitakas  (the  Buddhist  scriptures) 
were  placed  on  platforms  and  carried  on  the  shoulders  of   men,  the 
images  under  the  shadeof  eight  golden  umbrellas,  the/iVajta^  under 
the  shadow  of  six.     The  chief  sadaw  had  four  white    umbrellas 
and  each  of  the  $00  rahaus  two.     The  King  and  Queen,  the  Royal 
mother,  the  heir-apparent,  and  all  the  Princes  and  Ministers  received 
them  at  the  Ywe-daw-yu  gate.     The  bahoyin  or  campanile  was  soon 
finished  and  Mindon  Mln  then  asked  the  monks  whether  it  would  be 
fitting  before  the  completion  of  the  palace  to  hang  up   the  large 
drum  and  bell  according  to  custom,  so  as  to  give  the  time  to  tne 
city.     The  Archbishop  agreed  and  a  bell  and  drum  were  therefore 
immediately  hung  up. 

In  April  1858  a  mission  arrived  from  America  with  a  letter  from 
the  President  of  the  United  States  to  the  King,  expressing  a  desire 
lo  cultivate  friendly  relations  with  Burma,  and  some  of  the  officials 
of  the  Hlutdaw  were  sent  to  receive  them  and  to  conduct  them  to 
the  Residency  set  apart  for  such  visitors.  The  party  was  well  re- 
ceived by  the  King. 

In  May  the  walls  of  the  palace  and  the  palace  itself  were  complet- 
ed and  on  Friday,  Kmon  Lahyigya-m  5lh  (May  ist)  at  11  in  the 
morning,  there  was  a  violent  thunderstorm  and  the  palace  spire  was 
struck  by  lightning.  The  pyathat  had  been  built  under  the  per- 
sonal superintendence  of  the  Myadaung  Wungyi  and  the  Kinp 
addressed  him  and  other  Ministers  assembled  in  the  Hall  of  Audience 
and  stated  that  this  was  a  good  omen  and  that  he  would  be  \\c' 
torious  over  all  his  enemies.  Among  the  poorer  classes,  however, 
it  was  looked  on  as  a  portent  of  evil  and  increased  the  discontent. 

When  the  palace  and  the  walls  were  completed  the  King  and  the 
chief  Queen,  according  to  ancient  custom,  proceeded  from  the  tempo- 
rary palace  in  a  Yatana  Than^in,  or  State  palanquin,  in  formal 
procession  to  the  new  golden  palace  and  ascended  to  the  Myenan, 
QT  Hall  of  Audience  by  the  great  eastern  stairs.     When  he  had 



thus  formally  taken  possession,  he  made  a  number  of  presents  to 
old  men  and  women  who  had  been  in  ihe  royal  service  and  gave  them 
permission  to  take  as  much  money  as  they  could  lift  with  their  two 
hands  from  a  heap  of  rupees  poured  out  for  the  purpose.  He  also 
made  considerable  offerings  To  potigyis  and  to  poor  people. 

A  fine  white  elephant  was  caught  by  the  Thaungthwut  Saivhva, 
Maha-mawreri  Wuntha-thiha-dhammayaza,  at  a  place  called  Thaya- 
gon-Paukbin  Aing-u,  near  Thfc-6n,  on  the  eastern  bank  of  the 
Tholawadi  (the  Cliindwin  river)  in  the  Kyiwun  district.  The  King 
sent  the  Myothit  IVuudauk  to  bring  the  elephant  with  befitting 
ceremony  to  Mandalay.  It  was  shipped  on  a  large  barge  and  on  its 
arrival  at  Amarapura  the  Crown  Prince  and  the  chief  Ministers  and 
officials  were  sent  to  escort  it  to  Mandalay  On  its  arrival  at  the 
city,  it  was  received  with  great  pTsl's  and  Tejolcings  and  the  whole 
population  turned  out  to  receive  the  elephant  as  they  did  in  the 
time  of  Bodawpaya.  When  it  arrived  at  the  north  side  of  the  palace 
the  King  himself  came  out  to  meet  it  and  conferred  on  the  elephant 
the  title  of  Moyeya-pyilsaya  Nagayaza,  and  cities,  villages,  gold,  and 
silver  utensils,  attendants,  and  officials  were  assigned  to  the  beast's 
service  according  to  ancient  custom  The  Thaungthwut  Chief  was 
promoted  to  the  first  rank  of  Saivbiva  and  received  many  presents 
and  privileges,  and  great  rewards'  were  conierred  on  all  the  men  who 
had  helped  to  capture  the  elephant. 

In  January  1859  the  Mal6n  Prince  Thiri-mahadhammayaza,  the 
eldest  son  of  the  King  by  the  Myauk-saungdaw  Queen,  married  the 
Salin^ryl  Princess,  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  Eingshemin.  The 
ceremony  was  conducted  with  great  splendour  and  the  couple  were 
assigned  apartments  in  the  north-west  quarter  of  the  palace. 

The  King  sent  a  number  of  offerings  to  the  potigyis  in  Ceylon 
and  in  return  they  presented  to  him  a  sii-^dau^  or  tooth  of  Gautama, 
dattaw,  trnvedaiv,  relics  and  hairs  of  the  Buddha,  images,  models 
of  banyan  trees,  monasteries,  pagodas,  caves,  and  religious  buildings. 
The  Yenangyaung  Ativimi^un  was  sent  to  receive  these  on  their 
arrival  at  Malun  and  they  were  brought  up  in  royal  boats.  On  their 
arrival  at  Sagaing  they  were  kept  there  for  about  a  month  and  four 
days  at  Amarapura  to  enable  the  people  to  worship  them.  They  were 
then  brought  on  with  great  pomp  and  ceremony  to  Mandalay.  The 
King  himself  waited  at  the  eastern  gate  of  the  palace  and  carried 
the  sw^datu  and  the  dattaiv  with  his  own  hands  to  a  highly  deco- 
rated building  which  had  been  erected  specially  for  their  reception 
to  the  west  of  the  hahoyin,  or  campanile ;  the  remaining  sacred 
things  were  carried  in  by  the  Princes  and  were  deposited  in  the 
palace.  The  King  personally  superintended  ami  only  retired  when 
everything  had  been  properly  set  up. 

46  THE    UPPER    BURMA   (lAZKTTEER,  [CHAP.  H. 

On  the  13th  December  of  that  year  (1859)  Nattaw  iabyigytiw, 
4ih,  lilt:  AJcnaminadav:  Queen  gave  birth  to  a  daughter  Supayalat^ 
ifcrrwards  the  wife  of  King  Thibaw. 

In  January  i860  the  King  and  the  chief  Queen  paid  a  State  visit 
X*s  Kangaung  to  the  east  of  Mandalay.  where  a  temporary  palace 
had  betn  erected.  At  the  same  time  the  Queen  Dottas;er  went  to 
worship  at  the  Arakan  pagoda. 

In  the  same  monih  ihe  Zaion  Wungyi,  who  was  Mindon  Min's 
Commander-in-Chief  in  1853,  died  and  was  buried  with  great  pomp. 

In  April  the  King  and  the  chief  Queen  paid  a  visit  to  the  Manaw 
Yamun  garden.  [These  movements  are  chronicled  because  the  King 
so  seldom  left  the  palace. J  On  his  return  he  ordered  the  Myadaung 
IKkw^^';  to  build  a  large  tectum  with  a  spire  on  Mandalay  HilU 
Under  this  tasaung  was  set  up  a  huge  image  called  Shwe  Yat-taw,  in 
the  shape  and  stature  of  Gautama  Buddha,  fashioned  of  wood  and 
gilt  all  over.  The  Fluddha  stands  erect,  pointing  with  his  finger  to- 
wards the  city  of  Mandalay  and  at  his  feel  kneels  his  disciple, 
Ananda,  as  one  who  should  ask  "  Where  is  the  most  convenient  and 
pleasant  place  10  build  a  city  ?"  The  Buddha  in  reply  points  to  the 
palace  and  signifies  that  it  shall  last  for  ever,  from  generation  to 
generation.  [This  figure  was  burnt  down  in  1892.]  A  covered  way 
01  saungdan  was  built  from  the  foot  of  the  hill  up  to  these  fig^ures 
and  was  carried  on  to  the  pagoda  called  Myat-saw  Nyinaung  on  the 
summit.  The  construction  was  superintended  by  the  Magwe  tf'«w 
gyif  ihe  Myadaung  /K««^^!,  and  the  Pakhan  IVungyi.  Asaungtfan 
was  also  built  on  the  western  side  of  the  hill. 

In  June,  at  the  beginning  of  Lent,  60  candidates  for  ordination 
were  examined  in  the  MyenaUy  or  Hall  of  Audience,  by  the  Tha- 
ihannbaing  and  the  saiiau's  in  the  presence  of  the  King,  the  chief 
Queen,  and  the  whole  body  of  Ministers.  Immediately  afterwards 
the  King's  sons,  the  Sagu  Prince,  the  Makon  Prince,  the  .Vyaung- 
yan,  Monnyin,  MyingonHaing,  and  N^ayane  Princes,  with  60 attend- 
ants, were  admitted  as  neophytes  in  the  sacred  order  of  the  yellow 
robe,  in  a  large  building  which  had  been  erected  for  the  purpose  in 
front  of  the  Afyetjiitt.  The  investiture  was  marked  with  great  cere- 
mony and  rejoicings  and  the  King  presented  a  nniltitude  of  offer- 
ings to  the  monks.  Again,  at  the  end  of  Lent,  in  October,  350 
postulants  from  Mandalay,  Amarapura,  and  Sagaing  were  assem- 
bled and  examined  in  the  same  place  by  ihe  Arc-nbishopin  the  pre- 
sence of  the  King  and  Queen  as  before. 

In  May  1861,  after  a  short  stay  with  all  his  queens  at  the  tem- 
porary palace  to  the  north-east  of  the  city,  the  King  specially  ap- 
pointed  four  officers — The  Maha-minhla-mingaung-thihathuforthe 

CHAP.  II.] 







east,  the  Maha-minc'.in-kyaw  for  the  south,  the  Maha-thiy&-ihinkaya 
for  the  west,  and  ihe  Thittaw  IVun  for  the  north  to  be  Collectors  or 
Revenue  Officers  for  ihe  receipt  of  the  thathameda-X.7i:^.  This  vas  a 
new  institution.  Previous  to  King  Mindon  all  the  rulers  of  Burma 
had  assigned  districts,  towns,  or  villages  to  the  Queens,  Princes, 
Princesses,  and  officials  for  their  support  and  according  to  their  rank 
and  services.  They  drew  the  whole  revenue  for  themselves.  Un- 
der the  new  regulation,  with  tht;  exception  of  the  Shan  States  and 
the  tracts  assigned  to  the  Eingshemm,  the  thnthameda^  or  ro  per 
cent,  capitation -tax,  was  the  only  cess  authorized,  and  the  revenue 
collectors  were  especially  enjoined  not  to  oppress  the  people,  or  to 
collect  any  sums  beyond  this  thathameda.  The  money  was  paid 
into  the  treasury  and  disbursed  in  the  shape  of  monthly  salaries  to 
the  Queens.  Princes,  Princesses,  officials,  body-servants,  and  troops. 
The  cliief  Queen  was  excepted  from  this  system  of  monthly  pay, 
like  the  Eingshemiftt  but  otherwise  the  system  of  general  taxation 
and  regular  monthly  salaries  was  regularly  established. 

In  July  a  thein,  a  sacred  kiosk  or  pavilion,  and  a  row  of  sayats, 
or  rest-houses,  were  built  under  Mandalay  hill  and  were  consecrated 
by  the  King  in  person.  At  the  same  time  he  gave  presents  to  850 

About  this  time  disturbances  broke  out  on  the  borders  of  the  Shan 
Slates,  created  by  the  Tawng  Pen'j;(Taungbaing)  Saivbwa^  who  had 
been  the  first  of  the  Saivhwas  to  make  his  submission  to  the  King 
in  1853  at  Shwebo.  The  Yivalatywebo  was  sent  to  repress  them 
with  50  men.  The  Tawng  Peng  i'rtTi'^rt-fl  was  shot  and  the  troubles 
then  came  to  an  end.  At  the  same  time  the  Kachins,  who  had  been 
causing  much  mischief  in  the  Mong  Mit  (Momeik)  State,  were  sup- 
pressed by  the  Myauk'tvinhmu^  who  was  despatched  with  600  men 
for  the  purpose. 

In  July  also  there  was  a  great  ear-boring-  feast  in  honour  of  the 
piercing  of  the  ears  of  the  Eingshemtn's  daughter,  the  Sampenago 
Princess  Thinkinsana-dc-wi,  the  Taunghnyo  Princess  Thiripada-dewi 
and  other  children,  the  daughters  of  minor  wives.  This  was  held 
with  great  pomp  at  the  residence  of  the  Crown  Prince,  and  the  King 
dedicated  a  pagoda  at  the  foot  of  Mandalay  Hill.  This  was  called 
Mahalawkamazin  and  the  foundation  had  been  laid  when  the  city  of 
Mandalay  was  begun.  In  this  pagoda  were  desposited  14  small 
gold  pagodas,  studded  with  precious  stones,  one  mo-gyo  pagoda 
{mO'gyo  is  an  alloy  of  gold  and  brass),  six  small  plain  gold  pagodas, 
four  silver  pagodas,  32  relics  of  Gautama,  two  teeth  of  the  Buddha 
in  a  shell  box,  and  a  silver  box  filled  with  banyan  leaves.  On  its 
dedication,  according  to  custom,  the  King  placed  a  golden  A/j',  or 



umt>relU,  on  the  summit  and  there  were  great  popular  festivities  after 
the  Cf^rcmony. 

In  May  1862  the  Th6nzt- Prince,  Mahathu-thiridhammayaza  was 
married  to  the  Yanaun<(myin  Princess  Thiriseiktawadi,  a  daughter 
of  the  Eingshemittt  and  there  was  much  popular  rejoicing  on  the  oc- 

In  the  latter  part  of  the  year  Major  Arthur  Phayre  came  to  Man- 
dalay  to  conclude  a  treaty.  He  was  honourably  received  and  on  the 
ronclusinn  of  the  treaty  the  King  presented  him  with  a  gold  sal^ce 
of  1 2  strings,  and  also  gave  a  saiiri  of  nine  strings  to  Mr.  Edwards, 
the  Collector  of  Customs,  besides  presents  to  the  other  oflficers  of 
the  mission. 

In  March  1863  the  sflifixa' Sandiraa-bhi-thiri-tazu-pawara-maha- 
dama-yazadiyaza-guru,  who  had  been  the  King's  teacher  died  in 
the  celebrated  San  kyaung,  at  the  foot  of  Mandilay  hill.  The  King 
undertook  his  obsequies,  which  were  conducted  on  a  very  splendid 
scale.  The  sadn-x  was  burnt  on  a  funeral  pyre  erected  in  the  en- 
closure of  the  San  kyaung  in  the  presence  of  the  King,  the  chief 
Queen,  and  the  whole  of  the  Royal  Family,  together  with  the  Officers 
of  Stale.  The  San  kyaung  was  then  handed  ov-er  to  the  Pyi  sada-x. 
the   Myauknandaw  Queen's  sadaic. 

The  King's  canal,  the  Yatana-nadi,  was  finished  about  this  time. 
It  lies  to  the  north-east  of  Mandalay  and  receives  its  waters  from  the 
Nfeda  lake,  which  is  fed  from  Singu  through  Madaya.  The  moat 
and  the  canals  within  the  palace  walls  were  supplied  from  this  Yata* 
na-nadi  canal,  and  on  its  banks  the  King  had  a  lemporary  palace 
built,  whither  he  often  made  pleasure  trips  in  the  royal  boats  with 
his  queens,  the  royal  children,  and  the  State  officials.  The  King  also 
ordered  many  of  the  Ministers  and  town  ofTicers  to  enclose  gardens 
and  make  plantations  on  the  waste  land  to  the  east  of  this  canal. 
This  was  accordingly  done  and  the  fruit  and  other  produce  was  re- 
gularly given  to  the  monks  of  Mandalay.  \A  list  of  these  gardens 
is  given  elsewhere.] 

In  March  1863  the  King's  son,  the  Th6nzfe  Prince,  without  any 
previous  notice,  rode  off  from  Mandalay  to  Tauntj-ngu  with  only 
10  attendants.  On  his  arrival  at  Taung-ngu  he  was  sent  on  by  the 
Deputy  Commissioner  to  Rangoon.  The  Prince's  escapade  was  not 
heard  of  for  four  days,  but  even  then  it  was  not  known  whither  he 
had  gone  from  Mandalay.  When  the  King  heard  that  he  was  in 
Rangoon,  he  sent  a  special  steamer  for  him  with  officials  to  persuade 
him  to  return.  The  Th6nz^  Prince  afier  some  time  agreed  to  coroe 
back  and,  on  his  return,  was  placed  under  the  surveillance  of  the 
Eirtgshemin.     This  Prince  was  the  eldest  of  those  put  to  death  by 


King  Thibaw  in  1879.  [It  does  not  appear  what  the  Burman 
chronicle  means  by  the  "  handing  over"  of  the  Prince  to  the  Eing- 
skemin,  but  apparently  he  was  only  watched,  not  imprisoned-] 

In  April  at  the  time  of  the  water  festival,  the  Burmese  New  Year, 
the  King  and  chief  Queen  had  their  heads  washed  according  toancicnt 
custom,  but  with  more  than  ordinary  ceremonial.  They  went  out  in 
solemn  procession  to  the  southern  garden  and  there  gave  alms  to  216 
aged  poor,  Rs.  20  to  each  person.  On  their  return  the  King  and  the 
chief  Queen  breakfasted  in  state  on  I  he  throne,  Bamnyathana,  the 
white  umbrella  called  Mananhaya  being  throughout  the  meal  held 
over  their  heads.  After  this  ceremonial  repast  the  whole  of  the 
Royal  Family,  the  Ministers  of  State,  and  subordinate  officials  were 
feasted  in  the  //;«(7««a«rf23£' (the  crystal  reception-room).  [This 
new  year's  breakfast  was,  however,  an  annual  feast.] 

In  May,  an  exceedingly  fine  ruby,  weighing  1  tical,  was  presented 
to  the  King  by  the  Myo6k  of  Mong  Mit  and  MOnglang  (Momcik 
and  Mohlaing)  and  was  carried  in  state  to  the  palace.  At  the  same 
time  the  Myelat  Wun  presented  from  the  Shan  States  three  fine 
elephants  named  Seingale,  Naungthaing,  and  Mcnangu.  Other 
eli'phants  were  also  presented  by  Ngwedaung,  Kayingale,  Ncmyo- 
thilon-yanaung.  These  elephants  were  named  Maunggale,  Sitepan, 
Ngwepong.  Shwe  Chein,  Seiktingale,  Hpumaung,  and  Mt:nanywe. 

About  this  time  there  was  a  disturbance  at  Yawng  Hwe  (Ny- 
aungywe)  in  the  Shan  Slates,  which  was  suppressed  by  the  Myothit 
Wundaukt  the  Monfe  Taibohmu,  Mingyi  Mahamindin-Setnu,  to 
whom  the  King  despatched  1,200  men  for  the  purpose. 

In  November  the  Mekkhara  Prince,  Thiri-mahathudhammayaza, 
married  the  Pin  Princess,  Thiri-thukatha-dewi,  with  great  ceremonial. 
Both  the  Prince  and  the  Princess  were  children  of  the  King,  but  they 
were  half-brother  and  sister.  The  Mekkhara  Prince  was  one  of 
those  killed  in  1879  by  King  Thibaw. 

In  February  of  the  following  year  (1864)  the  King's  daughter, 
the  Kanni  Princess,  Thiri-thusarida-dewi,  was  married  to  the  eldest 
son  of  the  Eingshemin,  the  Padeln  Prince  Maha-lhiridhammayaza. 

In  March  1864  the  King  inaugurated  ten  hospitals  built  at  his 
expense  for  old  and  sick  people.  To  each  of  these  hospitals,  or 
alms-houses,  three  Burmese  doctors  were  attached  ;  another  hospi- 
tal was  also  built  by  the  Kin^  to  the  south-east  of  the  palace,  which 
was  put  under  the  charge  of  Doctor  Marfels,  a  German  Physician 
in  the  employment  of  His  Majesty. 

In  July  Mr.  William  Wallace  came  to  Mandalay  and  presented 
the  King  with  a  golden  telescope  studded  with  542  small  diamonds. 
The  King  gave  him  i.ioo  teak  logs  as  a  return  present. 



[chap.  II. 

In  August  the  M.igwu  and  Myadaung  IVungyis  were  re-called 
from  Sagyintanng,  whither  thcv  had  been  sent  to  excavate  a  lar^ 
block  of  marble  for  an  image  of  Gautama,  They  had  extracted  the 
block,  but  were  unable  to  convey  it  to  Mandalay.  The  King  there- 
fore sent  the  Laungshe  Wungyi,  ihe  Hkamhpat  U'undauk,  the 
Pab6  Wuu,  the  Padeing  IVnn,  and  the  Tautigdive  Bo  to  arrange  for 
its  removal.  Two  flats  with  the  steamer  AUrtan  Sekkya  were  taken 
to  the  spot.  The  loading  was  effected  and  the  block  was  towed  up 
al  the  height  of  the  rains.  When  the  marble  had  reached  Mon- 
ywa,  the  King  sent  a  number  of  sudavs,  pongyis,  and  officials  on 
board  of  the  flats  to  receive  it.  The  flats  were  towed  by  steamers, 
on  board  of  which  were  numerous  bands  of  music.  When  the 
marble  block  reached  EngOn,  a  gun  was  fired  and  the  flat  was 
lowed  along  the  recently  constructed  channel  of  the  Shweta  chaung. 
It  was  finally  loaded  on  a  huge  car.  which  was  dragged  by  10,000 
men  in  13  days  to  the  foot  of  Mandalay  hill,  under  the  supervision 
of  the  Eingshcmin,  the  If'ungyis,  and  all  the  chief  officials.  There 
it  was  hewn  by  the  sculptors  working  night  and  day  under  a  spe- 
cially built  tectum,  and  pTtrs  and  festival  dances  were  carried  on 
without  Intermission  until  it  was  set  up  in  the  building  constructed 
for  its  reception.  The  King  and  the  Royal  household  paid  several 
visits  during  the  progress  of  the  work  and,  at  the  final  ceremony, 
stayed  in  the  temporary  palace  called  Nammepontha  at  the  foot  of 
Mandalay  hill.  The  sculptors  were  royally  rewarded  and  fed 
throughout  At  the  King's  cost.  Near  the  gigantic  ima^e  were  built 
33  sayats,  or  rest-houses,  for  the  accommodation  of  tfie  pious,  the 
work  being  superintended  by  the  Royal  ofllicials.  The  King  also 
paid  a  visit  to  the  Maha  Lawkamazin  pagoda,  decked  it  with  lights, 
and  fed  600  necessitous  persons,  men  and  women.  During  his  stay 
at  the  temporary  palace  the  King  sent  every  morning  to  the  Maha 
Lawkamazin  pagoda  and  to  the  marble  image  quantities  of  tbc 
food  called  7'hinbukto-x  (the  food  of  Shin  Gautama).  This  was 
carried  regularly  in  procession  with  bands  of  music  and  Royal  offi- 
cials accompanying  it.  The  rejoicings  over  the  setting  up  of  the 
great  image  lasted  many  days. 

In  November  of  the  same  year  the  Shwepyi  Bo  was  sent  with  a 
force  of  1,000  men,  under  the  command  of  the  Mong  Nai  ^Moni) 
Sikke,  Ming\*i  Mahanawrata,  to  suppress  disturbances  on  the  Hsen 
Wi  (Theinni)  borders.  About  the  same  time  the  Mawk  Mai 
(Maukmt:)  Saiebwa  (the  so-called  Kolnn  or  nine-fathom  StJtrb7cii\ 
and  the  Ming6n  Paleiksa  escaped  from  Mandalay  and  made  their 
way  to  the  Mawk  Mai  Stale,  where  they  raised  a  rebellion  and 
marched  as  far  as  Mong  Nai  with  a  large  body  of  men.  They  did 
a  great  deal  of  mischiel  and  the  King  sent  the  Myothit    li^undaui 

CHAP.  11.] 


to  take  charge  of  Mong  Nai  as  Tatbohnm  and  march  thence  with 
a  force  of  2,100  men.  The  P6ndawpyit  ^t?,  the  Kindat  Bo^  and 
the  Lelwi  Kyaun^/?(?,  with  2,300  men  and  20  elephants,  were  also 
sent  to  the  Shan  Stales  to  carr)-  the  artillery  and  ammunition.  This 
force  was  under  the  command  of  the  Ashe  Winhmu,  Thirivawun, 
and  started  from  Mandalay.  The  Mawk  MaJ  Saivbwa  and  Ming6n 
Paleiksa,  however,  could  make  no  stand  against  such  a  force  and 
fled  with  all  their  relatives  and  following  beyond  the  Salween  to 
Mong  Mali. 

In  Februar)'  1865  the  King,  the  chief  Queen,  and  the  whole 
Court  again  went  to  the  Namniep6ntha  temporary  palace  at  the  foot 
of  Mandalay  hill  to  watch  the  chiselling  of  the  face  of  the  great 
marble  image,  which  had  only  been  commenced  after  the  setting  up 
of  the  block.  The  work  look  some  time  and,  while  it  was  being 
carried  on,  the  King  had  fresh  copies  made  of  the  Bitagat-thonbon 
(the  Three  Baskets  of  the  Law),  the  old  books  having  somewhat  fal- 
len into  decay.  There  were  upwards  of  200  fasciculi  of  palm-leaves, 
and  each  of  these  was  placed  separately  in  a  box  and  conveyed 
with  great  ceremony  from  the  Royal  Palace  to  the  Bitagattaik,  or 
theological  library,  a  building  which  had  been  specially  prepared  for 
them  near  the  King's  temporary  residence  at  the  foot  ol  Mandalay 
hill.  At  the  same  time  the  King  ordered  the  repair  of  the  Mu  river 
canal  from  Myinkwa  taung  In  Myedu  district  to  the  Mahananda 
lake  at  Shwebo.  This  had  been  first  dug  by  the  orders  of  the 
King's  great  grandfather  Alaungpaya,  and  that  monarch  had  gone 
by  boat  along  it  on  his  return  from  the  conquest  of  Manipur,  King 
Mindon,  besides  repairing  this  work,  ordered  the  people  of  Shwebo 
Myedu,  Hkanthani,  Ngayane,  Thontabin,  Pylnsala,  and  Tabayin  to 
dig  a  canal  from  the  Mahananda  lake  as  far  as  the  Sagaing  district. 
This  labour  was  placed  under  the  supervision  of  the  Magwe  Wun' 
gyi,  the  Myauk  It'un/tmu,  the  P6ppa  IVundauk,  the  Shwebo  IVun, 
and  the  local  officials.  The  Eingshcmin  built  two  large  brick  rest- 
houses  on  the  banks  of  this  canal,  near  Silhu,  and  3  miles  apart  the 
one  from  the  other. 

Meanwhile  the  King  with  his  own  hands  planted  a  number  of 
Ba-Qidihin,  or  banian  trees,  within  the  enclosure  of  the  large  marble 
image.  These  trees  had  been  specially  brought  from  Ceylon  and 
many  other  countries.  The  planting  of  trees  was  carried  on  amidst 
the  clash  of  bands  and  the  firing  of  artillery.  At  last  in  May  the 
King  went  in  solemn  procession  to  the  place  where  the  image  was 
and  showed  the  sculptors  himself  what  alterations  were  to  be  made 
In  the  expression  of  ihe  face.  Ten  guns  were  fired  on  this  occasion 
and  there  was  a  great  feast  and  many  offerings  were  made  to  the 
monks  of  all  grades  and  the  sculptors  and  masons  were  richly  re- 

53  THE   UPPER    BURMA   GAZETTEER.  [  CHAP.  11. 

warded.    After  the  ceremony  the  King  returned  again  to  the  royal 

The  following  month  His  Majesty  went  out  to  the  temporary 
palace  in  the  Mingala  garden  and,  according  to  ancient  custom, 
there  ploughed  the  fields  under  a  salute  of  three  guns.  After  the 
Kin^  had  ploughed,  the  Crown  Prince,  the  Ministry,  and  all  the  other 
officials  also  ploughed  a  few  furrows.  The  ceremony  terminated 
with  an  elaborate  feast. 

In  this  same  month  of  June  1865,  a  number  of  the  Princes 
took  a  formal  oath  of  allegiance  to  the  King  in  the  Byitaik.  The 
Eingshemin  was  present  with  the  King  and  the  words  of  the  oath 
were  spoken  before  the  image  of  Gautama,  the  Princes  repeating 
them  after  a  thandawstn.  They  were  to  the  effect  that  they  would 
neither  do  nor  support  anything  against  the  welfare  of  the  King, 
that  they  would  drink  no  intoxicating  liquor,  or  palm-toddy,  and 
that  they  would  eat  no  beef.  The  Princes  who  took  the  oath  were 
the  Malon,  the  Myingon,  the  Sagu,  the  Mekkhara,  the  Padein,  the 
Myingondalng,  the  Wuntho,  the  Chabin,  the  Pinlfe,  the  Katha,  the 
Thfelin,  Shwegu,  and  Maington  Minthas.  After  this  ceremony  the 
King  and  the  chief  Queen,  in  the  Hall  of  Audience,  admitted  53 
young  men  into  the  Sacred  Order,  presenting  them  with  the  pre- 
scribed yellow  robes.  This  was  done  in  the  presence  of  13 
sadaws^  At  the  same  time  216 />(?fl«jj  (Brahmins)  received  pre- 
sents of  money  and  clothing  (216  is  twice  the  sacred  number  of 
beads  on  the  rosary,  no  doubt  one  for  each  bead  on  the  rosaries  of 
the  King  and  Queen).  The  King  Had  been  keeping  fast  up  to 
this  time  in  preparation  for  Lent  and  his  fast  had  been  shared  by 
1,245  officials  and  palace  servants.  These  were  now  presented 
with  articles  of  dress.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  ceremonial  the 
King  once  more  returned  within  the  city  walls. 

In  October  1865,  a  salute  of  three  guns  was  fired  in  honour  of 
the  striking  of  the  first  Burmese  coin  in  the  royal  mint,  and  a  pro- 
clamation was  issued  directing  the  use  of  these  coins  throughout 
the  King's  dominions.  The  mint  stood  within  the  palace  stockade, 
immediately  to  the  north  of  the  bahosin,  the  central  campanile. 

In  November  the  Sinlin  Princess  had  her  ears  bored.  She  was 
the  King's  daughter  by  the  Linbin  Queen  and  had  been  adopted 
as  her  daughter  by  the  Myauknandaw  Queen.  She  was  looked 
upon  as  the  King's  mother,  re-born  upon  earth  again.  For  this 
reason  she  was  called  Tabindaing,  a  title  given  by  Buddhist  Kings 
to  those  whom  they  loved  most,  and  implying  that  the  bearer  is  the 
first  favourite.  Her  title  was  Thuthiya-myatswa-yatana.  The  ear- 
boring  was  conducted  with  the  utmost  magnificence  in  the  Hman" 
nandaw,  the  crystal  palace,  amidst  general  feasting  and  rejoicing. 

CHAP.  II.] 



At  the  same  time  the  following  Royal  Princesses  had  their  ears  bored, 
— the  Taungiha,  Kyuiuiaung,  Hkutywa,  Kyannyat,  Hlihlaing,  Saw- 
hla,  Momeik.and  Hini;aiiaw  A/iiUha7f)is,as  \\'t:\\  ss  ihc  /^^r'ngshemtn' s 
daughter,  the  Ailazayathein  Princess,  each  according  to  their  rank 
and  dignity.  The  King  and  the  chief  Queen  viere  present,  dress- 
ed in  their  royal  robes  and  seated  on  a  gnlden  couch  of  sttile,  and 
near  them,  seated  on  a  gilded  couch,  were  the  Queen  Dowager 
and  the  anni  of  the  King  and  Queen.  When  the  fortunate  hour 
had  arrived,  a  gun  was  fired  and  at  the  same  moment  all  the  while 
umbrellas  were  opened  out.  The  Hmannandaw  was  specially 
fitted  on  this  occasion  with  the  ancient  royal  furniture,  called  Min- 
gundato,  made  of  gold  studded  with  jewels,  and  the  roi^m  was  richly 
decorated  for  the  ceremony.  Pwes  were  carried  on  all  day  and  all 
night  through.  Not  only  were  offerings  made  to  the  Thathatiabaing, 
the  sadawSt  and  all  the  pongyis  of  the  royal  city,  but  all  the 
Queens,  Princes,  Princesses,  olTicials,  foreigners,  Chinese,  Maho- 
metans, Brahmins,  and  chief  residents  of  the  city  received  pre- 
sents in  honour  of  the  occasion. 

In  February  1866  the  King  with  all  his  queens  and  establishment 
went  to  the  temporary  palace  at  the  foot  of  Mandalay  hill  and 
worshipped  at  the  Mahakamazin  pagoda  before  the  great  image 
which  had  been  brought  from  Sagyin  taung.  At  this  time  the 
Thathanahaing  Sada7vgyi  died  and  was  buried  with  great  honours. 
As  the  remains  passed  by  to  the  funeral  pyre,  the  King  and  Queen 
came  out  in  state  from  the  temporary  palace  to  do  them  honour, 
and  the  Eingshetniji,  the  Princes,  and  the  Ministers  of  State  fol- 
lowed the  train  to  the  place  of  burning.  At  the  Burmese  new  year 
the  King,  according  to  his  regular  custom,  went  to  the  Mingala  gar- 
den palace  and  ploughed  the  fields  with  all  his  Court. 

In  April  a  great  fire  broke  out  in  the  west  of  the  town  in  the 
Tulukyanaung  quarter  in  the  house  of  Maung  Lat,  one  of  the 
King's  servants  Before  it  had  burnt  itself  out  the  Kyunhtektan, 
the  Moat  road,  the  Thfetan,  the  Byincinggyitan,  the  Sagaingtan, 
or  Merchant  street,  and  the  Watan  up  to  the  Thayfe  bazaar  were 
completely  destroyed  and  upwards  of  3,800  houses  were  burnt,  with 
great  loss  of  property. 

At  the  beginning  of  Lent  the  KJng  entertained  the  people  who 
had  kept  fast  with  him  at  the  Maha  Lawkamazin  Pagoda  and  the 
great  marble  image  and  ordered  his  Ministers  and  officials  and 
rich  people  of  the  town  also  to  entertain  them  each  in  his 
turn.  This  was,  however,  put  a  sudden  end  to  by  the  rebeih'on  in 
the  city.  The  Myingon  and  Mying6ndaing  Princes  had  conceived 
the  idea  that  their  uncle,  the  Eittgj/iemtn,  had  treated  thp/rj  ill  and 



they  resolved  to  put  him  to  death.  They  consulted  astrologers  to 
determine  a  favourable  day  for  the  crime  and  arranged  to  fire  a  cer- 
tain pan  of  the  town  as  a  signal  to  one  another  and  to  their  fol- 
lowers to  make  a  sudden  attack  on  the  palace.  On  the  5lh 
labyigy-i'  of  Nayon  1228  B.  E.  (i6lh  June  1866)  the  sky  became 
as  red  as  hlood  and  there  was  a  violent  storm  and  several  houses 
were  struck  by  lightning  in  the  north-east  of  the  city.  Two  days 
later  the  Princes  set  about  their  work..  At  noon  the  Eingshemin  was 
deliberating  with  a  number  of  the  Ministers  in  an  open  building  near 
the  Hluida-w  about  this  very  plot.  He  had  been  informed  of  the 
conspiracy  some  lime  before,  but  had  taken  no  immediate  notice  of 
the  warning.  Now,  just  at  the  moment  when  it  was  being  debated 
whether  the  two  conspirators  should  be  arrested  or  not,  the  signal 
fire  was  kindled  in  the  HawgOn  quarter,  and  the  Myingon  and 
Myingdndaing  Princes  with  their  following,  all  armed  with  guns  and 
drawn  swords,  rushed  into  the  palace,  the  one  through  the  eastern 
gate  the  other  by  the  southern.  The  Mying6ndaing  rushed  towards 
the  Council  Hall  crying  "  Save  me,  Save  me,  "  and  behind  him  came 
the  Myingon.  This  was  part  of  the  plot.  The  idea  was  to  sug- 
gest that  they  had  quarrelled  and  that  the  Myingondaing  was  seek- 
mg  the  protection  of  the  Etugsfiemin,  In  this  way  they  hoped  to 
prevent  the  Crown  Prince  from  taking  to  flight  on  the  first  alarm. 
The  Myadaung  Wungyi  was  the  first  man  met.  He  was  greatly 
alarmed  at  the  sight  of  men  with  naked  swords  within  the  palace 
limits,  a  thing  that  had  never  been  known  before,  and  still  more  to 
see  them  headed  by  two  Princes  of  the  blood.  He  advanced  to  en- 
quire the  cause  of  the  uproar  and  was  immediately  cut  down  by  one 
of  the  Princes'  followers.  The  Eingshemin  saw  this  and  fled  from 
the  zayat  towards  the  IHiUdaw  for  protection.  Just  as  he  reached 
the  steps,  however,  he  was  killed  by  Hpadi,  one  of  the  Princes* 
followers.  At  his  heels  came  the  Myineondaing,  who  cut  oflf  his 
uncle's  head,  and  rushed  with  it  to  the  Myingon  shouting  Aung' 
dawmoopyi — "  We've  conquered,  we've  done  it."  The  Laungshe 
IVungyi,  the  Myauk  IVinhmtt,  the  Le  Wun^  the  Taung  JVun,  the 
Nakhan  P^a-agyihrnu,  the  Ngayani  and  Hkawthonni  Myooks,  and 
other  officials  were  cut  down  and  left  for  dead.  The  Pakhan  IVun- 
gyi, the  Myothil  IVundatik,  the  P6ppa  Wundauk,  the  Kyauk-ve 
IVundauk,  the  Thittaw  Afyorvun,  the  Myotha  Myowun,  the  Kve 
IVuHy  the  Sin  IVun  and  some  others  succeeded  in  effecting  their 
escape.  The  Malon  Prince  and  his  brother,  the  Pyinsi,  as  well 
as  the  Sagu  Prince,  had  already  been  seized  and  murdered  at  the 
south  gate  of  the  palace. 

The  rebels  then  made  for  the  temporary  palace  to  kill    the  King 
also.     Fortunately  the  uproar  hrfd  been  heard  and  the  Ashe   Win- 

CHAP.  U.] 



hmu,  the  Kin   IVun^  and   Taungd-xe  Bo 

out  with  a  few 

\mu,  me  ivin  ivun,  ana  launga-xe  uo  came  out  witn  a  tew  men 
and  met  the  rebels  face  to  face.  The  Kin  Wun  iinmedialeiy  seized 
the  Myingondaing  and  there  was  a  violent  struggle,  but  the  IVuu 
was  stabbed  from  behind.  '1  he  others  also  fought  vigorously, 
but  they  were  outnumbered  and  the  whole  of  the  royal  party  were 
killed.  This  diversion,  however,  gave  the  King  lime  to  escape,  with 
his  family  and  attendants,  50  in  all.  Thuv  leit  the  temporary  palace 
by  the  western  gate  and  itiade  for  the  city.  Outside  the  gate  the 
King  came  upon  the  Shwcdasw6  Bo>  Maung  Paik  Ku  who  had 
been  specially  posted  there  by  the  Myin^on  prince  with  orders  to 
kill  the  King.  Of  this  the  King  knew  nothing.  He  recognized  him 
however,  and  said  "  Nga  Paik  Ku  carry  me  to  the  palace."  The 
Bo  came  forward  and  as  he  did  so  the  Mckkhara  and  Chinbin 
Princes  saw  a  da  in  his  hands  and  took  it  from  hiiu.  The  King  then 
climbed  on  his  back  and  they  set  out  to  the  palace.  The  chief 
Queen  was  carried  by  Kalabyo-thinnyut  Saya,  Maung  Chaung,  and 
the  Princes  and  the  household  followed  close  behind.  On  their  way 
they  came  upon  a  pony  belonging  to  the  Anauk  IVun,  Maung  Tattu, 
the  brother  of  the  Tadaingshe  Queen,  who  was  the  mother  of  the 
Nyaung  Van  and  NyaungOk  Princes.  This  the  King  mounted  and 
ihe  party  reached  the  palace  in  safety. 

The  Myingfin  Prince  came  with  the  Eingshemtn^s  head  to  the 
temporary  palace  and  sent  for  the  Yenangyaung  Aiwimvun,  who 
was  brought  before  him  surrounded  by  men  with  drawn  das.  The 
Myingon  held  up  his  uncle's  head  and  said :  "  Look  at  this  ;  this  is 
the  head  of  the  man  you  thought  would  be  kins^."  The  AtTvinwun 
was  afraid  and  said  :  "  Are  you  going  to  kill  me  also  ?  The  Myingon 
Prince  said  :  *'  No,  not  if  you  will  swear  allegiance  to  me."  This  the 
Yenangyaung  AtTvintvun  accordins^ly  did,  swearing  by  the  Kutho- 
daw  Pagoda,  which  the  King  had  recently  built  near  the  temporary 

Meanwhile  the  Mying6ndaing  Prince,  after  killing  the  three 
officials  mentioned  above,  had  been  searching  for  the  King  in  the 
inner  apartments  and  now  burst  into  the  main  room,  with  a  sword 
in  each  hand,  shouting  "  the  King  is  nowhere  to  be  found;  he  has 
escaped  us."  The  Myingon  forthwith  placed  the  Yenangyaung 
A/Tvitfuutn  in  charge  of  the  temporary  palace  and,  picking  out  40 
of  his  most  trusted  adherents,  set  out  with  his  brother  to  the  palace. 
They  entered  the  city  by  the  eastern  gate  and  made  their  way  to 
the  Hiutdaiv,  where  they  tried  to  force  open  the  Taga-ni  by  firing 
repeated  volleys  at  it.  In  this  attempt,  however,  they  were  soon 
checked  by  the  Mekkhara  Prince  and  a  party  of  officials  who  opened 
fire  on  them  from  the  top  of  the  steps  of  the  Myenan,  or  Hall  of 
Audience.     The  Myingondaing  then  suggested  to  his  brother  that 



they  should  smear  the  ///utdun' vrhh  earth-oil  and  set  fire  to  it. 
The  fire  could  not  fail  to  spread  to  the  palace  and  the  King  would 
have  to  fly  for  his  life  and  would  be  sure  to  fall  into  iheir  hands. 
The  Myingon  Prince,  however,  refused  to  allow  this,  because  their 
mother  was  in  the  palace  and  might  be  injured  in  the  scuflle.  Short- 
ly after,  the  Taungshweya  Queen,  by  order  of  His  Majesty,  appeared 
at  the  top  of  the  stockade,  surrounded  by  guards,  and  endeavoured 
to  persuade  her  suns  lo  retire.  They  stubbornly  refused  to  listen 
to  her  entreaties  and  continued  firing  into  the  palace. 

In  the  meantime  the  Crown  Prince's  troops  to  the  number  of  200 
marched  on  the  temporary  palace  in  search  of  their  master.      The 
Myingon's  men  in  charge  of  the  place  immediately  took  to  flight 
without  resistance  and  followed  the  Princes  to  the  palace.      The 
^j'«^5/ii?/«/H'j  men  after  a  fruitless  search  followed  up  and  entered 
the  city  by  the  northern  gate  and  soon  came  upon  the  two  Princes 
close  to  the  lllutdaiv.     They  opened  fire  and  killed  several  of  the 
rebel  Bos  and  the  Myingon  and  MyingondaJng  after  a  short  resis- 
tance  retired   to    the   west    of   the   palace   to  the   Afiaukydn^   or 
women's  court.     From  this  point   as  night  fell  they  again  began  to 
fire  upon  the  palace.     The  Shwedasw6  Bo^  Maung  Paik  Ku  (who 
had  carried  the  King  into  the  palace),  now  came  out  and  made  his 
way  to  the  Myingon  Prince  at  the  Tuwya  pagoda,  near  the  AnanJiydrt. 
The  Prince  asked  him  whether  he  had  seen  the  King  and,  when  he 
heard  what  had  happened,  killed  the  Bo  on    the   spot  for  disobe- 
dience of  orders.     Firing  went  on  all  night,  but  in  the  morning  the 
King's  troops  had  collected  in  such  numbers   that  the  Anaukyon 
was  nearly  surrounded,  and  the  rebels  fell  back  on  the  river.     They 
found  the  King's  steamer,  the  Yenan  Sekkya,  there  and  took  posses- 
sion, got  up  steam,  and  went  down  the  river  to  Myingyan.     There 
they  seized  the  \Vu7i  and  his  officers  and  collected  all  the  arms  and 
ammunition  they  could  tind.     They  also  laid  hands  on  a  qunntity  of 
tkathameda  money  which  was  ready  for  despatch  10  Mandalay,  and, 
after  having  taken  on  a  number  of  fighting  men,  weighed  anchor  and 
went  on  to  Ycnangyaung.     They  made  a  prisoner  of   the  Yenan- 
gyaung  Myoihugyi,  who  was  a  son  of  the  Atmniouut  and  having  seiz- 
ed money  and  arms  as  before,  steamed  on  to  MalOn,  where  they  did 
the  same  thing.     Afttr  staying  at  Mal6nafew  days  t  hey  returned  to 
Myingyan  and  stayed  there  for  about  a  month  plundering  the  river* 
side  and  other  villages.     The  King  mf-anwhile  put  the  Yenangyaung 
AiwittTi'un  in  command  of  the  iroups  who  were  collected  to  operate 
against   the  rebels.     The  AlTvinwun  first  of  all  made  his  way  to 
Salin  and  Sinbyugyun,  where  he  concerted  measures  for  the  arrest 
of   the   Princes  and    then    proceeded  to  attack  Myingyan.      The 
Myingon  Prince  put  the  Afyof/tugyi  in  the  bows  of  his  steamer  and 

CHAP.  II.] 



bade  him  call  out  that  he  would  be  the  first  to  fall  if  fire  was  opened 
on  the  steamer.  Soon  after  the  rebels'  steamer  started  down  the 
river,  whicli  had  not  been  expected.  The  Atwimvun  pursued,  but 
the  Yenan  Sskkya  was  too  fast  for  him,  and  all  he  could  do  was  to 
pursue  her  to  the  frontier  and  force  the  Princes  to  take  refuge  in 
British  lerritory,  where  they  were  interned  at  Rangoon. 

The  Taungshweya  Queen  was  now  thrown  into  prison  by  the 
King  on  suspicion  of  having  had  a  knowledge  of  the  projects  of  her 
sons  and  remained  there  for  a  long  time. 

After  remaining  some  time  in  Rangoon,  the  Mying6n  Prince 
made  his  way  to  Kyetbogyi  in  Karenni  and  thence  made  raids  on 
the  Durmese  frontier.  The  Lamaing  Wundauk  was  sent  against 
him  with  a  force  of  3,600  men,  and  before  long  the  Mylngon  had 
as^ain  to  take  to  flight.  He  returned  to  Rangoon  and  was  there  put 
under  restraint  by  the  British  Government. 

On  the  day  of  the  Crown  Prince's  murder,  his  son  the  Padeing 
Prince  fled  with  about  70  men  from  Mandalay  to  Shwebo.  There 
he  was  soon  joined  by  the  men  of  Tabayin,  Pyinsala,  and  Tanta- 
bin,  all  of  which  were  towns  which  belonged  to  the  Eiugshemin. 
Fighting  men  from  a  number  of  other  towns  and  villages  also  joined 
the  Padeing  Prince,  who  soon  collected  in  this  way  quite  a  formid- 
able body  of  men.  When  the  King  got  news  of  this  he  sent  the  late 
Crown  Prince's  Afmntvnus  Maung  Pi!:  and  Maung  Hman,  besides 
his  own  olhcers,  the  Kyiicun  and  the  Thitta7vicuni^v\^  a  number  of 
pongyis  to  the  Padeing  Prince  at  Shwebo  to  persuade  him  to  come 
back  to  Mandalay.  The  King  promised  to  protect  him  and  10  look 
upnn  him  exactly  as  he  had  hitherto  done.  The  Prince,  however, 
refused  to  listen  to  them  and  the  party  came  back  unsuccessful  to 
Mandalay.  The  Prince  on  his  side  organized  his  troops  and  put  the 
Tabayin  H'/zw,  Maung  Hman,  an  official  in  whom  the  Eingshemin 
had  had  great  confidence,  in  command  of  them.  He  also  appointed 
as  chief /^t?.j  the  Pyinsala  Wun,  Maung  Aung  Myat,  the  Tabayiw 
Sikke^  Maung  On,  and  Maung  Hpo  Maung,  a  noted  fighting  man. 
Before  long,  Maung  Hman  marched  his  force  from  Shwebo  and 
camped  at  Sheinmaga.  Maung  Aung  Myat  with  another  party 
crossed  the  river  and  advanced  as  far  as  Madaya,  Taungykyun,  and 
Kapaing,  6  miles  north  of  Mandalay.  Maung  On  with  his  party 
camped  at  Mingun,  while  Maung  Hpo  Maung,  with  his  troops, 
made  his  way  to  Sagalng  and  Ava.  A  further  contingent  from 
Taungdwingyi,  Pagan,  and  Sale  towns,  which  had  also  belonged  to 
the  Crown  Prince,  came  and  joined  him  and  marched  as  far  as  Palcik, 
9  miles  south  of  Mandalay.  The  King's  forces  were  at  first  driven 
back  and  the  city  was  nearly  surrounded  by  the  rebels.     The  King 




«a&  both  disheartened  and  alarmed  and  privately  suggested  lo   the 
chief  Quren  that  it  would  be  better  to  surrender  the  throne  volun- 
tarily (o  the  Padeing  Prince  and  leave  the  palace  with  all  his  fumilVr 
ratho-  than  be  compelhjd  to  do  so  by  force  of  arms.     The  Que'^n, 
however,  was  strongly  ag.itnst  this  and  urged  him  to  fight  on.      She 
was  considered  the  most  skilful  astrologtrin  the  Royal  Family  and 
maintalr>ed  that  her  calculations  proved  that  the  King  would  neither 
be  disgraced  nur  dethroned,  but  would  overcome  his  enemies,  if  <nily 
he  persuaded  his  officers  tn  attack  the  Padeing  Prince  energetically. 
The  Altnandaw,  the  Myauknandaw.  and  Ihe  Anauknandaw  Queen-i 
united  their  learii  and  supplications  to  those  of  the  chief  Queen  until 
His  Majesty  gave  way  and  sent  his  son,  the  Thfinze  Prince,  lo  Ava, 
the  Mefckhara  Prince  to  Paleik.and  the  Nyaung  Yan  Prince  to  take 
command    on  the   nver-bank    near   Sagamg.     The   Yenang:y*auug 
Ahvinwun  was  appointed  Wungyi  and  despatched  by  steamer  with 
a  thousand  men  to  the  upper  provinces,  while  the  Shwebo  IVttn  Bo 
Pym  was  appointed  Ashtrwinhmu  and    sent   to  Madaya.    and    the 
Paungdawpyet  Bo,  known  a**  80  Ma  Nga,  with  the  title  of  xWvaui- 
Tvinhmu,  was  sent  to  assist  the  Nyaung  Yan  Prince  in  the  ntlack  on 
Sagaing.     The   arrangements   proved    sulficlcnt.     The    Padeings 
men  at  first  fought  well,  bui  were  everywhere  defeated      They  were 
short  of  arms  and   ammunition,  they  haled  their  leaders    who  had 
been  very  strict  in  their  discipline,  and  before  long  they  commenced 
to  desert  in  large  numbers.     In  a  short  lime  the   Padeing    Prince 
was  left  almost  alone  and   wandered  about   from   place   to    place. 
practically  without  a  following  ;  eventually  he  was  captured  by  a  party 
under  the  Myadaung  IVumX  Thaputdaw  Chaukywa  in  the  Sagaing 
district  and  handed  over  to  the  Nyaung  Yan  Prince  who  commanded 
in  Sagaing.     The   Nyaung  Yan  Prince  treated  him   well    and  sent 
him  to  Mandalay  as  a  Slate  prisoner.     On  the  conclusion  of  hostili- 
rit^s  the  King  named  Ava  Anngniyctlmsi  (the  pleasant    ground  of 
victorv)  to  conimeii'.orate  th<-  chief  success  of  the  civil  war. 
♦  The  Padeing  Prince  was  kept  in  confinement  for  some  months 
and  was  then  put  to  death  by  the  Hlutdaw,  without  the  knowledge 
of  the  King,  as  it  was  said  he  was  concerting  a  new  rising  with  his 
sister,  the  Yanaungmyin  Princess. 

Two  days  after  the  murder  of  the  Eingshrmin  and  the  three 
Princes,  his  nephews,  their  remains  were  embalmed  and  laid  out  in 
slate.  The  body  of  the  Crown  Prince  was  placed  in  the  main  room 
of  the  temporary  palace  and  was  canopied  by  four  white  umbrellas. 
His  insignia  and  Court  dresses  were  also  laid  out  beside  the  corpse. 
The  remains  of  the  MalAn  Prince  and  his  brother,  the  Pyinsi  Prince, 
lay  in  the  house  of  their  mother,  the  Myauksaungdaw  Queen. 
The  Sagu  Prince's  body  was  placed  in  the  house  of  his  mother,  the 


..  1 1.1 



Taimgsaungdaw,  in  the  compound  of  the  temporary  palace.  The 
body  nf  each  Prince  lay  bent  ath  two  white  umbrellas  And  their 
State  dresses  and  badges  of  rank  were  also  displayed,  according  to 
ancient  rites  and  custom.  After  the  bodies  had  lain  thus  (or  nearly 
a  year,  the  temporary  palace  and  its  amiexures  were  pulled  down 
and  the  four  prince^i  were  buried  on  the  site  of  the  main  chamber 
of  the  temporary  palace.  A  large  mausoleum  was  built  over  their 
graves  and  an  image  called  Sanlamuni  nas  brought  Irom  Amara- 
pura  and  set  up  hard  by,  and  the  whole  was  surrounded  by  brick 
walls.  An  inscription  was  also  added  on  the  22nd  June  1867  (6th 
lahyigyaw  of  Nayon  1229  B.E.). 

In  November  1866  the  British  Envoy,  Colonel  Phayre, again  came 
up  to  Mandalay  to  negotiate  a  commercial  treaty.  He  was  kindly 
received  by  the  Kmg,  but  His  Majtsty  would  not  agree  to  any 
treaty  on  account  of  the  unsettled  slate  of  the  country.  Colonel 
Phayre  therefore  soon  left  Mandalay,  as  the  Burmnn  chronicler 
says,  "  with  much  dissatisfaction." 

In  the  same  month  all  the  arms  in  the  country  from  every  town 
and  village  were  collected  and  sent  to  the  Hlutdaw.  There  they 
were  numbered  and  the  quantities  necessary  for  the  defence  of  towns 
and  districts  were  made  up  and  issued  to  the  U'unS  and  other  local 
officials  who  were  made  responsible  for  them. 

In  April  1867,  a  fire  broke  out  north  of  the  S-weditiosm  the 
building  in  which  the  sacred  tooth  of  Buddah  was  kept.  The  fire 
was  quite  close  10  the  palace  and  the  King  was  greatly  alarmed. 
It  was,  however,  soon  extinguished  by  the  troops  and  officials  who 
hurried  to  the  spot.  All  those  officials  who  had  not  reported  them- 
selves at  the  palace  on  the  occasion  of  this  fire  were  spread-eagled 
in  the  sun  near  the  Civil  and  Police  Courts,  according  to  the  custom 
in  such  cases.  [This  was  due  to  the  fact  that  a  rebellion  was  usually 
signalled  by  a  fire  and  all  persons  of  importance  were  required  to 
prove  their  loyalty  by  going  immediately  to  the  palace.  The  result 
usually  was  that  fires  which  inl.i^ht  have  btvn  readily  got  under  if 
taken  in  time  were  often  neglected  until  they  become  quite  un- 

In  July  the  Mahadan  IVun,  N'cmyoyazathiba,  and  the  Yenatha 
Myook,  Minhla-mindin-kyawgaung,  were  sent  to  Singu  to  explore 
some  mines,  said  to  have  been  discovered  there.  They  were  suc- 
cessful in  finding  at  Sagylntaung  in  the  Singu  district  86  very  fine 
rubies  and  fifty  "of  the  ordinary  colour"  (possibly  spinel  or  balas- 
rubies).  These  were  taken  to  Mandalay  and  the  King  was  greatly 
pleased  with  them.  Experts  valued  them  as  quite  equal  to  those 
of  Mogok.     The  explorers  and  the  men  who  dug  out  the  rubies 



were  liberally  rewarded  and  rejOJl^r  niin'mtj  was  thenceforward 
carried  on  by  men  locally  hired  for  the  purpose.  Sagyintaun^  was 
now  re-named  by  the  King  Baddamyataung  (the  ruby  hill). 

In  the  same  month  the  Chfcbin  Prince,  Thadopyinyagyan ;  the 
Pinle  Prince,  Thadominsaw ;  ihe  Shwegu  Prince.  Pyinyalaw  ;  the 
Mainglon  Prince,  Thadorai^ycmin^aupg  ;  the  Yenaung  Prince  Thado- 
pyinyalaw;  the  Katha  Prince,  Thadominbya;  and  the  Htilin  Prince, 
Minyfethu,  entered  the  sacred  order  as  postulants,  and  plentiful 
offerings  were  given  to  the  sadatcs  and  nmnks,  and  numerous 
^wds  were  given  according  to  custom. 

In  March  a  letter  had  been  received  from  the  Governor-General 
of  India  regarding  the  conclusion  of  a  commercial  treaty.  This  was 
treated  with  the  most  notable  regard  by  the  King  and  shortly  after- 
wards the  envoys  appointed  left  Rangoon.  These  were  Colonel 
Albert  Fytche,  the  Chief  Commissioner,  Captain  Duncan,  Inspector- 
General  of  Police,  Mr.  Edwards,  Collector  of  Customs,  and  the 
Reverend  H.  W.  Crofton,  together  with  a  number  of  officers  in  charge 
of  the  escort.  They  left  Rangoon  on  the  20th  September  1867  by 
the  steamers  Nemesis  and  Colo7iel  Phayre-And  the  King  despatched 
iVundauk  U  Pe,  the  Singu  /f ««,  and  the  Padein  IVun  to  Minhia  to 
meet  them  and  to  procure  whatever  supplies  they  might  want  on 
the  way  up.  The  mission  reached  Minhia  on  the  syih  September 
and  was  received  with  suitable  honours.  The  journey  was  resumed 
next  day  and  at  all  the  halting  places  on  the  way  up  p-wh  were 
given  for  their  entertainment.  On  the  7th  October  Captain  Sladen, 
the  Political  Agent  at  Mandalay,  with  Mr.  Manook,  the  Kala-amity 
and  the  Hpaung  Wun,  went  down  with  a  number  of  war-boats  and 
met  the  Nemesis  at  Kyauktalon  and  went  on  board  of  her,  and  at 
3  o'clock  the  same  afternoon  the  whole  parly  reached  Mandalay. 
The  following  day  a  deputation  from  the  King,  the  Yenangyaung 
Wungyit  the  Kintvundauk^  and  other  officials  went  on  board  the 
steamer  and  formally  welcomed  the  mission  to  Mandalay.  On  the 
9th  the  Envoy  was  conducted  in  procession  from  the  steamer  to  the 
Residency,  and  on  his  arrival  there  the  Yenangyaung  iVungyi  and 
a  number  of  other  officials  paid  a  ceremonial  visit.  At  teno'  clock  on 
the  morning  of  the  1 1  th,  according  to  arrangement,  the  Envoy  and  his 
suit  proceeded  to  the  palace,  riding  on  elephants  and  escorted  by  nu- 
merous officials.  They  dismounted  at  the  eastern  gate  of  the  palace 
and  walked  to  the  flluidau\  or  Supreme  Court,  where  they  were  met 
by  the  Pakhan  and  Yenangyaung  Wungyis,  with  whom  they  shook 
hands,  and  were  then  led  to  the  Myenan,  the  Hall  of  Audience. 
Thence  they  went  on  to  the  Zadawun  Saung  reception  room, 
where  the  King  met  them  in  state  and  sealed  himself  on  a  golden 



couch;  near  him  sat  his  sons  the  Thonzfe,  Mekkhara,  and  Nyaung 
Van  Princes,  besides  a  nuniber  of  the  younger  Minihas  and  the 
whole  body  of  the  Minislers  of  Slate.  The  King  opened  the  conver- 
salidn  in  ihe  customary  way  by  enquiring  afler  the  health  of  the 
Envoy  and  his  party  and  the  details  of  the  voyage.  Then  the  list 
of  presents  from  the  Viceroy  to  the  King  was  read  aloud  and  after 
A  httle  conversation  the  Envoy  was  invested  with  a  gold  salwi'  of 
the  highest  grade.  Colonel  Fytche  made  a  suitable  reply  and  the 
King  then  retired.  A  number  of  cakes  and  sweetmeats  were  then 
handed  round  and  after  a  short  lime  the  parly  left. 

On  the  I4lh  October  Mrs.  Kytche  and  Mrs.  Lloyd  had  an 
interview  with  the  Nammadawpaya,  the  chief  Queen,  the  Alenan- 
daw,  the  Myauknandaw,  and  the  Anauknandaw  Queens  in  their 
rooms  in  the  palace. 

On  the  19th  of  the  month  Colonel  Kytche,  accomi^anled  by 
Captain  Sladen,  Captain  Duncan,  and  Mr.  Edwards,  had  a  private 
audience.  They  were  received  by  the  King  in  a  sumnter-house  in 
the  southern  garden  and  there  were  present  the  Yaw  Aiwinieun 
the  P6ppa  Wundauk,  Atroiwwundauk^  and  the  Kaiauuin,  After 
some  general  conversation  the  King  retired,  and  the  Chief  Com- 
missioner, CaplHin  Diincan,  and  Mr.  Edwards  visited  the  IVnttgyts 
in  succession :  first  the  Laungshe  Wungyi,  then  the  Venangyaung 
(Fmh^^i,  and  then  the  Pakhan  Wungyi.  On  I  he  2 1st  October  Colonel 
Fytche,  Captain  Sladen,  Captain  Duncan  and  Mr.  Edwards  again 
visited  the  Pakhan  IVuttgyi  ior  the  purpose  of  discussing  the  clauses 
of  the  treatv.  The  Kin  Wundauk,  the  KaiaicuH.  Mr.  Manook, 
and  minor  officers  were  present  to  take  notes  of  the  discussion.  Next 
day  the  Pakhan  Wungyi  and  the  Kin  Wundaak  visited  the  Chief 
Commissioner  and  on  the  23rd  the  entire  mission  visited  the  palace 
on  the  invitation  of  the  King  to  see  a  sort  of  amateur  ballet,  per- 
formed by  the  young  ladies  of  the  households  attached  to  the 
different  queens.  The  performance  was  considered  to  be  one  of  the 
best  ever  seen  in  the  palace.  When  the  King  left,  the  mission  was 
served  with  fruit  and  sweetmeats  in  an  arbour  in  the  garden  and 
then  paid  a  visit  to  the  royal  white  elephant.  They  then  went  on 
to  see  the  stone  masons  busily  engaged  in  engraving  on  stone  the 
whole  body  of  the  Bitaghat,  the  Three  Baskets  of  the  Law.  The 
mint  was  next  visited  and  then  the  bulk  of  the  party  returned  to 
the  Agency-,  while  Colonel  Fytche,  Captains  Sladen  and  Duncan, 
and  Mr.  Edwards  again  went  to  the  Pakhan  Wungyi's  to  settle 
points  in  the  treaty. 

Finally,  on  the  251  h  October,  the  entire  mission  went  in  formal 
procession  to  pay  a  farewell  visit  to  the  King,     The  order  and 



arrangements  were  the  same  as  on  the  first  occasion  The  party 
\sas  nitt  at  liie  Hiiifdaiv  by  ihu  F-'akhan  Wuugyi,  the  Nemmgyaung 
IVungyi,  the  Kin  IVumiaHk,  the  Kalawnn,  Mr.  Manook,  and  numer- 
ous other  officials  and  secretaries.  The  treaty  in  English  and 
Burmese  was  productd  and  read  aloud  by  the  Padeing  \\  un  and 
was  then  signed  and  sealed  by  Colonel  Fytche  on  the  one  part  and 
the  Pakhan  Wungyi  on  ihe  other.  After  the  signing  of  the  treaty 
ihe  mission  party  was  conducted  into  ihe  palace  and  received  in 
the  same  room  as  on  the  first  interview.  The  King  had  some 
conversation  with  the  Envoy  and  then  made  presents  to  the  entire 
pariy,  valuable  ruby  rings,  gold  cups,  and  other  mementoes.  When 
the  King  retired  the  Envoy  and  the  officers  of  his  suite  went  to  the 
Royal  garden  and  were  ihiare  regaled  with  sweetmeats  and  then 
went  on  to  lunch  al  the  liouse  of  Mr.  Manook,  ilic  Kalaiaun^  Mr. 
Manook  had  been  most  energetic  in  his  attention  to  the  comfort 
of  the  mission  during  its  stay.  In  recognition  of  this  Colonel 
Fytche  afterwards  presented  him,  through  Captain  Sladen,  the 
Resident  in  Mandalay,  with  a  gold  watch,  on  which  was  an  inscrip- 
tion recognizing  the  services  rendered  by  Mr.  Manook  during  the 
negotiation  of  the  treaty,  with  the  date  25th  October  1867. 

On  the  28th  Oclober  the  Ministers  came  in  a  body  to  say  good- 
bye to  Colonel  Fytche.  and  the  same  afternoon  the  whole  mission 
embarked  and  the  steamers  proceeded  next  morning  down  the 
river.  The  P6ppa  Wundatik  and  other  officials  accompanied  the 
party  to  the  frontier  to  attend  to  their  wants.  The  Chief  Com- 
missioner expressed  himself  to  these  officers  as  much  pleased  with 
*'the  magnificent  and  honourable  reception  accorded  to  him." 

The  following  December  Mr.  McCall,  the  managcrof  the  firm  of 
Messrs.  Todd,  Findlay  and  Company,  came  up  to  Mandalay  and 
presented  the  King  with  a  number  of  articles  of  value.  He  was 
well  received  by  the  King  and  got  as  return  presents  some  fine 
ruby  rings,  a  gold  cup  filled  with  gold  coins,  and  some  silk  pasos. 
His  Majesty  also  gave  prestnls  to  the  foresters  or  thitgaungs  who 
accompanied  Mr.  McCall. 

In  January  1868  Major  E.  B.  Sladen,  the  British  Resident  at 
Mandalay,  was  desp.itched  on  a  mission  to  Wt-slern  China  and 
during  his  absence  the  British  Residency  in  Mandalay  was  under 
ihe  efiarge  of  the  Kalawun,  Mr.  Manook,  and  all  correspondence 
with  the  Chief  Commissioner  parsed  through  his  hand.  Mr. 
Manook  was  afterwards  formally  thanked  far  his  valuable  services 
al  the  Agency.  When  Major  Sladen  arrived  at  a  small  Kachin 
village,  called  Ponleng,  on  the  way  from  Bhamo  to  Momien,  a  pri- 
vate order,  said  to  be  issued  by  the  IVun  of  Bhamo,  was  received 

CHAP.  It.] 



by  the  headman  of  Ponleng,  This  order  was  written  on  a  short 
palm-leaf  and  simply  stated  that  the  Ktilas  were  not  tD  be  allowed 
to  return  to  Burma.  This  ducuinent  was  handed  to  Maung  Mo, 
Captain  Sladen's  Kachin  interpreter,  who  read  it  to  the  mission 
party  and  then  returned  it  10  the  Kachin  headman.  Major  Sladen 
wrote  privately  to  Mr.  Manook,  the  Kalawun,  and  asked  him  to  lay 
the  matter  before  the  King,  which  Mr.  Manook  accordingly  did, 
notwithstanding  the  risk  which  he  thus  ran.  The  King;  was  much 
annoyed  at  thts  unexpected  announcement  and  said  he  would  recall 
the  IVun  and  have  the  matter  investigated  on  the  return  of  the 
mission.  When  Major  Sladen  returned,  the  Wnn  wa^  in  f.ict 
recalled  and  Mr.  Manook  was  sent  by  the  Kinij  to  ihe  Knglish 
officer  to  enquire  whether  he  would  rather  have  the  Wun  intenogat- 
ed  by  the  IVungyis  at  the  Hintdaia  in  his  presence  or  would  prefer  to 
investigate  the  matter  hims*^lt  at  the  Residency.  Mpjof  Sladen 
bluntly  replied  that  he  would  neither  attend  any  investigation  at  the 
Hlutdato  nor  would  he  interrogate  the  Wun  himself,  for  he  was 
sure  that  that  functionary  would  not  tell  the  truth.  Mr.  Manook 
reported  this  reply  to  the  King  and  so  the  matter  ended.  The 
Bhamo  Wun  was  dismissed  from  oihce,  but  five  or  six  montlis  later 
he  was  appointed  Governor  of  Salin. 

In  February  there  was  another  grand  ear-boring  ceremony. 
The  Royal  Princesses  whose  ears  were  bored  were  Supayagyi,  Thiri- 
thuyatana-iTiingala  Dewi,  and  Supayalat,  Thlri-thupapi>a-yatana 
Dewi,  daughters  of  the  Alenandaw  Queen  ;  the  Mingin  Pnncess, 
Thiri-thuyatana  Dewi,  daughter  of  the  Magwe  Queen  ;  the  Mainglon 
Princess,  Thuthiriyatana  Dewi,  daughter  of  the  .Sapwadaung 
Queen;  the  Maingkaing  Princess,  Thuthiri-pappawa  Dewi,  an  elder 
sister  of  King  Thibaw,  daughter  of  the  Laungshe  Queen;  the 
Padeing  Princess,  Thiriihu-pappaw  Dewi,  daughter  of  the  Kohnitywa 
Queen ;  the  Sinyin  Princess,  Thirithu-raingala  Dewi,  daughter  of 
the  Myauksaungdaw  Queen  ;  the  Maingnaung  Princess,  Thuthiri- 
mingala  Dewi,  daughter  of  the  Magvipinsauk  Queen,  and  the 
Taungpyungyi  Pnncess,  Thuihiripappa  Dewi,  daughter  of  the  Let- 
pansin  Queen.  Besides  these,  fourteen  princesses,  daughters  of  the 
late  Ein^sheminy  also  had  their  ears  bored.  The  ceremony  was 
carried  out  in  the  Hmattnandaw  and  was  conducted  with  the  usual 
pomp  and  customary  regard  for  the  respective  rank  and  dignity  of 
the  ladies.  Large  offerings  were  as  usual  made  to  the  monks,  and 
the  King  himself  a  month  before  the  event  made  presents  to  the 
Queens,  Princes,  Princesses,  Ministers,  subordinate  officials,  and 
the  people  of  the  capital  in  general,  as  he  had  done  two  years 
before  on  the  occasion  of  the  ear-boring  of  his  favourite  daughter, 
the  Salin  Princess. 



Copies  of  the  Biloghat  had  been  preserved  in  the  Bitaghat  tnik 
at  the  foot  of  the  Mandnlay  hill  some  time  before,  on  the  occasion 
of  the  setting  up  of  thu  great  marbles  Buddha.     Since  then  stone 
carvers  had  been  at  work  engraving  the  text  of  the  books  of  the  Law 
contained  in  (he  Suftam  ifinaya  and  Abkidhatmna  on  7;^o  marble 
slabs,  and  these  were  now  mounted  round  the   Maha   Lawkamasin 
(Loka  Marazin)  pagoda,  each  slab  in  a  shrine  or  grotto  of  its  own. 
This  Avas  in  December  i86S.     The  King  had  expressed  his  desire 
of  ensuring  the  maintenance  of  the  Buddhist  religion  during  the 
next  5,000  years,  and  this  meritorious  work,  the  like  of  which  no 
King  had  ever  before  attempted,  was  his  mode  of  securing  an  exact 
text  of  the  law.     The  marble  slabs  had  been  br(mght  from  the  same 
Sagyintaung  quarry  where  the  block  for  the  huge  image  was  hewn 
out.     Fifty  sculptors  were  employed  in  copying  the  text,  and  the 
accuracy  of  this  was  certified   by  tlie  most  learned  sudrnvs  and  of- 
ficials in  the  royal  city.     The  work  had  extended  over  a  period  of  five 
years.     [The  Maha  I-awka  Marazuin  pagoda  is  noiv  populariy  known 
as  the  Kulhodaw,  the  Royal   Merit  pagoda,]     In  accordance  with 
the  treaty  of  1867  the  Mixed  Court  was  established  and  opened  on 
the   1st  August    1868.     Major,  afterwards  Sir   Edward   Boscawen 
Sladen,  on  the  part  of  the   British  Government  and  Mr.   Manook, 
the  Kaia-wun,  on  the  part  of  the  King,  were  appointed  the  fiist  Judges 
of  this  Court,  and  on  the  departure  of  Major  Sladen  on  furlough  his 
place  was  taken  by  Captain  Strover,  who  ofiiciaied  as  Political  Agent 
until  the  arrival  of  Major  R.  A.  Macmahon  in  November,  when 
Captain  Strover  left  for  Bhamo  as  the  first  Political  Agent  in  that 
town.     He  was  accompanied  by  Major  Macmahon  and  they  as- 
cended the  river  in  a  small  steamer,  the  Colonel  Fytche^  connnand- 
ed  by  Captain   Bacon.      This  was  the  first  steamer  to  make  the 
passage  from  Mandalay  to  Bhamo.     Mr.  Manook  accompanied  the 
party.     Major  Macmahon  returned  to  Mandalay  after  a  stay  of 
only  a  few  days,  but  Mr.  Maiiook  remained   with  Captain  Strover. 
The  Governor  of   Bhamo  at  first   obstructed  and   opposed  all  lh« 
views  of  the  Political  .Assistant,  bm  he  was  checked  and  warned  by 
Mr.  Manook,  who  was  afterwards  warmly  thanked  for  his  services. 
[Mr.  Manook  would  appear  to  have  been  a  personal  friend  of  the 
Burnian  annalist   from  the  frequent  laudatory  references   made  to 

In  1870  a  telegraphic  line  from  Mandalay  to  the  British  frontier 
was  nearly  finished. 

In  June  of  that  year,  by  order  of  the  King,  the  Daing  Wnn^  Maha- 
mingyaung-ihinhkaya,  repaired  the  Shweta  chaung  as  far  as  Nan- 
dakan,  a  quarter  in  the  royal  city. 

CHAP.  M.] 



In  July  four  large  buildings  were  erected  in  the  palace  to  serve 
as  offices  for  the  Public  Works,  Police,  Agricultural,  and  Financial 
Departments,  The  chief  of  the  Public  Works  Department  was 
the  Khampat  li'^un^yi\  Thadomingyi-thirimaha-mingyaung-uzana. 
Under  him  were  the  Poppa  Wundauky  Mingyi-mahaminhla-min- 
gyaung,  the  Bhamo  Wundauk,  Mingyi-mahamingyaung-kyawswa, 
and  the  Thandawzin  Minhla-ihinkaya.  The  Police  office  was  in 
charge  of  the  Myotha  Afyawun,  Mingyi-mahamingyaung.ih6nyain|j, 
with  the  Kinwundnuk,  Min^yi-mahasithu,  and  the  Thandawzin 
Kathc  Myinwan,  MahaminJinyaza.  The  Department  of  Agri- 
culture was  put  in  the  hands  of  the  Kani  Af'tvinivun,  Mingyi-maha- 
mingyaung-lhinkaya,  with  theTHeinni  ff'w«(/(7«^,  Mingyi-mahamin- 
gyaung-kyawdin.  The  portfolio  of  finance  was  given  to  the  Pagan 
I'Vundauk,  Mingyi-mahayaza-thinyin,  with  the  Thandawzin  Min- 
gala  Myivnun,  Maha-minhla-sithu.  The  whole  control  of  each 
department  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  these  officers. 

In  SKptember  the  chief  Queen  of  King  Tharrawaddi,  the  motlier 
of  the  Pagan  Min,  died  and  there  was  an  enormons  concourse  of 
people  at  her  cremation  within  the  precincts  of  the  palace.  The 
tuneral  pyre  was  erected  on  the  glacis  north  of  the  Hlulda-w; 
numerous  officials  attended  until  the  incineration  was  completed* 
The  bones  were  then  gathered  and  washed  with  cocoanut-waier, 
rose-water,  and  other  sweet-smelling  essences  and  were  placed  in  a 
golden  pot,  held  by  a  specially  selected  man.  The  golden  urn 
was  then  deposited  in  a  State  palanquin,  and  this  was  carried  in  state, 
shaded  by  four  white  umbrellas,  to  the  Irrawaddy,  where  the  cine- 
rary urn  was  thrown  into  the  river,  according  to  the  rites  proper 
for  the  occasion.  A  cenotaph  was  erected  over  the  site  of  the 
funeral  pyre,  which  exists  to  the  present  day. 

The  Magwe  Queen  had  always  been  on  bad  terms  with  the 
Al^nandaw  Queen  and  quarrels  were  constant  between  them.  At 
last  in  October  of  this  year  the  Magwe  Queen  addressed  the  King 
and  said  that  she  feared  the  Alfenandaw  Queen  would  poison  His 
Majesty's  mind  against  her  and  bring  about  her  ruin.  She  there- 
fore begged  that  she  might  be  allowed  to  leave  the  place  and  live 
with  a  man  whom  she  loved,  rather  than  remain  in  the  place  and  be 
constantly  nagged  at  and  abused,  The  King  was  very  angry  at 
first,  but  he  controlled  his  temper  and  gave  permission  to  the 
Queen  to  leave  the  place  and  go  to  live  with  the  rival  in  his  affec- 
tions. All  the.  Queen's  property,  however,  was  seized  and  given  to 
her  two  daughters,  the  Mingin  Princess  and  the  Taungdwingyaung 
Princess.  When  the  Myotha  Myoivun,  who  was  Governor  of 
Mandalay,  heard  of  this,  he  seized  the  Queen's  leman,  and  would 



have  put  him  to  death,  but  the  King  interfered  and  said  the  matter 
concerned  him  alone.  He  had  forbome  and  forgiven  and  it  was  for 
no  one  else  to  judge  the  matter.  The  two  therefore  lived  together 

In  1871,  commencing  from  the  month  of  April,  a  great  meeting 
was  convened  in  the  Myenan  numbering  2.400  learned  s/tyadtitcs 
and  pdngyis.  Under  the  presidency  of  the  King  they  recited  and 
rehearsed  the  Bifaghat  Thonhoji,  thn  Three  Baskets  of  the  Law,  the 
communications  of  the  Lord  Buddha.  The  rehearsal  occupied 
nearly  five  months  and  His  Majesty  feasted  the  holy  men  all  this 
time.  For  this  reason  Mlndon  Min  was  henceforward  called 
Pyinsama  Thinktiya-naiin  {or  thin),  the  fifih  King  who  rehearsed 
the  I-aw  of  the  Buddha,  the  Convenor  of  the  Fifth  Great  Synod. 
He  was  the  only  King  in  modern  times  who  observed  this  pious  cere- 
mony, and  there  were  only  four  Kings  before  him.  since  the  death  of 
Shin  Gautama,  who  had  gone  through  this  edifying  and  devout  rite. 
The  King's  four  predecissor.s  were  — 

(i)  Aratathat,  the  King  of  Yazagyo,  who  was  the  first  who 
convened  such  a  synod.  Four  months  after  the  death 
of  Shin  Gautama,  he  with  the  chief  rahav,  Shin 
Mahakaihapa,  and  500  rahans  read  over  the  holy  books 
at  the  mouth  of  a  cave  called  Sayapinyaukyahlaing 
Ku.  The  King  therefore  received  the  title  of  Patama 

(2)  The  next  was  Kalathawka.  Lord  of  Wethali.  The 
chief  rahan,  Maharaiha,  with  700  rahans,  performed 
the  same  ceremony  throughout  a  period  of  eight  months 
at  the  Walokarama  kyamig,  100  years  after  the  death 
of  the  Buddha.  This  King  is  therefore  known  as 
Dutt'va  Thinkaya-nathin,  the  convenor  of  the  Second 
Great  Synod. 

(3)  The  great  King  Thiridhammathawka,  ruler  of  Patalipok, 
was  the  Tatiyt  Thinkaya-nathin.  (/'ne  thousand  ra- 
hans,  with  Shin  Maukkalan  as  their  choragos,  during  a 
period  of  nine  months  intoned  the  sacred  precepts  at 
Atthaw  Karama  kyaung.  This  was  336  years  after 
Gautama  had  entered  into  rest. 

{4)  The  fourth  was  Wattaltamani,  King  of  Thiho  (Ceylon). 
The  chief  rahon,  Shin  Maheinda,  with  500  monks, 
his  companions,  chaunted  the  volumes  of  the  tiUaghat 
455  years  after  the  Buddha  had  attained  Neikban. 
This  King  therefore  is  known  as  Sadotta  Thinkaya' 

CHAP.  11,  J 


There  was  then  no  repetition  of  the  pious  rile  until  the  time  of 
King  Miiidon,  foumler  of  Ratanapong  (ihe  Royal  City  of  Gems) 
and  the  number  of  holy  men  who  attended  the  synod  was  nearly 
equal  to  the  congregations  of  his  four  predecessors  taken  together, 
There  had  b«en  no  such  function  for  nearly  2,000  years,  for  His 
Majesty's  synod  was  held  in  the  year  of  religion  2414.  He  is  there- 
fore worthy  of  greater  esteem  than  any  of  those  that  went  before 

In  November  the  King  sent  the  Yaw  Aiwinwun,  Mingyl  Minhla- 
mahasithu,  to  Salin  to  repair  an  old  pagoda  there,  which  had  been 
erected  by  Kyawswa  Min,  the  King  of  Pagan,  in  former  days.  He 
had  no  sooner  left  Mandalay  than  his  enemies  calumniated  him  to 
the  King.  They  said  the  At-u'tn-wnn  was  in  the  habit  of  saying 
openly  that  he  saw  no  harm  in  drinkin:^  liquor,  and  that  he  actually 
did  drink  himself  and  often  spoke  against  the  King  in  his  cups. 
The  King  was  very  angry  and  sent  off  the  Amyauhvun,  Mahamin- 
gaung  Nawrata,  to  arrest  the  Aiwinwitu.  This  was  done  at  Myin- 
gyan  and  the  Atinittjijun  was  brought  back  to  Mandalay  as  a 
prisoner.  The  King,  without  any  enquiry  or  investigation  what- 
ever, dismissed  the  Atwimviitt  from  his  offices  and  confined  him 
in  .-Vmarapura  for  a  long  time  Eventually  he  relented,  or  was 
persuaded  that  the  charges  were  not  iruc,  and  appointed  the  un- 
fortunate official  to  his  former  rank  as  Shwepyi  Atmnivun.  [This 
olTicial,  however,  seems  to  have  been  very  unguarded  in  what  he 
said,  for  there  is  a  note  to  the  effect  that  in  1878,  on  the  accession 
of  King  Thibaw,  the  Shwt-pyi  At7vtnwun  became  Magwe  Mingyi 
with  the  presidency  of  a  sort  of  council,  which  was  supposed  to  ad- 
minister the  country  in  "  European  fashion,"  and  in  particular  held 
charge  of  the  treasury.  The  King  received  money  on  his  note  of 
hand,  but  he  sent  so  often  that  one  day  the  Magwe  Mingyi  (he  is 
mysteriously  called  the  "  witty  "  minister)  told  the  man,  who  came 
with  a  large  demand  for  His  NIa'jeity,  that  the  young  King  was  very 
extravagant  and  should  remember  that  nimicy  was  not  to  be  ob- 
tained for  nothing,  but  was  wrung  out  of  hardworking  cultivators, 
and  should  not  be  squandered  as  if  it  were  sand  or  stones.  (There 
seems  more  morality  and  sense  in  this  than  "wit,"  cm:  wisdom 
either,  considering  the  circumstances).  The  lale  was  carried  lo  the 
King  and  Supayalat,  and  the  Wungyi^^s  deprived  of  all  office  only 
four  months  after  his  accession  to  rank.  The  Yenangyaung  Wiin- 
gyi  was  dismissed  on  the  same  day  and  the  two  were  imprisoned 
in  the  south  garden  of  the  palace.  Curiously  enoui^h  these  two 
men  Maung  Po  Hlaing  (Magwe)  and  Maung  So  (Yenangyaung) 
were  the  two  who  persuaded  Mindon  Mln,  when  he  was  at  Shwebo, 
not  to  retreat  on  Manipur,  but  lo  fight  where  he  was.     Maung  Po 



HIaing's  father  was  Yindaw  Wungyi  in  Klni;  Tharrawaddi's  lime, 
and  was  noted  as  a  learned  and  able  minister.  He  was  a  great 
Sanskrit  scholar  and  was  much  liked  by  the  foreigners  who  came 
to  Tharrawaddi's  Court.] 

In  March  1872,  an  Embassy  was  despatched  to  the  Court  of  St. 
James's  with  letters  and  presents  to  the  Queen.  The  members 
were  the  Kin  IVundauk,  now  appointed  iVungyt,  Mingyi  Maha- 
siihu,  and  chief  of  the  Embassy,  the  Patin  Wun,  Mahamingaung- 
sithu,  and  the  Pangyet  iVun,  Mahazeyananda  Kyawtin,  with  equal 
powers  under  him  and  now  created  IVundauk,  and  Sayegyi,  Ma- 
haminhlazeyathu,  as  Secretary  to  the  Mission.  The  King  had 
been  ill-advised  by  his  Ministers  and  had  not  given  formal  notice 
of  his  intention  of'^  sending  such  -  party  to  the  Political  Agent  or 
to  the  English  Government.  In  consequence  of  this  irregularity, 
the  Envoy  was  afraid  that  he  might  not  be  properly  received  m 
London  and  therefore  first  of  all  visited  the  Courts  of  Italy  and 
France.  They  were  honourably  received  in  both  countries  and 
then  went  on  to  London,  where  they  were  magnificently  received 
by  Her  Majesty  the  Queen  and  the  Court.  The  Embassy  after 
presenting  their  letters  and  gifts  visited  many  places  of  interest  in 
England  and  then  returned  with  much  joy  and  satisfaction  and 
went  back  by  way  of  Paris.  There  a  commercial  treaty  was  con- 
cluded, according  to  the  terms  of  which  French  subjects  were 
granted  permission  to  work  mines  for  minerals  and  precious  stones 
in  Burma  without  let  or  hindrance.  The  Embassy  then  returned 
to  Mandalay  and  the  Kinwun  Mingyi  recounted  what  had  been 
done.  The  King  was  much  displeased  with  the  clause  of  the 
treaty  authorizing  the  working  of  mines  for  precious  stones  by  the 
French,  and  said  the  Ambassador  had  no  authority  to  agree  to  any 
such  concession.  His  Majesty  held  up  in  his  hand  one  of  the 
most  valued  of  the  crown  jewels,  a  ruby  ring  known  as  Nga  Mauk, 
and  asked  the  assembled  courtiers  what  its  value  might  be.  They 
bowed  their  heads  to  the  ground  and  said  no  such  jewel  could  be 
found  anywhere  in  the  world.  No  value  could  therefore  be  set  on 
it.  It  was  priceless,  inestimable,  inimitable.  The  King  then, 
holding  the  jewel  aloft,  said;  "If  this  one  ruby  be  so  inestimable 
"  how  many  such  priceless  stones  are  there  to  be  found  in  our  ruby 
"  mines  !  Moreover,  there  is  no  country  in  all  the  world  which  pro- 
"  duces  rubies  such  as  ours.  Are  we  then  to  resign  our  pride  in 
"  this  possession  and  let  foreigners  work  our  mines  ?  The  treaty  is 
"  not  ratified." 

[The  ruby  ring,  Nga  Mauk,  was  only  worn  by  the  Kings  of  Bur- 
ma on  ceremonial  occasions,  such  as  the  reception  of  Ambassadors 
from  foreign  countries,  or  at  great  festivals.] 

CHAP.  II.] 



About  this  time  a  Shan  Amat  of  Theinni  (Hsen  Wi)  named 
Shin  He  (Hsan^  Hai)  left  Hsen  Wi  tow^l  and  gathered  under  him 
a  number  of  wild  Kachins  and  committed  many  depredations  on 
the  Theinni  frontier.     The   Bhaino  IVnm/auk,   Mingyi   Maha-min- 

faung-zeyathu,  was  despatched  with  3,000  troops  to  suppress  him. 
here  was  a  fight  and  Hsang  Hai  and  his  Kachins  took  to  flight. 
[Hsang  Hai,  however,  gave  a  great  deal  of  trouble  afterwards  and 
led  to  the  break  up  of  the  Hsen  Wi  State  with  disturbances  which 
lasted  until  the  country  was  occupied  by  British  troops.] 

On  the  1 8th  of  April  there  was  an  exceedingly  violent  storm  in 
Mandalay,  with  thunder  and  lightning,  heavy  rain,  and  fierce  gusts 
of  wind.  Four  persons  were  struck  by  lightning  and  killed.  The 
like  had  never  been  known  in  the  royal  city  before.  I  hree  men 
were  killed  by  lightning  in  the  Natso-lfetvvt;  quarter  on  the  north  of 
the  city  and  one  in  the  Dawe  quarter  to  the  south  of  the  palace. 

On  the  24th  of  the  same  month  letters  from  Her  Majesty  the 
Queen  of  England,  the  Prime  Minister,  and  the  Viceroy  of  India 
were  brought  np  to  Mandalay  by  Colonel  Horace  Browne,  the 
Deputy  Commissioner  of  Thayetmyo.and  most  honourably  received 
by  the  King  in  full  audience.  The  letters  were  read  aloud  by  a 
Tkandawsin^  and  the  King,  according  to  custom,  had  some  con- 
versation with  the  officers  of  Colonel  Horace  Browne's  party  and 
expressed  himself  highly  pleased  with  the  letters.  After  he  had 
retired  the  British  Officers  had  refreshments  of  the  usual  kind 
served  up  to  them  and  then  returned  to  the  Residency. 

The  Myauknandaw  Queen  after  her  return  from  a  visit  to 
worship  at  the  Arakan  pagoda  was  seized  with  an  attack  of  in- 
fluenza and,  though  she  was  attended  by  the  most  skilful  of  the 
Court  physicans,  failed  to  recover  and  died  on  the  3rd  May.  Hers 
was  the  lirst  case  of  influenza  known  in  Mandalay,  or  rather  the 
first  fatal  case.  This  Queen  was  the  daughter  of  a  Myothitgyi 
and  was  taken  by  King  Mind6n  as  his  first  wife,  while  vet  he  was 
only  a  Prince.  She  h;id  very  great  influence  over  the  King  and 
continued  to  rank  as  his  second  wife  after  his  marriage  with  the 
chief  Queen,  the  Nammadawpaya,  who  according  to  rule  was  of 
the  royal  house  (she  was  Mindcm's  half-sister).  Before  her  death 
the  Myauknandaw  specially  requested  that  her  remains  might  be 
buried  instead  of  being  burnt  according  to  custom.  A  grave  was 
therefore  prepared  for  her  in  the  north  garden  of  the  palace  and 
she  was  entombed  with  great  ceremony  and  a  mausoleum  with  a 
spire  was  erected  over  the  spot.  This,  however,  was  pulled  down 
and  utterly  destroyed  when  King  Thibaw  ascended  the  throne,  and 
the  Queen's  remains  were  carried  away  and  thrown  into  the  com- 



mon  burying-ground.  This  desecration  was  said  to  be  due  to 
Queen  SupayalHt,who  declared  thai  ihe  Myauknandaw  Queen  was 
nol  of  royal  blood  and  tlierefore  nnt  wortliy  to  be  buried  wiihin  the 
limits  of  the  palace.  The  true  reason,  however,  was  probably  the 
hatred  which  Supayalat's  mother,  the  Al^nandaw  Queen,  bore  to 
the  deceased,  her  superior  In  the  palace,  tliough  her  inferior  in 

In  the  same  month  of  May  1S72  the  Mckkhara  Prince,  Thado- 
tliudhamma  mahadhammayaza,  was  appi'inlt_d  to  the  charge  of  the 
engineering  works  and  factories  in  Mandalay,  with  a  number  of 
officials  under  his  orders. 

In  July  five  Princes,  the  sons  of  the  King,  and  15  Princes,  the 
sons  of  the  late  £ingshemin,  assumed  the  yellow  robe  and  remain- 
ed throughout  Lent  in  the  monastery  of  tlie  Tkathanabaing^  the 
Superior  of  the  Order.     His  kyaung  lay  to  the  east  of  the  city. 

From  the  ist  December  of  this  year  the  King  commenced 
a  monthly  dole  to  the  heads  of  every  monastery  in  Mandalay. 
The  offerings  seni  were  a  basket  of  the  best  rice,  five  parabaiks 
(note-books),  five  pencils  (of  steatite  for  writing  in  these  black 
scroll-books),  1  viss  of  ghee,  1  viss  of  honey,  i  viss  of  oil,  and  1 
viss  of  molas?es,  to  each  siidav.'  or  pongyi  who  officiated  as  abbot. 
The  heads  of  kyauvgs  sent  in  return  their  benedictions  formally 
written  out  on  palm-leaves.  These  bemsons  were  all  formally 
rpcited  by  the  Thandawsin  every  evening  before  the  audience 
which  was  held  daily. 

About  the  end  of  the  year  an  Italian  Envoy  came  to  Mandalay 
and  \ras  honourably  received  and  the  treaty,  which  had  been  nego- 
ciated  nearly  two  years  before,  was  formally  ratified. 

At  neariy  the  same  time  a  portrait  of  Her  Majesty  the  Queen 
was  delivered  to  Mind6n  Min  and  was  treated  with  the  greatest 
possible  honour  and  respect. 

In  April  1873  the  Kyabin  Prince,  son  of  the  Limban  Queen  was 
marriea  to  the  Kulywa  Minthami,  daughter  of  the  Samakon 
Queen.  He  went  mad  shortly  after  liis  marriage,  but  this  calamity, 
otherwise  to  be  deplored,  was  the  means  of  saving  his  life  in  1879, 
when  Kin^  Thibaw  put  the  other  Princes  and  Princesses  to  death. 

In  June  1873  a  Chinaman  named  Li-si-tal,  who  styled  himself 
an  imperial  officer,  came  to  Mandalay  and  had  an  interview  with 
the  King.  He  represented  that  the  Panthays  {Huitsu)  had  rebelled 
against  the  Udibu^a  and  had  destroyed  much  of  the  country  in 
\\estern  China.  Li-si-tai  said  that  he  had  spent  all  that  he 
possessed  in  warring  against  these  rebels,  and  added  that  it  would 
be  a  gracious  token  of  His  Majesty's  affection  for,  and  alliance  with 

CHAP.  II.] 



the  Emperor  of  China  if  some  20,000  or  30,000  viss  of  cotton  then 
lying  at  Bhamo  were  presented  to  him,  Li-si-tai,  to  enable  him  to 
resume  the  struggle  against  the  marauding  Panthays.  The  King 
was  fully  persuaded  that  Li-si-tai  was  in  reality  a  Mandarin  of  the 
Middle  Kingdom  and  gave  him  20,000  viss  of  the  royal  cotton 
stored  at  Bhamo.  Li-si-tai  was  in  actual  fact  "an  audacious  and 
arrogant  robber  chief,"  who  made  a  living  by  plundering  caravans 
between  Bhamo  and  Moniein  (T'^ng-yiieh).  This  present  from  iho 
King,  however,  apparently  improved  his  mode  of  life.  He  joined 
the  Chinese  army,  really  did  fight  the  Panthays,  and  in  the  end  was 
decorated  by  the  Chinese  authoriiies.  [Li-si-tai  was  the  man  who 
is  believed  to  have  been  the  chief  agent  in  the  murder  ol  Augustus 
Raymond  Margary] 

In  June  also  some  sayadaws  and  pongyis,  tired  of  the  re- 
straints of  the  monastic  life,  put  off  their  yi'llow  robi*s  and  became 
laymen.  The  King  had  them  assembled  together  and  appointed 
Ihem  to  posts  in  different  districts  and  towns  according  In  their 
abilities.  Each  man  had  a  fixed  salary  and  ihey  were  styled 
Lupyandaw  on  account  of  the  interest  the  King  had  taken  in  them, 
instead  of  the  usual  opprobrious  lutwet. 

In  November  1873,  the  Pakhan  fKM«^;vi*Thadomingyi-minh*a- 
sithu,  the  Chief  Minister  of  the  Council  and  the  signatdry  nn  the 
part  of  Burma  of  the  Commercial  Treaty  of  1867,  died  much 
regretted  by  both  the  King  and  every  one  who  had  known  him. 

In  December  a  man  named  Maung  Ye,  who  had  been  a  salt- 
boiler  in  Pegu,  came  up  to  Mandalay  and  attempted  to  make  his 
way  into  the  palace  through  the  Tttga  ni,  ihe  main  gate.  The 
officer  in  charge  of  the  i^ate  seized  hold  of  him,  for  the  Tnga-ni 
could  only  be  used  by  the  Royal  hamily,  the  Ministers  of  State,  and 
Foreign  Ambassadors.  Maung  Ye,  however,  boldly  ani.ounced  to 
the  Bo  that  he  came  by  the  orders  of  the  iVaga  Afin,  the  Dragon 
King,  who  had  heard  of  the  piety  and  power  of  the  Burmese 
King  and  wished  to  come  and  serve  him.  Tne  A'agn  Min,  however, 
was  a  sea  dragon  and  could  not  live  on  dry  land.  He  had  therefore 
despatched  Maung  Ye  as  his  forerunner  to  charge  the  King  to 
build  a  large  tank  and  fill  it  with  water  so  that  the  Naga  Min  might 
have  a  dwelling-place.  The  Naga  Min^  Maung  Ye  said,  would 
make  his  appearance  in  Mandalay  in  a  month's  time.  The  Taga-tti 
Bo  reported  all  this  to  King  Mindon,  who  ordered  ihat  Maung  Ye 
should  be  brought  before  him  immediately.  Maung  Ye's  petition 
was  formally  read  to  His  Majesty  and  after  a  few  questions  the  King 
loaded  the  impostor  with  presents  and  gave  orders  for  tlie  construc- 
tion of  a  large  tank  at  the  foot  of  Mandalay  hill  with  a  plentiful 



supply  of  water  for  the  Naga  Min.  When  the  tank  was  finished 
the  shameless  Maung  Ye  announced  that  the  vapourous  outline  of 
the  Naga  Min  would  be  seen  hovering  over  the  Mycnanpyathat 
(the  main  spire  of  the  palace)  and  tiic  residence  of  the  chief  Queen. 
Accordinijly  one  night  the  watchers  declared  ihey  saw  a  brilliant 
glow  on  these  buildings,  it  was  believed  that  Maung  Ye  had  really 
produced  some  illusion  by  black  arts,  or  by  some  trick  learnt  in  his 
trade  of  panning  out  salt.  However  that  may  be,  he  lost  none  of  his 
audacity  and  had  the  effrontery  to  address  another  petition  to  the 
King  to  the  effect  that,  if  His  Majesty  wished  to  inteniew  or  make 
use  of  the  Naga  Min,  he  had  only  to  go  to  the  tank  and  stamp  ihrice 
on  the  ground  with  his  royal  reet  and  say  "  Naga,  come  forth." 
This,  however,  Mindon  Min  refused  to  do  and  probably  began  to 
suspect  the  deceit  that  had  been  put  upon  him.  Nevertheless,  he 
allowed  the  mysterious  legend  to  be  put  aboul  among  his  subjects, 
so  that  they  might  be  led  (o  believe  that  he  was  like  the  great  and 
glorious  kings  of  old,  of  whom  it  is  fabled  that  their  power  was  so 
world  compelling  that  even  the  Nagas  were  unable  to  stay  in  their 
own  places,  but  were  forced  to  come  and  do  the  royal  behests. 
This,  he  thought,  would  in  after  years  be  told  of  him  also  and  his 
name  be  made  famous  in  history. 

On  the  ist  January  1874  an  Envoy  from  the  French  Re}mblic, 
who  had  arrived  a  few  days  before,  was  received  in  audience  by  the 
King.  After  the  usual  complimentary  conversation  the  Envoy  said 
he  had  come  to  obtain  the  ratification  of  the  treaty  concluded  by 
the  Kinicun  Mingyi  in  Paris  on  behalf  of  the  Burmese  Government. 
The  King  said  he  could  not  sign  that  treaty  and  in  his  turn  called 
upon  the  French  Envoy  to  sign  the  amended  treaty  drawn  up  in 
Mandalay,  which  omitted  the  right  granted  to  French  subjects  to 
work  the  ruby  mines  in  Burma.  The  Envoy  said  that  he  could 
not  do  this,  for  he  was  only  empowered  by  his  Government  to  sign 
the  treaty  as  it  was  drawn  up  in  Paris.  Not  many  days  afterwards 
he  left  Mandalay  "with  great  disappointment." 

The  Kin-mun  Mingyi  followed  him  before  long  to  Paris  with  the 
treaty  as  amended  by  the  King.  The  French  Government,  however, 
were  no  less  unwilling  to  give  way  than  His  Majesty  and  after  a 
short  time  the  Kitiivun  Mingyi  was  informed  that  the  Government 
of  France  had  much  business  on  hand  and  could  not  enter  upon 
a  new  treaty.  So  the  Mingyi  returned  to  Mandalay  without  effect- 
ing anything. 

In  June  the  King  and  the  chief  Queen  in  their  State  robes  pro- 
ceeded to  make  the  circuit  of  the  moat  round  the  city  walls  seated 
in  a  State  barge,  called  Karawaik  Paungdaw.     They  were  followed 

CHAP.  U. 



by  all  the  Queens.  Princes,  and  Princesses  and  the  entire  body  of 
officials  in  a  procession  of  boats.  In  this  way  the  King  took  pos- 
session of  the  now  completed  city  of  Ratanapong  (the  Royal  City 
of  Gems)j  or  Mandalay,  and  the  city  was  formally  blessed  by  the 
ponnaz  (Brahmins)  according  to  ancient  custom.  The  King  and 
the  chief  Queen  assumed  new  titles,  and  new  titles  were  also 
conferred  upon  all  the  Queens,  Princes,  Princesses,  and  officials. 

After  the  Myingon  Prince's  rebellion  in  1866  the  King  had  issued 
an  order  that  no  officials  whatsoever  should  serve  or  visit  any  of  the 
Royal  Princes  without  special  permission,  under  penalty  of  the 
royal  displeasure.  About  this  lime,  however,  a  man  named  Maung 
Gyl,  Amyin  Myook,  went  to  the  Mekkhara  Prince's  residence  and 
received  from  him  as  presents  some  waist-cloths  and  turbans. 
Maung  Gyi  afterwards  showed  these  with  great  pride  to  his  father- 
in-law  the  Alon  Wun,  MIngyi-mahathaman-nayan.  The  Wun  was 
very  far  from  being  pleased  and  said  that,  if  it  were  known  that 
Maung  Gyi  had  accepted  these  gifts  from  the  Prince,  he,  the  Wun 
himself,  would  also  get  into  serious  trouble.  He  therefore  carried 
\.\\^  pasQs  and  gaungbaungs  straight  off  to  the  King  and  told  him 
the  whole  story.  The  King  praised  him  for  his  fidelity  and  loyalty 
and  conferred  a  higher  title  upon  him.  that  of  Afingyi  Mahathet- 
da-<vsht',  which  is  especially  reserved  for  the  officials  in  whom  the 
King  has  complete  confidence.  The  title  carries  with  it  a  guarantee 
that  its  bearer  shall  never  be  put  to  death,  no  matter  what  crime 
he  may  cominil.  As  for  Maung  Gyi,  he  was  sent  a  prisoner  to 
Mogaun^  (the  Burmese  Siberia,  like  the  Chinese  Mongolia  or 
Turkestan) .  The  Mekkhara  Prince's  fault  was  overlooked  on 
account  of  the  signal  services  which  he  had  rendered  in  the  1866 

In  August  of  this  year  there  was  a  scarcity  of  food  in  the  north- 
ern district  about  Thtnkadaw  and  Sampenago,  and  the  people  were 
reduced  to  live  on  roots  and  jungle  herbs.  The  King  sent  two 
steamers  loaded  with  rice  to  their  relief.  Part  of  the  rice  was  sold 
at  a  merely  nominal  rate  and  much  was  given  away  gratuitously  to 
those  who  had  no  money  to  buy  it. 

On  the  6th  February  1875  a  mission  composed  of  the  U'undauk 
Mingyi-mahaminhla-yazathu,  ih^.  Sayegyi  Nemyo-mintin-sithu,  and 
the  Akmaya  Nemyo-mintin-kvawgaung  was  despatched  to  the 
Viceroy  and  Governor-General  of  India  to  discuss  the  settlement  of 
the  Karenni  boundary,  and  the  question  was  finally  settled  in  Man- 
dalay between  the  Burmese  Government  and  Sir  Douglas  Forsyth, 
the  emissary  of  the  Viceroy,  "  and  the  Karenni  were  secured  against 

foreign  aggression." 



About  this  time  the  King  noted  that  the  inscriptions  set  up  at 
the  most  famous  pagodas  in  the  country  were  being  effaced  by  age 
and  exposure  lo  the  weather.  He  therefore  ordered  copies  to  be 
engraved  on  marble  slabs  so  that  they  might  last  for  ever.  These 
marble  slabs  were  then  stored  in  a  chamber  built  of  brick  at  the 
Arakan  pagoda.     They  were  ^i  in  number. 

In  December  there  was  another  great  ear-boring  festival,  held  in 
the  Hmannandaw.  The  Princes  and  Princesses,  children  of  the 
King,  whose  ears  were  bored  were  the  following:  Supayagale,  Thiri- 
thu-lheinkha-yatana  Oewi,  the  younger  sister  of  Supayalat,  King 
Thibaw's  queen  ;  the  Pyinsi  Princess,  Thupaha  Dewi  ;  the  Pyaung 
Pyi  Princess,  Thirithu  yuza  Dewi,  younger  sister  of  King  Thibaw  ; 
the  Mohnyin  Princess.  Thirikinzana  Dewi ;  the  Kyaukyit  Princess, 
Thirinanda  Dewi ;  the  Natmauk  Princess  Thiripama  Dewi  ;  the  Ma- 
daya  Princess,  Thirithcinkha  Dewi ;  the  Yinkhe  Princess,  Thirithu- 
seitta  Dewi ;  the  Myothit  Princess,  Thirithuwunna  Dewi ;  the  Hinga- 
maw  Princess,  Thirithuthama  Dewi ;  and  the  Princes  Panya  Min, 
Thadominyfe-kyawdin,  Taungniyaw  Min,  Thadumlnyft-kyaw,  the 
Kawlin  Prince,  Thadnminye-kyawgaung.  the  Maing  Sin  Prince, 
Thadominyfe-yannaing,  and  the  Maingpyin  Prince,  Thadominyfe- 
thihathu.  Besides  the?e  there  were  14  daughters  of  the  late 
Eingshemin  and  nine  granddaughters  and  three  grandsons  of  the 
King.  On  this  occasion  all  the  Courts  were  closed  and  many  pri- 
soners were  released  from  the  jails,  both  civil  debtors  and  criminals 
by  order  of  the  King. 

During  the  ceremony,  while  the  King  and  the  chief  Queen  were 
sitting  together  on  the  throne  in  the  Hmannnntiaw  looking  on,  the 
Alfenandaw  Queen  without  any  warning  went  up  to  the  throne  and 
sat  down  beside  them.  The  whole  Court  was  astounded  at  her 
boldness,  for  no  queens  were  allowed  to  sit  on  the  throne  with  the 
King,  except  the  chief  Queen.  The  N'ammadaw  Paya  was  very  in- 
dignant, but  she  restrained  her  anger  in  the  presence  Chamber. 
When  the  ceremonial  was  over,  however,  she  went  strais^hl  off  to  her 
suite  of  apartments  and  wept  for  shame.  The  King  heard  of  this 
and  went  to  speak  to  her,  but  she  attacked  him,  saying  that  it  could 
only  be  owing  to  his  encouragement  that  the  Alfenandaw  Queen 
would  dare  to  do  such  a  thing,  absolutely  unparalleled  as  it  was  in 
its  defiance  of  Court  etiqueUe.  The  King  assured  her  that  so  far 
from  having  given  any  encouragement  he  had  been  as  much  surpris- 
ed as  she  could  have  been  at  the  Irregularity,  and  added  that  he 
proposed  to  reprimand  and  chastise  the  froward  Alfenandaw. 

The  Al^nandaw  Queen  was  noted  as  much  for  her  wiliness  as  for 
her  haughty  demeanour.     It  appears  that  she  contended  that  she,  as 

:hap.  u.] 


a  daughter  of  King  Bao^yidaw.  had  a  perfect  right  to  sit  on  the 
throne  with  the  King  and  the  senior  wife  at  a  festival  in  honour  of  the 
ear-boring  of  her  own  daughter.  She  would  not  stoop  to  ask  for 
permission,  but  boldly  asserted  her  right  by  doing  the  thing  itself. 

In  February  1876  it  was  brought  to  the  King's  notice  that  the 
water  of  the  S'ane,  Tapin,  and  VVinyohan  streams  from  the  Taung- 
pyu  district  north  of  Mandalay  was  dispersed  and  not  utilized  as  it 
might  be.  He  therefore  ordered  the  Yenangyaung  Wungyi,  Tha- 
diimingyi-mahaminkyaw-minkhaung,  to  dig  out  and  repair  these 
chnungi  so  that  the  people  might  be  able  to  utilize  the  water  for 
the  cultivation  of  iheir  fields  The  distance  over  which  the  labour 
extended  was  3,000  fa.  3  tai*igs,  from  7  to  S  miles. 

In  addition  to  this  the  King  at  the  same  time  gave  orders  for  the 
embanking  of  the  Irrawaddy.  During  the  floods  the  river  used  to 
rise  every  year  as  far  as  the  Shweta  chaung  and  caused  a  good 
deal  of  inconvenience  and  sickness.  Accordingly  the  King  issued 
an  order  in  the  month  of  May  to  all  officials  that  the  river  was  to  be 
banked  up.  The  bund  was  to  extend  from  Obo  on  the  north  of 
Mandalay  to  Amarapura  on  the  south,  and  each  officer  had  a  section 
assigned  to  him  which  he  was  to  complete  with  all  convenient 
despatch.  The  height  and  breadth  of  the  embankment  were  given 
and  the  earth  of  which  it  was  built  was  to  be  piled  upon  a  basis  of 
rocks  and  stones. 

On  the  23rd  October  of  this  year  the  Nammadawpaya,  the  chief 
Queen,  fell  ill  of  fever  and,  notwithstanding  the  care  of  all  the  most 
skilled  physicians  of  the  Court,  daily  became  worse.  According- 
ly th(r  King,  as  a  last  resource,  set  free  a  number  of  prisoners  from 
jail,  65  in  number,  one  for  each  year  uf  the  lite  of  Her  Majesty 
Thiripawayaialawka-yatana-niingala  Dewi.  Among  them  were 
Nga  Pyaw,  Nga  Hpo  Ka,  Nga  Thaung.  Nga  San  E^  and  Nga  Tha 
Aung,  five  dacoils  who  were  under  seulcnce  of  death.  This 
pious  act,  however,  proved  of  as  little  avail  as  the  drugs  of  the  medi- 
cal men,  and  on  the  12th  Nuvember  the  Queen  died.  She  was 
burled  wi'h  great  pomp  in  the  north  garden  of  the  palace  and  the 
Kmg  and  the  whole  Royal  Family  with  the  Ministers  of  State  attend- 
ded  the  funeral  robed  in  white  mourning  garments,  and  remained  in 
mourning  for  seven  days.  \  tomb  with  a  spire  was  erected  over 
her  grave.  Her  loss  greatly  affected  the  King,  who  had  frequently 
sought  her  advice  on  matters  of  State.  The  amiability  of  the 
Nammadawpaya  and  her  conspicuous  benevolence  and  piety  had 
also  greatly  endeared  her  to  the  people  at  large,  and  she  was  uru- 
versally  regretted.  She  was  a  daughter  of  King  Tharrawaddi  by  his 
chief  Queen  and  full  sister  of  the  Pagan  King,     Mind6n  Min  never 



got  over  his  grief  for  her  loss  and  wore  a  white  paso  until  the  day 
of  his  death  m  mourning  for  her.  He  paid  frequent  visits  to  her 
grave — so  often,  that  eventually  he  had  a  small  summer  palace  built 
close  by,  where  he  frequently  lived  for  several  weeks  at  a  time. 

After  the  death  of  the  good  Queen  it  was  rumoured  in  the  palace 
that  the  Alfenandaw,  who  was  also  a  King's  daughter  and  a  great 
favourite  with  the  King,  would  be  nominated  chief  Queen  in  the 
room  of  the  deceased.  When  this  got  about,  all  the  influential 
queens  and  many  of  the  others  went  to  the  King  privately  and  asked 
him  with  tears  in  their  eyes  whether  the  rumour  was  true.  If  it  were 
true,  they  said  that  haughty  and  irritable  lady  would  soon  make  the 
palace  unbearable  for  them  and  they  would  all  have  to  beg  permis- 
sion to  leave  His  Majesty  and  retire  from  the  palace.  The  King 
was  very  gentle  and  solemnly  assured  Ihem  that  he  had  given  a 
promise  to  the  late  Queen  that  no  one  should  be  appointed  to  fill 
her  place. 

A  few  months  later,  however,  the  .Menandaw  Queen  formally  pe- 
titioned the  King  that  she,  a  daughter  of  King  Bag)'idaw  by  his 
chief  Queen,  had  a  right  to  the  title  of  Minddn's  chief  Queen 
and  maintained  that  the  retention  of  the  title  of  Al^nandaw 
was  a  direct  slight  to  her.  The  poor  King  compromised  ihe 
matter  by  allowing  her  to  use  a  while  umbrella  and  gave  her  a 
white  cow  elephant,  which  had  been  sent  from  'I'avoy,  to  ride  on. 
She  thus  obtained  the  title  of  Sinpyumashin  (Mistress  of  the 
White  Elephant).  At  the  same  time,  to  soothe  the  other  queens, 
His  Majesty  privately  told  them  that  the  white  umbrella  had  been 
given  to  the  Al^nandaw  by  the  chief  Queen  just  before  her  death 
and  that  he  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  The  King  only  wanted 
peace,  but  so  imperious  and  domineering  was  the  Alfenandaw  that 
she  would  undoubtedly  have  gained  her  end  and  would  have  been 
formally  nominated  chief  Queen,  if  His  Majesty  had  only  lived  a 
few  years  longer.  She  was  his  favourite,  though  she  was  so  brazen 
and  pushing. 

In  December  1876  King  Mind6n  resolved  to  build  a  pagoda  which 
should  surpass  every  pagoda  in  existence  in  size  and  magnificence. 
The  site  he  selected  was  at  the  foot  of  Yankin  taung,  a  hill  to  the 
east  of  Mandalay,  and  the  shrine  was  to  be  built  of  stone.  The 
plan  sketched  shows  that  the  pagoda  would  have  been  vastly 
greater  than  any  building  on  earth.  The  work  was  pushed  on  with 
the  greatest  energy.  Many  people  died  of  sickness  and  great 
numbers  of  cattle  employed  to  carry  material  died  of  fatigue.  The 
King's  mind  was  set  on  completing  the  work  and  officials  were  sent 
out  to  report  the  daily  progress,  each  Minister  taking  the  duty  in 

CHAP.  11.] 



turn.  Mind6n  Min  one  day  asked  one  of  his  royal  Italian  en- 
gineers when  he  thought  the  pagnda  would  b»;  finished.  Thai  i)fficer 
callously  replied  :  "  It  will  take  about  40  years,  Your  Majesty." 
The  Ring  was  almost  more  annoyed  than  displeased,  for  he  was 
determined  to  finish  it  before  he  died.  As  a  matter  of  fact  the 
structure  had  only  risen  about  3  feet  above  the  ground  at  his  death. 
In  1S77  the  King  had  a  canal  dug  from  the  north  of  the  palace 
to  the  moat  to  the  east  of  the  city,  running  through  the  north-east 
gate  of  the  city  called  Thonk^.  He  proposed  thus  to  go  to  the 
pagodas  and  kyaungs  to  the  north  east  of  the  city  by  water,  and  in 
November,  on  the  completion  of  the  Aiumashi  kytiung  (the  incom- 
parable), actually  did  go  with  the  whole  Court  in  a  procession  of 
State  barges.     He  returned  again  on  the  same  day  to  the  palace. 

At  the  end  of  the  year  it  was  maliciously  reported  to  the  King 
that  the  officials  of  the  late  Eingshemin  were  meditating  treason. 
They  were  accordingly  all  arrested  and  sent  as  prisoners  to  the 
Shan  States.  There  was  no  real  ground  for  the  charge,  but  the 
King  was  afraid  that  disturbances  might  be  created  in  the  country. 

On  the  loth  of  May  1S78  the  Atumashi  kyaung  was  consecrated 
and  the  King  went  out  with  the  entire  Court  and  Royal  Family,  again 
by  water,  intending  to  stay  at  a  temporary  palace  which  had  been 
built  for  the  occasion  close  to  the  kyaung,  where  also  a  great  feast 
was  prepared  and  all  the  people  of  Mandalay,  foreigners  {i.e.,  Euro- 
peans), Chinese,  natives  {i.e.,  Natives  of  India),  and  Burmese  were 
entertained  at  His  Majesty's  expense.  On  this  day,  however,  there 
occurred  two  portents  which  greatly  affected  the  programme.  While 
the  Kara-maik  Hpauvgdaw  was  passing  along  the  moat,  laden  with 
the  Pitaka,  or  collections  of  the  canonical  books,  to  be  deposited  in 
the  monastery  about  to  be  coiisecraied^  the  boat  struck  a  post  and 
the  spire  over  the  Ilpaungdaiv  was  violently  wrenched  and  nearly 
broken  short  off.  Again  after  the  kyaung  had  been  formally  con- 
secrated, the  King  went  up  to  ptay  before  an  image  in  the  interior 
of  the  building.  H<:  had  to  go  up  some  steps  and  as  he  went 
he  stumbled  and  would  have  fallen  had  it  not  been  that  one  of 
the  Princesses  was  close  by  him,  whose  shoulder  he  seized  and  so 
recovered  himself.  The  King  was  a  good  deal  shaken  and  seriously 
frightened  and  returned  to  the  palace  the  same  evening  instead  of 
staying  in  the  temporary  building  as  had  been  arranged.  The 
story  of  the  two  accidents  got  about  and  they  were  looked  upon  by 
the  people  as  bad  omens.  The  King  himself  apparently  had  the 
same  idea,  shut  himself  up  in  his  palace,  and  went  nowhere. 

In  June  the  yearly  examination  of  fongyis  and  shins^  candidates 
for  the  full  grade  of  monk  and  probationers  of  the  order,  took  place 



at  the  Thudhamma  aayat  and  the  Patan  sayat,  at  the  fool  of 
Mandalay  hill.  The  King;,  instead  of  going  himself,  sent  the  Minis- 
ters in  turn  to  entertain  the  sayadaus  and  potJgyis  who  conducted 
the  examination,  and  to  report  progress  every  day.  In  previous 
years  he  had  always  made  a  point  of  being  present  himself  at  this 
Patamapyan  as  the  examination  for  orders  was  called. 

In  July  the  King  really  fell  ill  and,  notwithstanding  the  efforts  of 
his  medical  advisers,  daily  became  weaker,  so  that  he  was  not  able 
to  hold  the  ordinary  audiences  A  rumour  ^oon  flew  all  over  the 
country  thai  His  Majesty  was  actually  dead  and  embalmed,  and 
there  was  much  anxiety  throughout  his  dominions.  To  restore 
confidence  and  quiet  the  minds  of  the  people,  the  King  by  a  great 
effort  made  his  appearance  in  the  Hall  of  Audience  and  remained 
there  for  a  short  time.  It  was  tno  much  for  his  strength,  however, 
and  he  gradually  became  worse,  and  on  the  lath  September  all  the 
Princes  received  an  order  to  attend  in  the  palace  by  command  of 
the  King.  The  Nvaung  Yan  Prince,  who  as  the  most  pious  of  his 
sons,  had  by  the  King's  command  been  in  daily  attendance  on  His 
Majesty  with  the  physicians  and  knew  the  nearly  hopeless  slate  of 
his  father,  and  moreover  received  a  private  warning  from  his  mother, 
instead  of  going  to  the  palace,  took  refuge  at  the  British  Resi- 
dency, and  persuaded  his  brother  the  Nyaung  Ok  to  go  with  htm. 
The  other  Princes,  however,  obeyed  the  citation  without  suspicion 
and  went  direct  to  the  palace.  They  were  arrested  in  a  body  and  im- 
prisoned in  a  building  to  the  south  of  the  HlutdaTv.  Two  days  later 
they  were  removed  to  a  building  north  of  the  Bahositt,  the  clock 
turret,  and  there  w^ere  loaded  with  chains. 

The  mothers  of  the  unfortunate  Princes  made  their  way  to  the 
King  and  begged  for  their  release,  and  on  the  I9lh  September  the 
King  issued  an  order  that  they  should  be  immediately  set  free  and 
brought  before  him,  at  the  same  time  adding  that  their  arrest  had 
been  made  without  his  knowledge,  or  permission. 

The  Princes  were  accordingly  set  free  and  brought  inside  the 
palace,  but  the  Mekkhara  Prince  alone  was  allowed  to  go  to  the 
King's  bedside.  He  told  his  father  how  matters  stood,  and  MindAn 
Min  realized  the  danger  they  were  in  while  he  remained  bedridden 
and  that  they  would  be  in  still  greater  peril  if  he  were  to  die.  He 
therefore  hit  upon  a  plan  which  he  thought  would  free  ihem  from 
the  snares  which  had  been  set  about  them,  and  would  enable  them 
lo  protect  themselves.  This  was  to  appoint  several  of  them  Ba- 
yingan^  or  Regents.  Accordingly  he  dictated  an  order  appointing  the 
Thonzfe  Prince  Dayittgnn  of  all  the  country  from  Shwebo  to  Bhamo, 
with  a  sayedaivgyi  of  the  liluldawas  a  subordinate,  and  with  one  of 

CHAP.  II.] 



ihe  royal  steamers  at  his  disposal ;  the  lands  from  Kyauksfe  as  far  as 
Taungngu  frontier  were  assigned  to  the  Mekkhara  Prince  as  Regent, 
also  with  a  HiuiduTi'  clerk  and  a  steamer  for  the  Prince's  use;  and 
the  tract  between  Tal6kmyo  (Myin^yan)  and  Myedn,  with  another 
sayedawgyi  and  a  royat  steamer,  was  assigned  to  the  Nyaung  Yan 
Prince  as  the  third  Bayingynn.  Each  Prince  was  to  rule  over  his 
territory  independently  and  the  younger  Princes  and  their  relations 
were  allowed  to  attach  themselves  to  whichever  of  the  three  they 
'preferred.  A  further  order  was  issued  to  the  treasury  to  advance 
what  sums  might  be  necessary  for  the  expenses  of  the  Bayingans. 
The  King  also  expressly  warned  the  Mekkhara  Prince  tl  at  neither 
he  nor  any  of  the  other  Princes  wore  to  return  to  the  palace,  unless 
under  an  order  signed  by  his  own  royal  hand,  which  he  siid  they 
would  all  be  able  easily  to  recognize.  He  then  gave  his  son  his 
(blessing  and  stretched  himself  out  on  his  couch  with  his  feet  to- 
(Wards  the  Prince.  The  Mekkhara  knelt  down,  brushed  the  royal 
feet  with  his  hair  and  kissed  them  and  humbly  thanked  the  Kmg 
for  the  honour  and  favour  which  he  had  shown  him  and  the  other 
Princes,  his  sons,  and  retired  from  the  presence. 

He  rejoined  the  other  Princes  and  went  down  with  them  to  the 
north  garden  of  the  palace,  where  they  met  their  mothers,  the 
various  queens,  and  their  sisters,  who  had  gone  there  by  the  King's 
orders  to  bid  them  farewell.  While  they  were  conversing  an  armed 
party  rushed  upon  them  and  arrested  them  all  and  they  were  all 
again  lodged  in  their  prison-house  after  only  a  few  hours'  freedom., 

The  thanda'wsin  who  had  taken  down  the  King's  order  for  a  triple 
regency  read  it  aloud  before  the  Ministers.  Bui  the  Kin  Wun 
Mingyi  and  other  prominent  functionaries  who  were  interested  in 
the  plot  in  favour  of  the  Thibaw  Prince  prevented  the  decree  from 
being  issued  by  the  Hlutda-w.  They  knew  that  the  King  wa-^  in  a 
dying  state  and  that  ihe  chance  of  their  punishment  was  slight.  It 
was  they  therefore  who  issued  the  order  for  the  re-arrest  of  the 

The  hapless  queens  and  princesses,  when  they  saw  their  dear  ones 
thus  seized  before  their  eyes  and  some  of  them  cruellv  beaten  and 
ill-treated,  fled  to  ihe  palace  weeping  and  beating  ihcir  breasts  to 
relate  what  had  happened  to  the  King  and  to  entreat  him  to  exer- 
cise his  authority.  This,  however,  had  been  foreseen  bv  the 
Alfenandaw  Queen,  who  was  the  originator  of  the  plot,  and  she  met 
them  on  the  way  and  relentlessly  bade  them  hold  their  peace  in 
the  Palace.  They  all  feared  the  Alfenandaw  and  were  fain  to  retire, 
and  immediately  afterwards  found  themselves  made  prisoners  in 
their  own  apartments.     There  was  Iherefflre  no  one  to  tell  the 



King  what  had  happened  and  he  believed  that  the  Princes  were  set 
free  and  said  to  h  mseU  on  his  sick  bed  :  Now  they  have  got  to 
the  steamers.  Now  thfy  have  started.  Now  they  are  going  full  of 
joy  and  gratitude  to  assume  their  new  duties."  But  the  Princes 
lay  loaded  with  chains  in  their  crowded  cell  and  the  King  knew 
nought  of  it. 

He  died  on  Tuesday,  the  rst  October,  in  the  golden  palace  at  the 
moment  when  the  second  hour  was  struck  and  thence  his  remains 
were  humbly  carried  by  the  Ministers  to  the  crystal  palace,  the 
Hmannandaiv,  and  there  laid  on  a  golden  couch  of  state  all  set  with 
precious  stones.  His  body  was  decked  out  in  the  royal  robes  ; 
his  face,  hands  and  feet  were  covered  deep  with  the  finest  gold 
leaf ;  a  white  canopy  embroidered  with  gold  leaves  was  set  overhead  ; 
and  the  eight  white  umbrellas,  four  on  each  side,  were  unfolded  over 
him.  On  either  side  were  laid  out  his  crowns,  his  robes  of  state, 
and  the  royal  insignia  and  badges  of  authority.  The  whole  cham- 
ber was  hung  with  fine  white  cloth  and  all  in  the  palace  were  dress- 
ed in  pure  white  as  a  sign  of  mourning.  The  gates  of  the  palace 
were  thrown  open  to  all  who  might  wish  to  come  and  pay  homage 
to  what  remained  of  their  Sovereign,  and  people  from  all  tnc  country 
round,  from  the  city,  and  from  far  distant  places,  came  lo  mourn  at 
the  bier  of  the  good  King. 

After  a  few  days  he  was  buried  in  great  state,  attended  by  the 
Pagan  Min,  his  brother,  the  queens,  the  princes-ses  and  all  the 
dignitaries  of  state  clad  in  pure  white.  The  catafalque  with  its 
white  ropes  was  drawn  by  the  queens,  the  princesses,  and  others  of 
the  Royal  Family  to  the  north-east  of  the  Hlutdaw  to  a  spot  close 
to  the  grave  of  the  late  Queen  Dowager,  the  wife  of  King  Tharra- 
waddi,  and  there  he  was  buried  with  great  honour  and  solemnity 
according  to  the  prescribed  royal  rites.  King  Thibaw  was  present 
at  the  funeral,  and  it  was  particularly  noticed  that  he  and  his  follow- 
ers were  dressed  in  their  ordinary  garb  and  not  in  white  like  all  the 
others  present.  He  came,  not  on  foot,  but  in  a  State  palanquin, 
and  when  it  halted  near  the  burial  place  he  did  not  alight,  hut 
gave  the  necessary  order  for  burial  from  his  palanquin,  extended 
at  full  length.  The  officer  in  charge  of  the  obsequies  set  fire  to  the 
funeral  trappings  as  a  signal  for  the  interment  to  go  on  and  Thibaw 
then  immediately  retired.  The  rest  remained  till  the  sepulture  was 
completed,  A  fine  monument  was  afterwards  erected  over  the 

The  King  died  of  dysentery  after  an  illness  of  two  months.  His 
loss  was  felt  with  profound  regret  in  every  part  of  his  dominions. 
He  was  equally  loved,  esteemed,  and  respected  by  his  people,  who 

CHAP,  n.]  HISTORY.  8l 

admired  him  for  his  learning,  his  intelligence,  and  his  kind-hearted- 
ness. He  was  occasionally  lead  by  evil  advice  to  do  harsh  things, 
but  when  he  discovered  that  wrong  had  been  done  he  made  prompt 
and  frank  amends  to  the  victim.  He  loved  peace  above  all  things 
and  was  willing  to  sacrifice  almost  anything  to  secure  it.  He  was 
very  religious  and  eajger  to  learn  anything  new  in  science,  knowledge, 
or  literature.  On  the  representation  of  the  English  Missionary,  the 
Reverend  Doctor  Marks,  he  built  a  beautiful  church  and  a  school 
for  the  teaching  of  the  Christian  religion,  and  to  this  missionary 
school  he  sent  several  of  his  sons,  King  Thibaw  being  one  of  them. 
But  the  King  was  above  all  zealous  to  advance  and  foster  the 
Buddhist  religion.  He  erected  numberless  kyaungs,  pagodas, 
sayats,  and  other  meritorious  works.  His  name  is  the  most  nota- 
ble in  the  Alaungpaya  dynasty. 

He  was  bom  on  Tuesday,  the  6th  increase  of  Waso  1176  B.E. 
(3rd  July  1814),  and  died  on  the  1st  October  1878,  at  the  age  of  64, 
after  a  prosperous  reign  of  26  years.  He  took  his  title  of  Minddn 
from  the  fact  that,  while  a  prince,  he  drew  the  revenues  of  the 
Minddn  township,  west  of  Thayetmyo,  within  a  few  miles  of  the 
foot  of  the  Arakan  Hills.     His  birth  name  was  Maung  Lwin. 

This  ends  the  chronicle  of  King  Minddn's  reign. 

The  following  domestic  palace  details  have  been  collected  from  a 
variety  of  Burmese  sources  : — 

The  chief  Queen  was  the  only  one  of  the  queens  who  had  the 
power  to  petition  the  King  direct  in  favour  of  a  candidate  for  office, 
or  to  interpose  in  behalf  of  a  prisoner  or  any  one  sentenced  to 

The  other  Queens  and  ladies  of  the  palace  had  no  recognized 
authority,  but  many  of  them  had  a  good  deal  of  personal  influence 
with  the  King  in  the  privacy  of  his  chamber,  and  therefore  great 
court  was  paid  to  them  by  minor  and  district  officials  and  even 
by  Ministers  of  State  in  the  hope  that  promotion  or  protection  in 
times  of  trouble  might  thus  be  secured  for  them.  Friendship  with 
these  ladies  was  also  useful  in  another  way.  They  could  report 
what  passed  or  was  talked  of  in  the  palace  and  so  do  a  friend  a 
good  turn.  The  queens'  chambers  were  therefore  thronged  with 
the  wives  and  daughters,  alike  of  officials  and  aspirants  for  office, 
and  occasionally  a  very  kind-hearted  lady  of  the  Court  would  send 
a  special  warning  message  to  a  suitor  or  a  delinquent.  After  his 
establishment  of  the  salary  system  King  Mindon  banded  over  some 
of  the  queens  to  the  care  of  various  Ministers  and  district  officials 
and  ordered  them  to  be  regarded  as  daughters  and  to  be  looked 
after  and  provided  for  accordingly.     These  ladies  naturally  had  an 




eye  to  the  interests  of  their  guardians  and  gave  secret  information 
for  their  advantage.  Feminine  Influence  was  thus  even  more  para- 
mount at  the  Burmese  Court  than  it  is  elsewhere  in  Burma. 

The  situation  therefore  when  King  Mindon  fell  seriously  ill  was 
sufHciently  complicated.  There  was  no  rule  extant  that  the  eldest 
Prince  should  succeed,  and  no  one  iiad  been  nominated  Eingshemitt 
or  heir-apparent  b^  the  King  as  successor  to  the  Pnnce,  his 
brother,  murdered  m  the  rebellion  of  1866.  In  1869  Colonel  (then 
Captain)  Sladen  had  urged  the  King  to  nominate  one  of  his  sons  to 
be  his  successor,  on  the  ground  that  this  would  secure  the  peace  of 
the  country.  But  the  King  had  argued  that,  on  the  contrary,  this 
would  be  the  surest  way  to  create  disturbances.  He  had  so  many 
sons  of  an  age  fit  to  govern  the  country  that  the  appointment  of 
any  one  of  them  as  Etngshcmin  would  be  practically  signing  his 
death-warrant.  The  matter  therefore  was  postponed  until  the 
lingering  and  debilitating  illness  of  the  King  left  him  without  the 
energy  or  the  influence  sufficient  to  settle  the  question  himself. 

As  matters  stood  it  was  hardly  possible  that  there  could  be  ai 
peaceable  and  bloodless  succession.  The  three  most  prominent  and 
elderly  Princes  were  the  Mekkhara,  Thonz^,  and  Nyaung  Yan 
Minthas.  They  were  all  loyal ;  they  had  rendered  equally  good 
service  in  the  rebellion  of  1866;  they  were  much  of  an  age  and,  as 
far  as  their  mothers  were  concerned,  according  to  Burmese  notions, 
they  were  on  an  equality.  The  Th6nz£  Prince  had  perhaps  a  slight 
advantage  in  the  rank  of  his  mother  ;  the  Mekkhara  Prince  was  the 
bravest  and  perhaps  the  most  prominent ;  the  Nyaung  Yan  Prince 
was  the  most  pious  and  well-read  and  therefore  possibly  the  most 
likely  to  find  favour  in  the  eyes  nf  the  Governor  of  the  I*^ifth  Great 
Synod.  The  King  himself  hesitated,  as  is  evident  from  his  division 
of  the  Regency  among  them.  Possibly  he  thought  he  would  re- 
cover from  his  sickness  and  would  have  time  to  settle  ihe  succes- 
sion ;  possibly  he  was  too  weak  to  arrive  at  any  decision  ;  most  likely 
he  was  confused  by  the  startling  arrest  of  all  the  Princes  without 
his  orders.  His  love  of  peace  and  the  absence  of  any  one  to  guide 
his  decision  probably  determined  him  to  leave  matters  to  settle 
themselves.     In  any  case  he  made  no  definite  nomination. 

The  Al&nandaw  Queen  saw  her  opportunity  in  this.  She  knew 
that  she  was  hated  by  all  the  Queens  and  indeed  by  most  of  the 
Royal  Family.  She  knew  that  each  Queen  would  intrigue  for  her  son 
with  the  aid  of  whatever  officials  could  be  won.  She  knew  that  the 
Thibaw  Prince  was  in  love  with  her  daughter  Supayalat,  and  she 
determined  that  through  them  she  would  continue  to  exercise  the 
same  influence  at  Court  as  she  possessed  in  Minddn's  time.     She 

CHAP.  II.] 



carried  out  her  plot  with  equal  energy  and  daring.  While  the  King 
was  ill,  the  only  persons,  besides  the  physicians,  allowed  to  come 
near  him  were  ihe  Alt-nandaw  Queen  herself,  the  Taungsaingdaw, 
the  Thanatsin  and  Letpansin  Queens,  and  U  Hka  Gyi,  the  chief 
eunuch.  She  still  further  isolated  him  by  ordering  that  no  ponies 
or  carriages  were  to  pass  near  the  palace  and  that  no  one  was  to 
speak  above  a  whisper  throughout  the  whole  building,  or  to  come 
near  the  sick  chamber.  It  was  by  her  orders  that  the  Princes  were 
first  summoned  to  the  palace  and  arrested,  and  it  almost  seems  as 
if  she  had  obtained  the  King's  approval  of  this  siep  on  the  ground 
that  the  safety  and  peace  of  the  kingdom  called  for  it,  but  this  latter 
point  is  very  obscure.  At  any  rale  she  persuaded  the  King  to  stipu- 
late that  all  the  Princes  should  leavej  Mandalay  with  the  three 
Bayingans,  Mekkhara,  Th6nz6,  and  Nyaung  Yan,  except  theThibaw, 
Maington,  and  Thagaya  Princes. 

Meanwhile  she  had  further  developed  her  plot.  She  sent  for  the 
Ktn  IVun  Mingyi  and  her  particular  ally,  the  Myaukdwe  Bo,  a  mili- 
tiiry  officer  and  father  of  the  Yanaung  Mintha,  and  informed  them 
that  the  Kin^  had  appointed  the  three  Princes  to  be  Bayingans,  and 
that  the  inevitable  result  of  this  must  be  disturbances,  risings  among 
the  people,  and  the  overthrow  of  the  Ministers  themselves.  She 
therefore  suggested  (hat  it  would  be  well  for  the  peace  of  the  coun- 
try not  to  let  any  of  them  leave  Mandalay  and  said  all  should  be 
confined  by  order  of  the  //lutdaw.  At  the  same  time  she  hinted  that 
the  King  had  expressed  a  wish  that  Thibaw  should  marry  Supaya- 
lat  and  should  be  nominated  Eingskemin.  Whatever  the  Min- 
isters may  have  thought  of  the  last  proposition,  they  were  thoroughly 
alive  to  the  dangers  hinted  at  by  the  Alenandaw,  and  the  Kin  IVun 
Mingyi  easily  persuaded  the  Hkampat,  Yenangyaung,  and  Shwe 
Pyi  IVutigyis  to  agree  to  the  Queen's  proposition.  An  order  of  the 
Hlutdaiv  was  therefore  issued  for  the  re-arrest  of  all  the  Princes  and 
this  was  promptly  carried  out  in  the  north  garden  of  the  palace  as 
related  by  the  Burmese  chronicler.  A  few  of  the  minor  Princes 
escaped  during  the  scuffle  which  occurred.  The  Mekkhara  and 
Thonz^  Princes  resisted  violently.  The  former  was  cut  over  the 
head  and  the  Thonzfe  Prince  was  also  injured  by  a  fall  off  the  palace 
wall,  which  he  was  trying  to  scale.  In  order  to  divert  suspicion 
and  to  persuade  tlie  people  that  the  arrest  was  made  really  for  the 
sake  of  the  country,  to  ensure  its  tranquillity,  the  Thibaw  Prince  was 
arrested  among  the  others,  by  the  express  desire  of  the  Alfenandaw 
Queen.  He  was,  however,  very  soon  liberated  on  the  pretext  that 
the  King  wanted  him  to  give  him  his  medicine. 

The  King  was  now  more  isolated  than  ever  and  the  Alenandaw 
Queen  further  developed  her  plot.    While  the  Ministers  were  sitting 



in  Council  near  the  southern  palace  there  was  brought  to  them  by 
an  eunuch  from  the  Alfenandaw  a  parabaik,  a  black  official  note- 
book. It  contained  a  list  of  the  Princes'  names,  and  the  Ministers 
were  requested  to  put  a  mark  asjalnst  the  name  of  the  one  ihey 
thought  best  fitted  and  worthiest  to  be  appointed  Eingshemin,  the 
successor  to  the  throne.  The  parabaik  was  first  handed  to  the 
Hkampat  Wungyi,  who  at  that  time  was  looked  upon  as  President 
of  the  Council.  Ho  looked  over  the  list  and  passed  it  on,  without  a 
word  and  without  making  any  remark  to  the  Kin  Wun  Mingyi.  This 
officer  had  now  been  completely  won  over  by  the  Al^nandaw,  and 
without  a  moment's  hesitation  he  placed  his  mark  against  the  name 
of  the  Thibaw  Prince.  The  other  Ministers  thereupon,  whether  in 
the  plot  or  not,  all  followed  his  example  and  voted  for  Thibaw. 
They  thought  that  this  Prince,  who  had  no  established  party  of  his 
own  and  no  powerful  relations  in  the  Court  to  outward  seeming, 
would  be  more  easily  managed  than  the  more  elderly  Princes,  all 
whose  favourites  and  likings  were  known. 

Tht  parabaik  was  then  taken  back  by  the  eunuch  to  the  Alfe- 
nandaw  and  after  a  day  or  two  she  laid  it  before  the  King  and 
pointed  out  to  him  the  unanimous  vote  of  his  Ministers.  The 
Ring  simply  looked  at  it  and  laid  the  book  down  by  his  bed  with- 
out a  sign  or  a  word.  .Ml  this  lime  he  knew  nothing  of  the  arrest 
of  the  Princes  and  during  a  slight  revival  of  his  strength  the  Min- 
isters were  in  great  alarm  and  were  with  difficulty  kept  from  releas- 
ing the  prisoners  by  the  .M^nantlaw.  The  amendment  of  the  King's 
health  was,  however,  only  temporary.  A  relapse  set  in  and  within 
ten  days  he  was  dead. 

He  lay  in  state  for  seven  days,  and  the  day  after  the  funeral 
Thibaw  was  proclaimed  King.  The  Ministers  established  a  kind 
of  Council  which  was  to  administer  the  affairs  of  the  country  on 
what  was  called  a  constitutional  system.  No  order  was  to  be  issued 
and  no  appointments  were  to  be  made  without  the  consent  and 
approval  of  this  Council.  This  was  not  at  all,  however,  what  the 
Alfenandaw  or  King  Thibaw  and  his  consort  wanted  and  the  Coun- 
cil came  to  an  end  in  three  months'  time.  That  body  had  endea- 
voured to  keep  a  control  of  the  treasury,  and  the  Shwe  Pyi  Wungyi 
in  its  name  ventured  to  protest  against  the  royal  extravagance. 
The  immediate  answer  to  this  attempt  to  cut  the  privy  purse  was 
the  dismissal  of  the  plain-spoken  Shwe  Pyi  IVmtgyi  and  of  the 
Yenangyaung  IVuvgyi,  who  was  reported  to  have  spoken  favourably 
of  the  Mekkhara  Prince.  Such  autocratic  action  was  too  much 
for  the  Council  and  no  more  was  heard  of  the  attempt  at  "  consti- 
tutional Government."     King  Thibaw  ruled  supreme. 

CHAP.  n. 



Immediately  after  the  coronation  ceremony  the  Myaukshweyi 
Queen,  the  mother  of  the  Nyaung  Yan  and  Nyaung  Qk  Princes,  and 
her  daughters  were  arrested  and  imprisoned.  At  the  same  time 
there  were  thrown  into  jail  the  Kunywa  Queen,  the  mother  of  the 
Th6nze  Prince,  and  her  daughters,  the  Mekkhara  Prince's  mother, 
the  Myauksaungdaw  Queen  and  her  daughters,  the  Pagan  Queen 
and  her  daughters,  the  Limhan  Queen,  the  Thekpan  Queen,  and  the 
Saingdon  Queen,  witli  their  daughters,  besides  many  others.  They 
were  all  confined  in  the  palace  enclosure  near  the  western  gate 
and  remained  closely  guarded  until  the  occupation  of  Mandalay  by 
the  British  troops. 

At  first  the  King*s  intention  was  simply  to  keep  the  Prim:es,  his 
brothers,  in  confinement.  A  large  jail  for  their  accommodation 
•  was  therefore  commenced  on  the  western  side  of  the  palace,  but 
before  long  the  Alfenandaw  Queen,  her  daughter  Supayalat,  and 
'their  confidential  advisers  arrived  at  the  conclusion  tfiat  the  death 
of  the  Princes  was  the  easiest  way  of  preventing  them  from  giving 
trouble.  King  Thibaw  required  little  persuasion  and  the  massacre 
took  place  in  February  1879.  A  huge  trench  was  dug  to  receive 
them  all  and  many  were  tossed  in  half  alive  or  only  stunned  by 
the  clubs  of  the  executioners.  The  Hlethin  Attvinwun  was  Myowun 
of  Mandalay  at  the  time,  and  he  with  the  Yanaung  MinlUa  and 
their  Letihdndaws,  their  personal  attendants,  were  sent  to  verify  the 
dragonnade  and  see  that  none  escaped.  The  huge  grave  was 
covered  with  earth,  which  was  trampled  down  by  the  feet  of  the 
executioners,  but  after  a  day  or  two  it  began  gradually  to  rise  and 
the  King  sent  all  the  palace  elephants  to  trample  it  level  again. 
After  some  time  the  trench  was  opened  again  and  the  bodies  were 
taken  out  and  removed  to  the  common  burial-ground  and  interred 

The  most  prominent  among  those  murdered  were  I  he  Myauk- 
saungdaw  Queen  with  her  daughters,  the  Kani  and  Kgap&  Afin- 
ihamis  and  her  son,  the  Mekkhara.  Prince  ;  the  Kyanhnyat  and 
Thinkyfe  Princesses;  the  Thonzt  Prince  and  his  brother  the  Pintha 
Mint  ha ;  the  Kothani,  theShwegu,  Mohlaing,  Taungnyo,  Yenaung, 
Maingt6n,  Kawlin,  Kotha,  Thagaya,  Thilin,  and  Tantabin  Princes, 
besides  many  others,  sons  of  the  King  and  of  the  Ei7igskemin  who 
was  murdered  in  t866.  Other  notable  persons  killed  were  the  Tabfe 
Mintha,  Mind6n  Min's  cousin,  the  Yenatha  Mintha,  the  Limban 
Queen's  brother,  the  Bhamo  Aiivinwun,  uncle  of  the  Thonzfe  Mintha, 
Maung  Yauk,  formerly  Governor  of  Rangoon  in  Burmese  times, 
and  his  brother,  the  MyinBugyhcun,  the  Madaya  IVun,  who  was 
uncle  of  the  Nyaung  Yan  Prince,  and  a  number  of  other  ofiBcials  and 



relatives  of  the  Princes.  The  victims  numbered  in  all  between  70 
and  80  souls.  Both  the  Court  and  the  country  were  horrified,  but 
none  dared  to  murmur,  A  spirit  of  lawlessness,  howi^ver,  spread 
throughout  ihe  kingdom  and  dacoits  and  robbers  soon  infested 
every  part  of  the  country. 

Immediately  after  the  massacre  Supayalat  distributed  among  her 
favourite  malds-of-honour  the  cities  and  titles  assigned  to  the  mur- 
dered queens  and  Princesses,  and  King  Thibaw  in  the  same  way 
named  his  most  trusted  letthondaws  successors  of  the  deceased 
Princes.     The  titles  therefore  all  survived  in  different  individuals. 

King  Thibaw  married  Supayalat  immediately  upon  his  succes- 
sion to  the  throne.  He  had  been  in  love  wuh  her  for  some  con- 
siderable time.  His  mother,  the  Laungshe  Afibuya  (who  was 
seventh  in  rank  among  the  Queens),  the  Alfenandaw,  and  the  Minis- 
ters, however,  decided  among  themselves  that  he  should  also 
marry  Supayagyi,  the  elder  sister  of  Supayalat,  and  that  Supayagyi, 
as  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  Alenandaw,  should  have  the  title  of 
chief  Queen,  Nammada^v  Mibuya  Kaunggyt,  while  Supayalat 
was  to  be  styled  Myauk  Nandaw  Mibuya^  or  northern  Queen.  It 
was  assumed  that  Thibaw,  like  all  Kings  of  Burma,  would  have 
four  principal  queens  and  a  number  of  minor  spouses  according  to 
fancy.  However,  to  begin  witlij  he  married  the  two  sisters  in  the 
presence  of  the  entire  Court  at  the  time  of  his  coronation,  and  they 
sat  on  the  throne  to  the  right  and  left  of  him.  Both  of  them  were 
allowed  to  use  white  umbrellas  and  Supayagyi  moved  into  the  apart- 
ments which  had  been  inhabited  by  Mindon's  chief  Queen.  Supa- 
yalat, however,  established  herself  in  the  King's  own  rooms  and  kept 
a  close  eye  on  him,  so  that  he  was  never  able  to  go  anvAvhere 
without  her.     The  King  therefore  saw  nothing  of  Supayagyi  at  all. 

This,  however,  did  not  satisfy  Supayalat,  who  was  determined 
to  be  sole  mistress.  Before  long  Supayagyi  fell  sick  and  her 
favourite  nurse,  Ma  Pwa,  lighted  some  candles  and  placed  them  in  a 
row  in  the  Nammadapaya's  rooms  as  an  offering  to  the  spirits  for 
the  Queen's  recovery.  Supayalat  heard  of  this  and  immediately 
told  King  Thibaw  that  Supayagyi  and  her  nurse  were  working 
spells  against  his  health  and  power  and  were  conspiring  to  bring 
about  the  return  of  the  Nyaung  Yan  Prince  as  King.  She  there- 
fore persuaded  the  King  to  send  messengers  to  see  what  was  going 
on  and  he  was  duly  told  that  candles  were  indeed  burning  in  a 
row,  but  what  it  was  for  the  spies  could  not  say.  Thibaw  was 
gradually  worked  into  alarm  and  Indignation  by  Supayalat  and 
had  several  hot  altercations  with  the  Alenandaw,  who  took  the 
part  of  her  elder  daughter.  In  the  end  Thibaw  ordered  the  nurse 
to  be  put  to  death.     When  the  Alenandaw  heard  this  she  thought 

CHAP.  II.] 



Supayagyi  was  also  in  danger  and  caused  her  to  be  removed  from 
the  Nammadapaya^s  rooms  and  brought  under  her  own  immediate 
care  again.  This  was  the  very  thing  which  Supayalat  had  been 
scheming  for.  She  hated  the  notion  of  any  one  staying  in  the 
chief  Queen's  suite  except  herself. 

Supayagyi  was  very  fond  of  her  nurse  and  worked  herself  into 
such  a  state  of  misery  over  her  sentence  to  death  that  the  Alfenan- 
daw  was  fain  to  stifle  her  pride  and  went  to  King  Thibaw  and  beg- 
ged him  to  spare  Ma  Pwa.  He  recalled  the  death  sentence,  but 
Supayalat  would  not  allow  her  to  be  released  and  Ma  Pwa,  with 
her  three  sons  and  her  aged  mother,  were  kept  confined  in  the 
women's  prison  for  some  considerable  time.  Supayalal,  with  or 
without  grounds,  believed  that  Ma  Pwa  had  been  scheming  to  in- 
troduce the  King  into  Supayagyi's  chamber  and  this  was  more  than 
her  jealousy  could  stand.  Her  hatred  was  implacable.  After  a 
few  months  Ma  Pwa  was  removed  to  a  prison  in  Sagaing  and  she 
had  not  long  been  there  when  a  private  order  arrived  that  the  nurse 
was  to  be  starved  to  death,  which  was  duly  carried  out. 

Jealousy  was  Supayalat's  chief  characteristic,  and  to  it  she  united 
the  imperiousness  and  cruelty  which  she  had  inherited  from  her 
mother.  She  kept  the  King  completely  under  her  control  and 
effectually  prevented  him  from  indulging  in  amours.  When  her 
first  child,  a  daughter,  was  born,  all  the  daughters  of  the  officials 
were  ordered  to  come  to  the  palace  to  pay  homage  to  the  infant 
Princess  and  to  do  her  homage.  Among  those  who  came  was  Mi 
Hkingyi,  a  grand-daughter  of  the  Hkampat  IVufiffvi  and  niece  of 
the  Pagan  At-wintvun.  Mi  Hkingyi  was  very  good-looking  and 
very  gentle  in  her  manner.  She  was  therefore  chosen  among 
those  to  attend  on  the  infant,  and  King  Thibaw  saw  her  often 
when  he  came  to  see  the  child  and  soon  took  a  fancy  to  her. 
He  therefore  sent  the  Taingda  Afivinii'un's  grandson,  a  lad  of 
fourteen,  to  express  hislove  for  her.  Mi  Hkingyi  dutifully  told  the 
messenger  to  ask  her  uncle  and  aunt,  the  Pagan  Ahvinumn 
and  his  wife.  The  King  then  privately  sent  the  S'auaung  Afin- 
tka,  a  special  favourite  of  his,  to  the  Atwinwun,  to  say  that  he 
wanted  to  marry  the  girl.  The  Atwinzvun  and  his  wife  express- 
ed their  sense  of  the  honour  intended,  but  said  ihat  they  were 
afraid  of  Supayalat,  who  would  take  revenge  not  only  on  the  girl, 
but  on  all  her  relations.  The  King  ihcn  summoned  them  to  meet 
him  in  a  suite  of  apartments  close  to  the  letthondaw's  quarters, 
where  Supayalat  very  seldom  went  and  showed  the  preparations 
he  had  made  there  for  Mi  Hkingyi,  and  declared  by  his  royal 
honour  that  he  would  see  that  neither  the  girl  herself  nor  her 
relations   should   suffer  from    Supayalat's   indignation.     He  also 



promised  to  tell  Supayalat  the  whole  circumstances  of  the  case 
after  her  second  confinement  which  was  expected,  and  assured 
them  that  he  would  reconcile  her  to  the  situation,  appoint  Supaya- 
lat Nammadnwpaya  and  Mi  Hkingyi  to  the  dignity  of  Myauknan- 
daw,  and  that  thus  everything  would  be  satisfactorily  arranged. 
There  is  something  almost  ludicrous  in  all  this  to-do  about  a  mere 
chit  of  a  girl,  when  even  the  Princes  of  Burma,  to  say  nothing  of  the 
King,  were  in  the  habit  of  making  alliances  as  they  would  have 
bought  a  new  pony.  The  fuss  made,  however,  shows  how  com- 
pletely Supayalat  ruled  the  palace,  so  that  not  merely  the  Minis- 
ters, but  even  the  Kin^f  himself  hesitated  about  doing  anything 
without  her  consent  and  approval. 

The  girl  was  brought  into  the  palace  and  established  in  the 
quarters  prepared  for  her,  and  King  Thibaw,  da  in  hand,  himself 
threatened  Supayalat's  attendants  with  immediate  death  if  they  told 
her  anything  about  his  new  connection.  He  informed  Supayalat 
that  he  was  to  receive  a  solemn  beithet,  a  blessing  with  consecrat- 
ed water  from  the  pdnnas,  and  that  it  was  necessary  for  him  to 
keep  solemn  and  solitary  fast  for  seven  days  in  preparation  for 
the  ceremony.  Two  small  temporary  palaces  were  therefore  built 
in  the  southern  garden  of  the  palace  and  in  one  of  them  Supayalat 
kept  a  genuine  fast  so  as  to  be  worthy  to  receive  the  betthei  with 
the  King.  Thibaw  himself  kept  a  sort  of  honeymoon  with  Mi  Hkin- 
gyi and  held  high  revelry  with  his  favourite  leifhondaiosy  the  Ya- 
naung  A/infha.  the  Pintha  Prince,  the  Taungtaman-Iesa,  and  the 
Ekkahabat  Myiwaun.  The  Queen  was  very  proud  of  her  asceti- 
cism and  bragged  about  it  freely  to  her  attendants,  adding  that 
even  the  austere  Mindon  Min  had  never  submitted  himself  to  such 
mortification  on  an  occasion  of  the  kind  as  the  young  and  lusty  Thi- 
baw had  now  done.  She  was  confined  of  her  second  child  15  days 
later  and  King  Thibaw  then  told  her  of  his  alliance  with  Mi  Hkin- 
ey\.  The  Queen's  indignation  at  the  new  connection  was  worked 
mto  fury  when  she  thought  of  the  trick  that  had  been  played  on  her 
and  the  way  she  liad  been  fooled  before  her  attendants.  She  de- 
manded that  Mi  Hkingyi  should  be  surrendered  to  her  at  once,  but 
Thibaw  had  gathered  courage  from  his  lefthondaws  and  flatly  re- 
fused. He,  however,  thought  it  well  to  move  Mi  Hkingyi  into 
a  safe  place  in  the  southern  garden  of  the  palace,  and  thence  she 
used  to  visit  him  dressed  in  men's  clothes  and  guarded  on  the  way 
by  the  Yenaung  Prince  and  other  confidants  of  the  King. 

Supayalat  then  realized  that  high-handed  demands  were  not 
likely  to  prove  successful  and  changed  her  plan.  She  affected  to 
be  reconciled  to  the  division  of  the  King's  affections  and  argued 
that  it  would  be  more  seemly  that  the  new  Queen  should  live  in  the 

CHAP.  II.]  HISTORY.  89 

palace  in  the  usual  way.  She  gave  a  solemn  promise  that  she 
would  do  Mi  Hkingyi  no  harm  and  for  a  short  time  did  really  treat 
ber  kindly.  Before  long,  however,  she  began  to  bully  and  ill-treat 
the  girl,  who  complained  to  the  King.  Thibaw  consulted  with  his 
confidential  friends,  the  Yenaung  and  Pintha  Princes,  the  Taungta- 
man-lfesa,  and  the  Ekkabat  AfytttTVun,  who  bluntly  said  that  it  was 
a  woman's  duty  to  obey  her  husband,  that  the  King  might  have 
as  many  wives  as  he  pleased  and  that  he  was  justifiea  in  thrashing 
or  threatening  Supayalat  into  compliance  if  mere  argument  failed. 
On  the  next  occasion  of  a  remonstrance  with  Supayjilat  about  her 
treatment  of  Mi  Hkingyi  therefore,  the  King  seized  a  spear  and 
rushed  at  his  wife.  Supayalat  fled  to  her  mother  Al^nandaw's 
apartments  and  got  there  before  the  King  could  catch  her.  The 
maid s-of- honour  scattered  in  dismay  and  were  not  to  be  found, 
though  the  letthdndaws  were  sent  to  look  for  them.  The  whole 
palace  was  in  a  state  of  commotion  and  the  gates  were  shut  lest 
the  consternation  should  spread  outside. 

Late  at  night  Thibaw  repented  of  his  hastiness  and  went  and 
made  it  up  with  Supayalat,  but  she  had  now  taken  her  measure  of 
him  and  returned  to  the  palace  determined  not  to  give  way.  Quar- 
rels between  her  and  Thibaw  were  frequent  and  almost  as  violent 
as  this  had  been,  but  Supayalat  now  never  gave  way,  and  what  be- 
tween fear  of  her  and  love  for  Mi  Hkingyi,  Thibaw  got  into  such 
an  excited  and  bewildered  state,  that  rumours  spread  into  the  city 
that  the  King  was  going  mad. 

The  Queen  therefore  resolved  to  put  an  end  to  the  cause  of 
quarrel  in  a  summary  way.  She  knew  that  the  Yenaung  and  other 
letthondaws  were  the  King's  great  supporters  and  were  bound  for 
their  own  safety  to  thwart  her  plans.  She  determined  therefore 
to  get  them  out  of  the  way  and  took  the  Taingda  Atwinwufi  into 
her  councils. 

King  Thibaw  had  never  gone  round  the  city  moat  and  she  per- 
suaded him  that  in  order  to  take  formal  possession  of  the  city 
.it  was  necessary  that  he  should  do  so.  She  also  reminded  him 
that  it  was  customary  on  such  occasions  to  set  up  four  golden 
boxes,  one  on  each  side  of  the  city,  into  which  any  one  who  had  a 
petition  to  make,  or  grievances  to  unfold,  might  drop  his  letter  and 
so  secure  the  royal  attention  without  danger  or  expense  to  himself. 
The  King  agreed  and,  with  the  Queen  and  the  letthdndaws^  made 
the  four-mile  circuit  in  the  royal  barges  in  stately  and  pompous 
fashion.  They  returned  at  night  and  the  four  boxes  were  brought 
into  Supayalat's  apartments  and  opened  bv  the  King  himself. 
There  were  a  number  of  petitions  and  most  of  these  from  all  four 
boxes  were  anonymous  letters  directed  against  the  Yanaung  and 




Pmtha  Princes,  the  Pagan  Atn^inwun,  the  Taungtaman-I^sa,  the 
Ekkhabai  Myimvuti,  and  others  of  the  /eithondaws,  charging  them 
with  treasonous  conspiracy  against  the  King  and  his  Government 
and  correspondence  with  the  Nyaung  Yan  and  Nyaung  Ok  Princes. 
These  letters  had  all  been  concocted  by  the  Queen  herself  and 
deposited  by  her  ally,  the  Taingda  At-wimeun,  in  the  golden 

The  Queen  herself  insinuated  her  suspicions,  and  King  Thibaw, 
who  lived  in  constant  fear  of  such  plots,  was  easily  persuaded  to 
order  the  arrest  of  the  accused  and  to  entrust  the  duty  to  the 
Taingda  Atmn-a>uv  and  the  Shwehlan  Myowun,  both  of  them  in  the 
Queen's  confidence.  The  next  morning  the  Yananng  Prince  was 
;irrested  as  he  entered  the  palace  gates  in  the  ordinary  course  of 
his  duties  and  immediately  after,  the  Pagan  Ahcin-wun,  the  Pintha 
Prince,  the  Taungtaman-Ifesa,  the  Ekkhabat  Afyinwuti,  the  Hkam- 

f)at  Wungyi,  the  ICaunghan  !/*««,  the  Ng^vckun  If 'hw,  with  all  their 
amilies  and  retainers,  were  arrested  in  their  own  houses  and  lodged 
in  jail  without  any  form  of  trial  or  investigation. 

They  remained  thus  In  confinement  for  20  days  and  then  Supa- 
yalat  began  to  be  afraid  that  the  King  would  relent  and  set  free 
the  prisoners,  most  of  whom  had  been  his  closest  friends.  She 
therefore  took  counsel  with  the  Taingda  and  Shwehlan  Wuns  again 
and  persuaded  them  to  go  and  tell  the  King  that  the  Yanaung 
Mintka  was  ratting  in  his  cell  and  had  declared  that  he  would 
rather  kill  himself  than  submit  to  be  put  to  death  by  the  King's 
order,  and  had  actually  tried  to  commit  suicide  by  cutting  his  throat 
with  a  pair  of  scissors. 

Thibaw  when  he  heard  this  fell  nto  a  rage  and  ordered  the  Ya- 
naung Mxntha  out  for  immediate  execution  and  this  was  carried 
out  on  the  spot  A  few  days  later  the  Pagan  Atmnviun  and  the 
Ekkhabat  Myivwun  were  put  to  death  in  jail.  Of  the  rest,  some  re- 
mained in  confinement  and  some  were  exiled  to  Mogaung.  .Among 
the  latter  was  the  Taungtaman-lfesa,  who  was  killed  on  the  way 
there  by  the  secret  orders  of  Supayalat. 

The  whole  story  of  the  conspiracy  was  a  pure  invention  of  the 
Queen's,  but  it  served  her  purpose  and  got  rid  of  the  King's  allies 
and  advisers.  He  now  became  a  mere  puppet  in  the  Queen's 
hands,  and  she  so  arranged  that  Thibaw  could  never  see  Mi  Hkin- 
gyi  except  in  public.  Shi*  also  told  the  girl  that  she  would  accuse 
her  and  her  aunt,  the  Pagan  Atwinwun^s  wife,  of  attempting  magic- 
al arts  again-st  the  King,  if  she  ventured  to  go  near  Thibaw,  or  to 
say  anything  to  him  but  what  Supayalat  mstructed  her  tu  sa 
The  girl's  spirit  was  broken  and  she  was  daily  nagged  at  and 
treated  by  the  maids- of- honour  and  by  Supayalat  herself. 



CHAP.  II.] 



Thibaw  gradually  forgot  the  i^irl  whom  he  was  never  allowed  to 
sec  and  Supayalat  placed  Ml  flkingyi  in  charge  of  ihe  Taingda, 
who  had  now  been  appointed  i^Vuttgyi.  She  was  kept  a  close  pri- 
soner in  his  compound,  but  one  day  Supayalat  heard  from  tlie 
Wungyi's  grand-daughter  that  the  girl  was  kindly  treated  and  al- 
lowed to  see  pTi'i's  in  the  compound.  She  got  in  a  great  rage  over 
this,  threatened  the  Taujgda  with  dismissal,  and  spoke  to  the  King 
about  it.  Thibaw  had  quite  got  over  his  fancy,  lie  wanted 
peace  in  his  household  above  all  things.  He  sent  for  the  Taingda 
and  asked  if  Mi  Hkingyi  was  still  alive  and  added  that  he  wanted 
to  hear  no  more  about  her.  The  ^Fm«^^'/ took  the  hint  and  had 
the  girl  killed.  Supayalat  sent  a  eunuch  to  make  certain  of  the 

The  whole  matter  was  much  discussed  in  Mandalay  and  through- 
out Burma  and  ruined  the  coniidence  of  the  people  in  the  King. 
The  lawlessness  in  the  palace  provoked  lawlessness  in  the  country 
[,and  legalized  dacoit  gangs  pruyed  over  whole  districts. 

The  following  notes  on  the  reign  of  King  Thibaw  are  supplied 
by  Maung  Po  Ni,  of  Mandalay:  — 

King  Thibaw  assumed  the  title  of  Thiripawara  Ditya  Lawka 
Dhipadi  Pandita  Maha  Dhamma  Rajadhiraja.  He  was  the  son  of 
the  last  King,  Mindon  Min.  by  the  Liungshe  Queen,  Princess 
Nanda  Dewi,  and  was  born  on  the  morning  of  Saturday,  the  12th 
waning  of  ihe  moon  of  Nattmv  1220  (isl  January  1859),  so  that  he 
was  twenty  years  of  age  when  he  ascended  the  throne. 

When  he  was  sixteen  years  of  age  he  entered  a  monastery  on 
his  novitiate  and,  after  a  stay  of  three  years,  passed  in  the  first 
class  at  the  annual  Sudhamma  examination. 

On  his  return  to  the  palace  after  his  father's  funeral,  he  found 
that  the  Princess  Saliii  Supayagyi,  one  of  His  late  Majesty's 
daughters,  and  kept  Tnhindamg,  had  shaved  her  head  along  with 
her  three  maids-of-homHir,  and  had  put  on  the  dress  of  a  nun. 
This  somewhat  annoyed  King  Thibaw,  fnr  he  had  intended  to  marry 
her.  He  consoled  himself,  hnwevcr,  by  marrying  her  two  remain- 
ing sisters,  the  Princess  Maingiiaung  MyozaThuthiri  Ralana  Min- 
gala  Dewi  and  her  younger  sister,  the  Princess  Myadaung  Myoza 
Thuthlri  Pabha  Raiana  Dewi,  daughters  of  King  Mind6n  by  the 
Sinbyumashin  Queen. 

In  the  month  of  Tahodwd  1240  (February  1879),  for  the  safely 
and  v^elfare  of  the  country,  the  King's  elder  brother,  the  Princes 
Th6nze,  Mekkhara,  Shwcgu,  and  a  number  of  others,  in  all  up- 
wards of   40  persons,  were  made  over  to  the  Ministers  and  put  10 



In  the  following  month  His  Majesty's  uncle,  the  ex-King  Pagan 
Min,  died  and  was  buried  with  the  usual  pomp  and  cererronies. 
At  the  same  time  King  Thibaw's  infant  son  died  of  sma!I-pox  in 
the  palace,  and  the  King  therefore  could  not  attend  his  unde*s 
funeral,  but  it  was  nevertheless  very  grand. 

During  the  month  of  A'ayon  (May)  1879  the  King  caused  a 
pagoda  to  be  built  in  a  garden  10  the  south-east  of  the  city,  known 
as  the  Thin  Hemanum  garden.  This  pagoda  was  known  as  the 
Ma-an-aung  Yatana  and  King  Thibaw  was  thereafter  sometimes 
known  as  the  Ma-an-aung  Yatana  Dayaka,  or  founder  of  the  pa- 
goda of  that  name. 

In  the  month  of  Tabodwd  (January)  1880  a  large  white  house 
was  built  for  the  King's  mother,  who  had  become  a  nun.  She 
took  possession  of  this,  but  died  in  the  following  year. 

In  the  month  of  IVaso  (June)  1880  a  mission  was  sent  to 
effect  a  treaty  of  friendship  with  the  Brinsh  Government,  but  after 
it  had  been  delayed  for  eight  months  at  Thayetmyo,  it  had  to  re- 
turn without  effecting  anything. 

In  August  of  the  same  year  the  chief  Queen  gave  birth  to  a 

In  the  following  month  the  Yaw  Myosa  Wungyi  was  given  Rs. 
5,000  and  sent  to  quell  a  disturbance  which  had  broken  out  at  Mong 
Nai  (Mon£)  and  to  take  charge  of  thai  part  of  the  Shan  States. 

In  the  month  of  Kason  1243  (April  1881),  as  it  was  the  fourth 
year  of  His  Majesty's  reign,  it  became  necessary,  in  accordance 
with  ancient  custom,  to  again  perform  the  ceremony  of  coronation. 
Highly  ornamental  sheds  were  therefore  erected  on  the  space  in 
front  of  the  Palace,  and  the  King  and  the  chief  Queen,  seated  on  a 
thrune,  went  through  the  ceremony  of  Beii-tkeit ;  consecrated  water 
was  poured  on  their  heads  from  three  conch  shells.  They  then 
proceeded  to  the  city  moat  and  entered  a  barge,  in  which  they  were 
rowed  round  the  city,  both  banks  of  the  moat  being  lined  with 
troops  all  the  while.  The  significance  of  this  ceremony  was  that 
the  King  took  possession  of  the  city.  Special  effect  was  lent  to 
the  function  by  the  circumstance  that  the  moon  was  under  eclipse 
at  the  time. 

In  July  1881  the  chief  Queen  gave  birth  to  another  daughter. 

In  the  month  of  Tagu  (March)  1882  the  Atwimvun  Kyauk- 
myaung  Myoza,  was  appointed  chief  envoy  to  proceed  to  Simla  and 
London  with  friendly  letters  and  presents.  The  Embassy  was  in- 
tended to  negotiate  a  commercial  treaty  and  to  secure  other  ad- 
vantages for  the  country.  A  draft  treaty  was  sent  to  .Mandalay 
by  the  British  Government,  but  the  King  thought  it  one-sided  and 
ejected  it.     Moreover,  he  particularly  desired  that  any  treaty  he 


might  make  should  be  witli  the  Queen-Empress  and  not  with  the 
Viceroy  of  India. 

In  the  month  of  Tahodwe  1244  (February  1882),  when  the  King: 
was  34  years  of  ag^e,  all  hereditary  officials  in  charge  of  towns  and 
villages  (myothugyis  and  thugyis),  whose  names  were  registered 
in  the  lists  or  Sittans  of  the  years  1 145  B.E.  (1784)  and  1 164  B.E. 
(1803),  were  required  to  submit  fresh  papers,  showing  the  reality 
of  their  hereditary  rights  and  the  time  they  had  endured.  These 
lists  were  submitted  to  the  HiutdaTv,  which  had  the  power  of  con- 
firmation or  rejection. 

In  the  month  of  Tabaung  (March)  of  the  same  year  pagodas 
were  erected  to  note  the  days  of  the  week  on  which  His  Majesty 
and  the  chief  Queen  were  born.  That  to  the  King  was  put  up  in 
the  Salin  Myet-thin  quarter,  south-east  of  the  city,  and  was  named 
the  Lawka  Yan-naing  pagoda.  Two  others  in  honour  of  the  chief 
Queen  were  erected  in  the  Abyaw-san  garden,  east  of  Mandalay  hill. 

In  the  same  months  titles  were  bestowed  upon  the  monks,  the 
Mala  Lingaya  and  the  Shwegyin  sadrnvs.  The  former  received 
that  of  Sasaaa  Dhaja  Dhamma  Siri  Dhipadi  Maha  Dhamma  Raja- 
dhiraja  Guru  and  the  latter  that  of  jaganahi  Dhaja  Sasana  Pala 
Dhamma  SenApati  Maha  Dhamma  Rajadhiraja  Guru.  These  titles 
were  bestowed  in  the  Thudhamma  temple,  where  a  large  number 
of  holy  men  weie  assembled  and  the  usual  gifts  and  offerings  were 
made  to  them,  .^fle^  the  titles  had  been  formally  conferred,  royal 
orders  were  read  aloud,  declaring  that  these  two  sada-ws  were  speci- 
ally charged  with  the  propagation  of  the  Buddhist  religion. 

In  the  same  month  offerings  were  ordered  to  be  prepared,  which 
consisted  of  a  white  umbrella  for  the  Mahamuni  image  (at  the 
Arakan  Pagoda;  on  behalf  of  the  chief  Queen,  and  two  other  white 
umbrellas  for  the  shrine  of  the  Lawka  Marazein  (the  Kutho-daw, 
where  the  books  of  the  law  are  engraved  on  marble  slabs),  one  for 
the  King  and  the  other  for  the  chief  Queen.  These  umbrellas 
were  made  and  ornamented  in  the  mirror  room,  on  the  north  side  of 
the  palace.  The  adornments  consisted  of  lace  borders  and  fringes 
and  handle  tips  encrusted  with  gold,  silver,  diamonds,  pearls,  rubies, 
and  coral.  The  value  of  each  umbrella  was  estimated  at  upwards  of 
Rs.  80,000.  When  they  were  finished  the  umbrellas  were  conveyed 
to  their  destination  in  solemn  procession  by  the  Ministers  of  State 
and  were  opened  out  over  the  two  images. 

During  the  same  month,  as  the  King  was  desirous  of  entering 
into  a  treaty  of  friendship  with  the  French  Government,  suitable 
presents  for  the  President  of  the  Republic  were  prepared  and  the 
Ahtsin-wun  Myothit  Myoza,  VVunt^yi,  Mahazaya  Thingyan,  was  ap- 
pointed chief  of  the  mission,  whilst  the  Wundauk  Thangyet,  Wun, 



Mingyi  Minhla  Maha  Sithu  Kyaw,  and  the  chief  writer,  Maha 
Minhla  Thinkaya,  were  appointed  Assistant  Envoys,  and  all  left  for 

Also  in  the  same  month  the  Myowun  Shwehlanbo  Kawlin  Myoza 
Mingyxt  Maiia  Mingauiig  Nawra-hia,  who  was  placed  in  Mong  Nai 
(Mon6)  on  account  of  the  disl<^yalty  of  Nga  Kyi  Ngfe,  cx-Saubwa 
of  Mong  Nai,  and  of  Nga  Htun,  «.x-Myoza  of  Mong  Nawng,  Nga 
VVaing,  exSaTubwa  of  Lawk  Sawk  (Yatsauk),  and  Nga  Pe,  ex- 
Myoza  of  Mong  Ping,  having  rclurncd  to  the  capital,  his  place  was 
taken  by  the  IVimdauk  Kutywa  Myoza,  Mingyi  Mingaiing  Sithu 
Kyaw,  who  received  command  of  a  force  of  1,000  men  and  went  to 
take  charge  of  Mong  Nai  and  to  restore  peace  in  the  Shan  States. 

During  this  month  also  225  ticals  of  gold  were  set  apart  to  be 
made  into  four  alms-bowls  When  these,  with  stands  and  covers 
complete,  were  finishwl,  they  were  conveyed  by  ihe  Ministers  of 
the  Court  to  Pakhangyi,  where  they  were  deposited  as  royal  offerings 
before  the  sacred  images. 

During  the  month  of  2nd  IVaso  1245  (July  1883),  when  King 
Thibaw  was  25  years  of  age,  he  called  for  an  eniyneration  of 
the  slaves  in  the  city,  both  male  and  female,  and  required  that 
all  slave-owners  should  produce  their  bonds  before  the  Hlutdaw, 
showing  for  what  amount  of  debt  each  person  had  been  enslaved, 
and  how  much  had  been  paid  towards  the  liquidation  of  the  debt. 
The  owners  of  the  slaves,  the  slaves  themselves,  and  the  persons 
who  sold  them  were  summoned  and  each  case  was  separately  en- 
quired into  by  the  judges  and  specially  appointed  onicers.  The 
King  then  paid  upwards  of  Rs.  40,000  towards  the  emancipation 
of  a  large  number  of  them.  Two  hundred  and  forty  of  these 
became  rahans  and  1,154  entered  monasteries  as  novices,  making  a 
total  of  1,394  who  assumed  the  yellow  robe.  To  all  of  these  the 
King  gave  presents  of  robes  and  money.  Two  hundred  monks  of 
all  degrees  were  then  invited  to  the  Thudhamma  temple  and 
suitable  offerings  were  made  to  them,  and  for  three  days  the  Princes 
and  Ministers  of  the  Court  were  employed  in  carrying  out  the 
necessary  details  of  the  ordination  ceremony. 

During  the  month  ui  March  of  this  year,  Maung  Hpon,  a  son  of 
the  late  Eingshemin,  who  had  become  a  rahan,  but  was  neverthe- 
less watched  by  a  body  of  100  men  appointed  for  that  purpose, 
conspired  with  some  of  these  guards  to  raise  a  rebellion.  Some 
of  them,  however,  betrayed  him.  An  enquiry  was  held,  and  Maung 
Hp6n  confessed.  His  monkish  robe  was  then  stripped  off  him  and 
he  and  all  who  supported  him  were  thrown  into  prison. 

About  the  same  time,  to  promote  the  peace,  contentment,  pro- 
sperity and  happiness  of  all  classes  of  his  subjects,  as  well  as  of  the 

CHAP',  ti.] 



monastic  order,  the  King  ordained  that  the  country  should  be  divid- 
ed into  ten  divisions  or  knyaifjgs,  each  division  being  placed  under 
a  Kayaing  IVttn,  or  Commissioner.  These  Commissioners  were  to 
be  chosen  with  care  and  were  periodically  to  visit  everypart  of  their 

In  the  month  of  Tabaung  (March)  1883  both  of  His  Majesty's 
infant  daughters  died  of  small-pox,  within  a  few  days  of  each  other. 
They  were  buried  in  the  north  garden  and  monuments  were  put  up 
over  their  graves. 

The  following  month  a  fire  broke  out  in  the  house  of  a  man 
named  Nga  To,  in  the  Katna  Bumi  quarter  in  the  west  of  the  town. 
The  lire  travelled  southwards  towards  the  Kulhinayon  pagoda,  burn- 
ing the  whole  series  of  kyaungs  which  surrounded  it,  besides  a 
number  of  others,  and  then  swept  on  to  the  temple  of  the  Maha 
Muni  (the  Arakan  pagoda).  There  it  burnt  down  the  temple  and 
all  the  surrounding  religious  buildings,  including  the  sheds  leading 
up  to  the  temple  on  all  four  sidts. 

His  Majesty  paid  out  Rs.  18,360  to  re-build  the  temple  and  the 
approach(-s.  The  work  was  commended  to  the  care  of  the  Minis- 
ters of  the  nhitdato  and  they  were  instructed  to  use  the  utmost 

In  the  year  1884  there  was  a  most  wanton  massacre.  It  was 
thought  thai  the  Myingun  Prince,  who  was  then  in  Pondicherry, 
had  designs  on  the  throne  of  Burma  and  that  he  had  supporters 
among  certain  officials  in  Mandalay.  A  number  of  these,  who  were 
supposed  to  have  sunt  messengt  rs  to  him,  or  to  have  visited  him 
personally,  were  thrown  into  prison,  where  it  was  hoped  they  would 
give  information  against  others  in  order  to  save  themselves.  But 
this  scheme  was  elaborated  on.  There  were  at  the  time  very  many 
men  imprisoned  on  political  charges,  especially  in  the  ^aol  near  the 
palace.  Secret  orders  were  sent  10  the  gaolor  to  release  some  of 
the  prisoners.  While  these  men  were  making  their  way  out,  an 
alarm  of  a  gaol  outbreak  was  started,  shots  were  fired,  and  the 
King's  troops  rushed  into  the  gaol  and  cut  down  every  one  they 
came  across.  To  save  trouble  with  those  locked  up,  the  gaol  itself 
was  set  on  fire,  and  this  also  was  a  preconcerted  signal  to  the  two 
gaols  in  the  town,  where  all  the  prisoners  were  promptly  massacred. 
Great  numbers  of  perfectly  innocent  persons  thus  lost  their  lives, 
for  no  enquiries  were  made  and  none  were  spared. 

During  the  month  of  December  in  the  same  year  the  great  brazen 
image  known  as  tne  Thibya  Thiha  at  Amarapurawas  brought  from 
there  to  Mandalay.  The  conveyance  of  this  image  cost  tne  King 
Rs.  30,000.  Its  weight  in  brass  was  estimated  at  3o,ooo  vlss.  It 
is  now  in  a  temple  in  the  Aungnan  Yeit-tha  quarter  of  the  town. 



Early  In  the  next  year  a  white  elephant  was  brought  from  Taung- 
ngu.  When  it  reached  the  capital  the  streets  all  the  way  to  the 
palace  through  which  the  animal  passed  were  lined  with  troops, 
and  there  were  great  rejoicings  alt  over  the  town.  On  the  first 
IVaso  (June)  1885  M.  Haas  came  to  Mandalay  as  French 

King  Thibaw  had  now  become  very  unpopular  among  his  sub- 
jects. The  massacre  of  1884  especially  had  horrified  many  of 
them.  The  establishment  of  the  royal  lotteries  moreover  had  im- 
poverished and  demoralized  the  people  and  the  royal  exchequer 
was  nearly  empty.  The  chief  Queen  sent  the  Taingda  Afingyi  a 
simple  order  to  fill  it  for  her.  The  Taingda  Mingyi  hit  upon  the 
plan  of  accusing  the  Bombay  Burma  Trading  Corporation  of  having 
committed  a  breach  of  contract  in  regard  to  the  working  of  certain 
teak  forests,  and  fined  them  arbitrarily  the  sum  of  Rs.  23,00,000. 
The  Corporation  appealed  to  the  Government  of  India  and  a  remon- 
strance was  sent  to  the  King,  with  the  suggestion  that  the  question 
should  be  referred  to  arbitration.  King  Thibaw.  however,  ignored 
this  remonstrance  and  proceeded  to  levy  the  fine  by  the  confiscation 
of  timber,  elephants,  and  other  property  of  the  CorpocAion.  Upon 
this  an  ultimatum  was  sent  to  the  King,  embodying  the  following 
provisions: — 

(i)  The  dispute  between  the  Burmese  Government  and  the 
Bombay  Burma  Trading  Corporation  to  be  settled 
by  arbitration,  conducted  by  a  British  officer  and  a 
responsible  Burmese  official. 

(2)  The  reception  at  the  BuiTnese  Court  of  a  British  Resi- 
dent under  suitable  conditions. 

(3)  '^^^  foreign  relations  of  the  Burmese  Government  to  be 
under  the  control  of  the  British  Government. 

The  King  sent  an  unsatisfactory  reply  and  the  result  was  the 
advance  of  the  British  troops  on  Upper  Burma.  There  was  some 
fighting  at  Sinbaungwc,  Kanmyo,  and  Minhla,  and  the  expedition 
arrived  before  Mandalay  on  the  28th  November  1885.  The  troops 
disembarked  at  half  past  one,  marched  through  the  town  and  sur- 
rounded the  city  walls.  General  Prendergast  and  Colonel  Sladen 
entered  the  palace  by  the  eastern  gate  and  had  an  interview  with  the 
King,  who  surrendered  unconditionally.  He,  with  his  two  queens 
and  his  infant  daughter,  the  Teit  Supaya,  were  taken  to  the  steamer 
Thooreah  and  conveyed  to  Rangoon  and  thence  to  India,  where 
latterly  he  has  been  detained  at  Ratnagiri.  The  Taingda  Mingyi 
was  deported  to  Cuttack ,  but  was  allowed  after  some  years  to  come  to 
Rangoon,  where  he  died  in  1 896. 







Thibaw  Min,  the  last  King  of  Burma,  was  the  eleventh  of  the 
Alaiinqpaya  dynasty.  The  founder,  Aung  Zeya,  began  life  as  a 
farmer,  developed  into  a  dacoit,  and  died  Kini;,  with  his  frontier  at 
the  farthest  limits  that  Burma  ever  had.  The  subjoined  table 
shows  the  succession  of  the  Kings  of  Burma  from  the  time  of 
Alaungpaya  to  the  time  of  the  downfall  of  his  dynasty. 

(i)  Alaungpaya  (1 753— 1 7<k)). 

(3)  Sinbyuyin  MinUysgyi 

[1763— 1776}. 

(4)  Singu  Mincnyagvi 
{1776-1781).  ■ 

(6]  Bodawpya 
(1781— 1819). 

(died  before  his  father). 

(3]  Naungdaw  MinUyagyi 
0  760— 1763). 

{5)  Paungga  Min 
(reigned  seven   days  in  1781.) 

ii)  Bagyidawpaya 

(8)  Shweba  Min  (Kin?  Tharrawaddi} 

(9)  Pagan  Min 

(10)  Minddn  Min 


(11)  Thibaw  Min 

The  early  history  of  Burma  is  related  in  the  British  Burma 
Gazetteer  published  in  1880.  It  is  sufficient  here  to  recall  that 
the  first  war  between  England  and  Burma  occurred  in  the  reign  of 
Bagyidawpaya,  the  seventh  King  of  the  dynasty,  and  was  termi- 
nated in  1826  by  the  treaty  of  Yandabo.  The  provinces  of  Arakan 
and  Tenasserim  were  then  ceded  to  the  British.     Pagan  Min,  the 




ninth  King  and  the  nephew  of  Bagjridaw,  was  the  ruler  at  the 
time  of  the  second  Burmese  war.  This  was  terminated  in  Decem- 
ber 1852  by  a  proclamation  of  Lord  Dalhousie's,  which  annexed 
the  province  of  Pegu  to  the  Indian  Empire  and  fixed  the  frontier 
at  the  parallel  of  latitude  6  miles  north  of  the  fort  of  Myedi,  thus 
cutting  off  the  kingdom  of  Bumvi  entirely  from  ihe  sea,  and  con- 
verting the  name  of  the  independent  country  into  Upper  Burma, 
as  distmguished  from  British  Burnra. 

Almost  immediately  after  the  end  of  the  second  war,  Pagan 
Min  was  deposed  by  his  brother  Mindon  Min.  Mindon  Min  was 
above  all  things  anxious  for  peace,  though  he  did  not  by  any  means 
love  the  British.  He  was  very  learned  in  the  literature  of  his 
country  and  he  was  enlightened  enough  to  seek  to  introduce  western 
civilization  into  his  kingdom.  He  sent  Envoy3  to  Europe  to  study 
the  arts  and  manufactures  of  European  nations,  and  the  sons  of  many 
of  the  chief  Court  officials  were  sent  to  England,  France,  and  Italy 
to  be  educated  in  the  languages  and  acquirements  of  those  countries. 
He  also  bought  a  fleet  of  steamers  to  ply  on  the  river  and  built 
numerous  factories  and  workshops  in  his  capital.  In  this  way,  and 
having  no  wars  on  his  hands,  he  did  much  to  increase  the  revenue 
and  promote  the  commercial  prosperity  of  the  countn.'.  The  mairt 
facts  of  his  reign  are  chroniclea  in  the  translation  from  a  Bur- 
mese annalist  which  appears  in  the  previous  chapter. 

The  event  of  chief  importance  in  his  reign  was  the  treaty  con- 
cluded at  Mandalay  in  1867  between  the  British  and  Burmese 
Governments.  This  provided  for  the  mutual  extradition  of  cri- 
minals, the  free  intercourse  of  traders,  the  restriction  of  the  royal 
monopolies  to  earth-oil,  timber,  and  precious  stones,  and  the  estab- 
hshment  of  permanent  diplomatic  relations  between  the  two  coun- 
tries. Under  this  treaty  a  British  Resident  was  established  in  the  Up- 
per Burmese  capital,  with  certain  civil  jurisdiction  over  cases  concem- 
mg  British  subjects,  and  a  P-^litical  Agent  subordinate  to  the  Resi- 
dent was  stationed  at  Bhamo.  So  long  as  Mindon  Min  lived,  not- 
withstanding that  he  clung  to  the  obsolete  ceremonials  to  which 
he  was  accustomed,  and  thus  debarred  thr  British  Resident  at  Man- 
dalay in  his  later  years  from  access  to  his  presence,  nothing  arose 
which  gave  any  reason  to  apprehend  a  breach  in  the  good  relations 
between  England  and  Burma- 

Mind6n  Min  died  on  the  ist  October  1878,  of  dysentery,  after 
an  illness  of  two  months.  He  was  succeeded  by  the  Thibaw 
Prince,  his  son  by  the  Laungshe  Queen,  the  seventh  in  rank  of  the 
queens.  The  Prince's  ng^  nami,  or  personal  name,  was  Maung  Pu. 
He  was  also  called  Maung  Nyo  Sin  among  his  playmates  in  the  palace 
on  account  of  the  lightness  of  his  complexion  {nyo).     The  succes- 

CHAP,  in.] 


sion  was  due  to  an  intrigue,  details  of  which  from  Burmese  sources 
are  given  in  Chapter  II,  and  wasentirdy  unexpeclod  in  the  country^ 
though  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  main  details  of  the  plot  were  car- 
ried out  nearly  three  weeks  before  the  old  King  died.  Of  the  six 
principal  sons  of  the  King,  resident  in  Mandalay  at  the  time,  t^o, 
the  Nyaung  Yan  and  tliK  Nyaiing  Ok,  got  wind  of  the  conspiracy 
and  took  refuge  in  the  British  Residency  and  the  other  three  were 
close  prisoners  in  the  palace  for  a  fortnight  before  Mindon  Min 
died.  There  seems  a  probability  that  the  old  King  knew  of  the 
cabal  wht-n  it  was  too  late,  and  was  possibly  even  induced  in  his 
weak  state  of  body  and  mind  to  acquiesce  in  it.  He  seems  always 
to  have  been  aFraid  to  thwart  the  imperious  Alfenandaw  Queen, 
who  was  set  on  having  her  dauglitcr's  lover,  the  Thibaw  Prince, 
seated  on  the  throne.  At  the  time  of  his  accession  the  Prince 
was  barely  20  years  of  age,  and  little  was  known  of  him,  except 
that  he  had  studied  English  letters  at  Doctor  Marks'  Missionary 
schnul  in  Mandalay,  and  had  in  addition  passed  creditably  as 
patama-pyan  in  the  Buddhist  scriptural  examination. 

The  new  King  succeeded  to  the  throne  perhaps  at  an  unfortu- 
nate time.  A  revision  of  the  commercial  treaty  of  1867  had  long 
been  desired  and  overtures  had  actually  been  made  with  that  ob- 
ject by  the  Government  of  India  to  King  Mindon  in  1877  and 
1878,  but  without  result.  The  King  had  throughout  been  in  the 
habit  of  evading  the  object  and  substantial  obligations  of  the 
treaty  without  any  positive  infraction  qf  the  letter.  Although  no 
articles  besides  earth  oil,  teak,  and  precious  stones  were  declared 
to  be  royal  monopolie?,  and  although  ihe  King  used  lo  assert  that 
every  trader  was  at  liberty  to  buy  whatever  he  wanted,  the  real 
fact  was  that  all  purchases  had  to  be  made  from  the  King  himself 
or  from  his  authorized  agents. 

The  King  was  by  far  the  largest  dealer  in  produce  in  his  do- 
minions, and,  until  his  dealings  were  concluded,  none  of  his  subjects 
were  in  a  position  to  transact  business  with  private  traders ;  more- 
over, an  attempt  was  made  to  force  all  dealers  in  imports  to  sell 
their  goods  to  the  royal  brokers,  from  whom  alone,  it  was  pretend- 
ed, the  King's  subjects  were  at  liberty  to  purchase  what  ihey  re- 
quired. The  merchants  of  Rangoon  compUined  frequently  and 
strenuously  against  the  persistent  and  syslen\atic  disregard  of  the 
terms  of  the  treaty  by  the  King,  and  strong  remonstrances  upon 
the  evasion  of  its  clauses  were  left  as  a  legacy  with  the  kingdom 
to  the  young  King. 

There  had  also  been  several  violent  outrages  committed  on 
British   subjects  in  Mandalay  during  the  last  few   months  of  King 



Mindon's  reign.  An  aeronaut,  Colonel  Wyndhani,  who  was  pre- 
paring a  balloon  (or  a  show  ascent  in  Mandalay,  was  barbarously 
ill-treated  ;  two  dhobies,  British  subjects,  were  arrested  for  going 
about  at  night  without  a  lantern,  and  put  in  the  stocks,  which  were 
afterwards  raised  so  that  the  victims  had  to  support  the  whole 
weight  of  their  bodies  on  iheJr  hands  placed  behind  their  backs  to 
avoid  dislocation  of  their  ankles  ;  a  captain  of  one  of  the  Irrawaddy 
Flotilla  steamers  was  put  in  the  stocks  for  two  hours  in  the  rain, 
because  he  had  inadvertently  walked  across  a  part  of  the  river 
embankment  which  was  considered  sacred;  finally,  in  the  first 
month  of  the  King's  reign  30  passengers  were  forcibly  removed 
from  one  of  the  Flotilla  Company's  steamers  without  any  WTitten 
authority  shown. 

The  Indian  Government  thought  the  accession  of  a  new  king,  a 
young  king,  one  whose  position  might  be  supposed  to  be  so  un- 
stable at  home  as  to  make  him  anxious  to  be  on  the  most  ami- 
cable terms  with  foreign  governments,  a  favourable  opportunity  to 
urge  a  re-adjustment  of  relations.  Accordingly  the  Resident  was 
instructed  to  adopt  a  firm  attitude  and  to  state  plainly  that  the 
British  Government  would  be  prepared  to  act  for  the  protection  of 
British  rights  and  subjects  with  entire  disregard  for  the  inleresls  of 
the  new  Government  of  Burma.  Mr.  Shaw,  the  Resident,  accor- 
dingly acted  with  vigour.  He  pressed  for  redress  and  intimated  to 
the  Ministers  that  the  general  recognition  and  support  of  the  new 
King  by  the  Government  of  India  would  be  proportioned  in  degree 
to  his  adoption  of  a  new  and  friendly  policy,  and  especially  to  the 
degree  of  access  which  was  allowed  to  Her  Majesty's  representative, 
and  to  the  consideration  of  his  position  and  influence.  He  met  with 
a  certain  measure  of  success.  The  torturers  of  the  dhobies  were 
sentenced  10  ten  stripes  each  and  to  the  restitution  of  twice  the 
sum  extorted  from  their  luckless  victims.  The  captain  of  the 
Gateway,  who  had  put  Captain  Doyle  in  the  stocks,  was  degraded 
from  his  post  and  sentenced  to  imprisonment,  and  a  notice  was 
set  up  at  the  Criminal  Court  that  the  pohce  were  not  to  ill-treat 
Europeans  who  were  subjects  of  a  friendly  government.  Nothing, 
however,  was  done  in  the  matter  of  the  "  Royal-money-bought 
servants  "  forcibly  taken  from  the  steamer  Yankeenfaung, 

Possibly  the  King  may  have  been  led  to  believe  that  the  British 
Government  favoured  the  Nyaung  Yan  Prince,  then  a  refugee  in 
Calcutta.  He  may  have  thought  that  the  Indian  Government 
wsihed  to  provoke  a  rupture,  and  for  this  reason  he  may  have 
thought  it  well  to  remove  all  possible  chances  of  conspiracy  within 
his  own  dominions.     However  that  may  be,  he  suddenly  resolved 

IHAP.  111.] 


to  do  what  he  could  to  put  an  end  to  chances  of  civil  war.  A 
special  prison  was  in  process  of  construction  for  the  captive  mem- 
bers of  the  Royal  Family  and  was  well  on  towards  complelion,  when 
suddenly,  and  apparently  without  the  knowledge  of  the  majority 
of  the  Ministers,  the  Royal  prisoners  to  the  number  of  80  were 
brutally  put  to  death  inside  the  palace  on  the  15th,  i6th,  and  17th 
February  1879.  Details  of  the  massacre  from  Burmese  sources 
are  given  in  the  previous  chapter.  The  whole  was  carried  out 
by  the  personal  followers  of  the  King,  and  the  alarm  among  the 
officials  and  the  people  of  Mandalay  was  to  the  full  as  great  as  the 
horror  excited  in  Burma  and  India.  The  public  and  forcible  re- 
monstrance of  the  British  Resident  against  the  barbarous  execution 
of  his  own  relatives  by  the  King  seems,  notwithstanding  Thibaw's 
English  education,  to  have  taken  him  by  surprise.  Such  executions 
were  the  usual  accompaniments  of  a  change  of  sovereignty  in 
Burma,  and  especially  so  when  the  number  of  Royal  Princes  was 
large  and  the  succession  had  not  been  previously  arranged.  In 
a  semi-civilized  country  like  Burma  the  measure  at  one  time  was 
absolutely  necessary  for  the  peace  of  the  country,  and  the  murder- 
ing of  a  number  of  Princes  was  thought  no  more  of  than  ihe 
thinning  out  of  a  litter  of  puppies  or  kittens.  King  Mind6n  left 
30  sons  behind  him.  Thibaw  was  the  youngest  practicable  suc- 
cessor, and  there  was  probably  much  more  real  fear  than  defiance 
in  the  massacres.  Jealousy  was  the  Queen  Supayalai's  chief 
characteristic,  and  her  suspicions  and  fancies  were  probably  more 
responsible  for  the  murder  of  the  Queens  and  Princesses  than  any 
idea  of  public  policy. 

Until  King  Thibaw's  accession  there  had  been  no  European  Resi- 
dent in  the  Burmese  capital  at  the  time  of  a  change  of  kings.  Com- 
munications in  the  old  limes  had  been  slow  and  difficult  and  those 
fmt  out  of  the  way,  as  no  doubt  some  always  were  had  been  much 
ess  numerous.  When  King  Thibaw  succeeded  there  was  a  tele- 
graph line  between  Mandalay  and  Rangoon;  trading  steamers 
came  and  left  several  limes  in  each  week,  and  King  Mindon's  sons 
were  numerous  beyond  precedent.  The  outburst  of  horror  and 
indignation  which  the  massacres  caus  "d,  very  probably  therefore 
astonished  the  King  as  much  as  it  alarmed  him.  This  is  shown 
by  his  answer  to  Mr.  Shaw's  remonstrance  in  a  letter  sent  by  the 
Kinivun  Mhigyi  under  the   King's  instructions   to  explain  '*  ihe 

and  imprisoning), 
pointed  outj  "  was  taicen  m  consideration  of 
the  past  and  the  future,  only  when  there  should  exist  a  cause  for 

clearing  and   keeping  by  matter"   (the    kdling 
which  action,  it   was   pointed  out,   "  was  taken  ii 



The  Kin-xun  MingyVs  letter,  dated  the  20th  Febiuary  1879, 
to  the  Resident  at  Mandalay  ran  as  Follows :  — 

"  Having  rrcchrrd  and  carefully  perasrd  Rrsidcnt's  letter,  dafd  igth 
Krbrtiary  1879,  llif  Miniftrr  intimates  thai  the  royal  domininns  of  fturma 
h«iiig  governed  by  a  distinct  independent  crowned  head,  should  there  be 
reason  tu  fear  a  disturbance  in  the  country,  it  is  usual  for  it  lo  perform 
such  acts  as,  according  to  it:>  uwo  views  as  to  advantages  or  evils  in  c;oo- 
nexion  with  church  and  State  iuteresls,  it  has  ;i  right  to  perform  according 
to  the  custom  of  th^r  State. 

"Should  there  be  a  matter  which  witt  bring  on  a  disturbance  in  the 
country,  it  is  not  proper  to  pay  attention  to  whether  the  action  to  be  taken 
thereon  will  be  the  subject  of  c^nsurr  and  blame,  but  it  is  proper  to  act 
only  according  to  the  interests  of  charch  and  State. 

"  For  the  above  two  reasons,  having  in  mind  only  the  interests  of  church 
and  State,  this  business  has  been  done  according  to  custom,  lliis  is 
intimated  in  conformity  with  the  Oraod  Friendship,  for  Resident  to  note." 

lndi:?nation  among  Englishmen  at  the  state  of  affairs  in  Manda- 
lay and  fear,  as  well  as  resentment,  in  the  minds  of  the  King  and 
his  courtiers  combined  to  render  imminent  a  breach  of  the  friendly 
relations  betwetrn  the  two  countries,  and  a  considerable  military  and 
naval  force  assembled  in  Rangoon  in  the  spring  of  1879,  while  the 
Kins^  made  a  show  of  warlike  preparations  and  held  several  "  re\-iews" 
of  his  troops,  in  the  shape  of  marches  round  the  city  walls.  Seven 
of  the  Shan  Chiefs  were  called  on  to  supply  levies,  guns  were 
mounted  in  the  Sa^aing  and  Shwegyetyet  forts,  new  officers  were 
appointed  to  the  army,  and  the  whole  force  received  a  month's  pay 
in  advance.  All  this,  however,  was  merely  due  to  the  excitement  of 
the  King  at  his  own  barbarities,  and  his  alarm  at  the  possible  con- 
sequences of  his  disregard  of  the  remonstrances  of  the  British 
Government,  and  as  time  passed  on  immediate  apprehension  of  war 
gradually  passed  away.  Neverlhless,  the  tension  continued  ;  attacks 
lyere  made  by  coolies  and  others  on  Irrawaddy  Flotilla  Company's 
steamers  i  a  Madrassi  merchant  was  practically  flogged  to  death 
in  prifjon  and  the  personnel  of  the  British  Residency  was  insulted 
on  several  occasions.  Mr.  Shaw  died  of  heart-disease  in  June  1879 
and,  after  his  appointment  had  been  Blled  for  a  short  time  by  an 
officiating  Resident,  the  ^^hole  British  Agency,  staff  and  establish- 
ment, was  formally  withdrawn  from  Mandalay  early  in  October  1879. 
The  Indian  Government  notified  its  right  to  appoint  another  Resi- 
dent at  Mandalay  whenever  it  saw  61  to  do  so,  but  as  lon^  as  the 
Burmese  Government  continued  to  exist  no  fresh  agent  was  ap- 

The  King  almost  immediately  despatched  the  Myaunghia  Wu«- 
daitk  as  an  Ambassader  with  a  letter  and  presents  to  the  Governor- 
General  of  India,  but  as  this   Envoy  was  not  accredited  with  any 




powers  he  M'as  not  permitted  to  proceed  beyond  Thayetmyo.  He 
was  in  fact  merely  the  bearer  of  a  letter  complaining  of  the  removal 
of  the  British  Agency  from  Mandalay  and  expressing  vaguely  a 
desire  that  friendship  should  be  maintained  and  that  commerce 
should  continue.  A  translation  of  the  letter  is  given  as  a  sample 
of  the  style  of  the  royal  correspondence,  (t  is  dated  the  seventh 
of  the  waxing  moon  of  Tasaungmon  1241  B.E.  {21st  October  1879, 
about  a  forinighl  after  the  withdrawal  of  the  Political  Agency). 

"  The  Burmese  Sovereign  of  the  Rising  Sun,  who  rules  over  the  country 
of  Ibunaparanta  and  tU''  country  of  Tambadefja  (Thunapar.-»nta — the 
Atirea  rcgio  of  Ptolemy — 'all  countries  to  the  north  of  Ava;'  Tamba- 
deepa  =  'all  countries  to  the  south  of  Ava't,  with  all  the  other  great 
dumin-ons  and  countries  and  all  the  umbrella-bearing  Chiefs  of  the  cast, 
whose  glory  is  exceeding  great  and  excellciU.  the  Master  of  tb«  King  Ele- 
phant Saddan,  the  Lord  of  many  white  elephants,  the  Lord  of  life,  the  emi- 
uenlly  just  ruler,  writes,  O  excellent  MngHsh  Viceroy,  who  rulcst  over  th« 
many  great  countries  and  nations  of  India  t 

"  Writes— 

"At  a  time  when  in  accordance  with  the  firm  and  established  Grand 
Roval  Friendship,  which  has  continuously  existed  between  these  two  great 
dominions  and  countries,  the  Burmese  and  Knglish  Empires,  from  royal 
faihiT  to  sno,  from  royal  grandfather  to  royal  grandson,  and  from  royal 
great-grandfather  to  royal  great-grandsou,  for  a  very  long  period  of  time, 
the  merchants  and  L-ommon  people  were  buying  and  selling,  trading  and 
tiafliclcing,  and  coming  and  going  'i  peace  and  quietness,  the  English 
Political  Officer  at  the  Royal  Gem  City  of  Mandalay,  and  three  other  Offi- 
cers with  their  escort  and  establishment,  without  any  special  reason, 
suddenly  and  precipitately  quitted  the  Royal  Gem  City  of  Mandalay,  ahd 
in  consequence  the  merchants  and  common  people  who  live  within  both 
Kinpires  have  becotne  uneasy  in  ilieir  hearts  and  minds,  and  their  trading 
and  trAlTicking  have  been  interrupted  and  ruined. 

'•Therefore,  as  a  testimony  to  make  nianifest  the  excellent  royal  desire 
that  instead  of  this  inlerru]>ti<>n  and  ruin  of  the  buyiuj^  and  selling,  trading 
and  trafficking  of  the  iiiercluints  an')  common  peof)lc  living  in  both  Km- 
pires,  the  merchants  and  common  people:  without  injury  to  iheir  profit 
or  business,  and  with  contented  and  happy  hearts  and  minds  mav  con- 
tinue to  trade,  and  go  and  come,  as  they  have  always  traded  and  gone 
and  come  in  times  past,  and  that  betw'^n  the  two  great  dominions  aud 
countries  the  State  of  Royal  Grand  Friendship  may  by  friendly  and 
peaceable  means  be  especially  strengthened  and  cstabUs-hed,  the  H'undauk 
Myoza  of  Myaunghia,  Thiriinahagyawdinra'p,  has  b^en  appointed  first 
Ambassador;  the  Secretary,  Mintintheiddir.ija,  second  Ambassador;  the 
Assistanr  Secretary,  Nemyoniintinraja,  third  Ambassador,  and  they  have 
been  sent  and  despatched  with  a  Royal  Letter  and  Gifts. 

"When  the  Royal  Ambassadors  and  officials  arrive  it  will  be  manifest 
that  the  King  is  particularly  anxious  to  maintain,  by  friendly  and  peaceable 
means,  continuous  Royal  Grand  Friendship  between  the  Burmese  Empire 
and  the  Empire  of  the  English  Ruler,  Inose  two  great  dominions  and 



"The  Sovereign  of  the  Rising  Sun,  the  excellent  Burmese  Ruler,  believes 
and  expects  that,  in  the  same  way  as  he  himself  desires  tliat  the  mer- 
chants and  common  people  of  both  Empires  should  be  especially  happy  and 
prosperous,  so  the  Viceroy  will  have  regard  to  the  interests  and  the  busi- 
ness of  merchants  and  common  people,  and  will  well  and  duly  receive  the 
Ambassadors  and  officials  who  are  sent." 

There  was  reason  to  believe  that  the  Wundauk  was  sent  as  much 
as  a  spy  as  in  any  more  creditable  capacity.  He  never  got  beyond 
Thayetmyo,  though  in  February  1880  he  submitted  a  draft  outline 
of  a  new  treaty,  which  was,  however,  negatived  without  discussion, 
and  he  took  back  an  answer  to  the  effect  that  the  Viceroy  had  been 
seriously  dissatisfied  with  the  position  and  treatment  of  the  British 
Resident  at  Mandalay,  which  had  been  altogether  inconsistent 
with  professions  of  friendship  and  with  the  exchang^e  of  diplomatic 
courtesies.  In  such  circumstances,  it  appeared  incongruous  and 
premature  to  send  a  complimentary  mission  to  Calcutta,  or  to 
assume,  as  the  King  did,  tnat  the  mission  could  be  received  in  a 
friendly  and  honourable  manner  in  Calcutta  by  the  Government  of 
India,  whose  representative  had  been  treated  with  habitual  dis- 
courtesy in  Mandalay. 

The  Wundauk,  who  had  a  fancied  resemblance  to  the  Pope  and 
was  therefore  known  in  British  Burma  as  Pio  l^ono,  returned  with 
this  message  to  his  master,  was  disgraced,  and  shortly  afterwards 

An  embassy  visited  Simla  in  1882,  but  the  attempt  to  re-establish 
cordial  relations  did  not  even  result  in  a  semblance  of  a  return  to 
a  satisfactory  footing.  The  King  abruptly  recalled  his  envoy  while 
negotiations  were  going  on,  and  there  was  no  real  restoration  of 
confidence  or  good  feeling  as  long  as  Thibaw  remained  King. 
There  were  scuffles  on  board  the  Irrawaddy  Flotilla  Company's 
steamers  ;  a  mail  steamer  from  Mandalay  had  its  starting  gear 
taken  away  and  was  detained  for  the  greater  part  of  a  day,  while 
the  Captain  was  confined  on  the  plea  that  the  safety  of  the 
steamer  might  be  endangered  by  an  abortive  attempt  which  the 
Nyaung  6k  Prince,  escaped  from  Calcutta,  made  to  start  a  rising 
against  the  King  on  the  Thayetmyo  borders.  The  Nyaung  Ok 
Prince's  escapade  was  a  very  awkward  circumstance,  and  the 
Burmese  undoubtedly  firmly  believed  that  we  were  to  blame  for  his 
proceedings.  A  forma]  request  was  actually  made  by  the  Mandalay 
Ministers  for  the  extradition  of  the  Prince  and  bis  followers  on  a 
charge  of  dacoity.  This  was  refused  on  the  ground  that  inter- 
national law  and  custom  forbade  the  delivery  of  political  offenders. 
A  claim  for  compensation  for  damage  done  to  the  extent  of  Rs. 
55,800  was  also  made,  but  was  rejected,  and  the  Burmese  Govern- 
ment was  referred  to  the  Civil  Courts.     It  was  seriously  considered 

CHAP,  ml] 



whether  the  British  Goveniment  should  not  formally  withdraw  from 
the  Treaties  of  1862  and  1867,  and  this  course  was  only  not  re- 
sorted to  because  the  Government  of  India  was  loatl>  to  precipi- 
tate the  crisis  which  was  inevitable.  Matters  gradually  drifted  from 
bad  to  worse.  British  subjects,  travellers  and  traders  from  Lower 
Burma,  were  subjected  to  insolence  and  violence  by  local  officials 
in  Upper  Burma.  Representations  made  to  the  King's  Govern- 
ment were  often  absolutely  without  result  as  far  as  redress  was 
concerned,  and  what  redress  was  obtained  was  always  unsatisfactory. 
In  contravention  of  the  express  terms  of  the  Treaty  of  1867  mono- 
polies were  created  to  the  detriment  of  the  trade  of  both  England 
and  Burma,  with  great  resulting  derangement  of  the  commerce  and 
revenue  of  British  Burma.  In  Upper  Burma  the  weakness  and 
corruption  of  the  Government  resulted  in  the  complete  disorganiz- 
ing of  the  country.  Bands  of  dacoits  preyed  at  will  on  the  people. 
There  were  risings  in  the  Shan  States  and  raids  on  the  King's 
lowland  territories  north  of  Mandalay.  The  elements  of  disorder 
on  the  Lower  Burma  frontier  steadily  increased  and  became  a 
standing  menace  to  the  peace  of  ihe  British  provinces.  The 
Taingda  AtivifiTvun  and  the  Shwetaik  Mingyi  were  admittedly  in 
collusion  with  bands  of  dacoits,  shared  their  profits,  and  prevented 
their  arrest.  A  force  of  about  1,500  men  ravaged  almost  undis- 
turbed north  of  Mandalay-  The  Sagalng  district  was  so  infested 
with  dacoits,  and  these  marauders  were  so  bold,  that  they  sent  a 
formal  challenge  to  the  King's  troops  to  come  to  fight  at  Myinrau. 
The  Wun  of  Sale  wa?  attacked  in  his  own  Court  in  broad  daylight 
by  dacoits  and  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life.  Magwe  was  plundered 
and  set  fire  to,  and  the  myothugyi  murdered.  Bhamo  was  cap- 
tured and  held  by  a  handful  of  Chinese  marauders.  The  Shan 
States  were  involved  in  a  confused  civil  war,  which  did  not  cease 
till  after  the  British  occupation.  At  the  same  rime  the  Burmese 
showed  a  marked  and  persistent  anxiety  to  enter  into  alliances 
with  foreign  powers,  in  such  a  manner  and  to  such  an  extent  as  to 
give  ground  for  apprehension  that  grave  political  trouble  might  be 
the  ultimate  consequence. 

The  Indian  Government  was  unrepresented  at  Mandalay,  but 
representatives  of  Italy  and  France  were  welcomed,  while  the  King's 
Government  contested  the  demarcation  of  Manipur  and  threatened 
to  pull  down  the  boundary  pillars  and  a  stockade  erected  by 
Colonel  Johnston.  Two  separate  Burmese  Embassies  were  sent 
to  Europe,  one  under  the  guise  of  a  merely  commercial  mission  for 
the  purpose  of  contracting  new  and,  if  possible,  close  alliances  with 
sundry  European  powers.  Neither  of  these  missions  visited 
England  or  showed  any  desire  to  win  the  friendship  of  the  repre- 




sentatives  of  the  British  Government  residing  at  the  Courts  to 
which  the  Burmese  Envoys  were  accredited.  Monsieur  Ferry 
admitted  to  Lord  Lyons  that  it  was  quite  true  that  the  Burmese 
desired  to  throw  themselves  into  the  arms  of  France,  but  said  iha.t 
the  Republic  had  no  intention  of  forming  an  alliance,  offensive  and 
defensive,  with  Burma,  or  any  alliance  whatever  of  a  special 
character.  The  Burmese  had  asked  for  a  secret  treaty  and  par- 
ticularly had  demanded  facilities  for  procuring  arms,  but  to  all  such 
requests  the  French  Government  had  turned  a  deaf  ear. 

Meanwhile  another  massacre  in  Mandalay,  disguised  under  the 
name  of  a  jail  outbreak,  roused  the  horror  of  all  and  the  fears  of  the 
Rangoon  merchants  that  trade  would  be  ruined.  The  term  jail 
outbreak  seems  to  have  been  a  concession  to  European  sentimen- 
tality. The  massacre  was  really  due  to  fears  of  a  supposed  intrigue 
carried  on  in  the  interests  of  the  Myingun  Prince,  who  had  escaped 
from  his  place  of  detention  at  Benares  and  made  his  way  first  to 
Chandemagore  and  then  to  Pondicherry.  To  get  rid  of  the  few 
remaining  members  of  the  Royal  Family  and  to  scare  conspirators, 
a  pretended  escape  from  jail  was  arranged  and  between  200  and 
300  persons,  including  two  Princes  and  many  women  and  children 
of  rank^  were  shot  and  cut  down  with  das,  and  the  details  of  the 
massacre  were  as  horrible  in  every  way  as  those  of  1879. 

Early  in  the  following  year  the  King  pushed  still  farther  his 
negociations  with  France.  Two  heads  of  agreement  were  formally 
drawn  up.  The  first  provided  for  the  construction  of  a  railway 
between  Mandalay  and  the  British  frontier  at  Toungoo  at  the  joint 
expense  of  the  French  Government  and  a  company  to  be  formed 
for  the  purpose. 

The  capital  was  to  be  two  and  a  half  millions  sterling,  the  line 
was  to  be  completed  in  seven  years,  and  the  concession  was  to  last 
for  seventy,  at  the  end  of  which  period  the  railway  was  to  become 
the  property  of  the  Burmese  Government.  Interest  was  fixed  at 
the  high  rate  of  90  per  cent,  per  annum  and  its  payment  was 
secured  by  the  hypothecation  of  the  river  customs  and  earth-oil 
dues  of  the  kingdom. 

The  second  document  gave  the  terms  for  the  establishment  by 
the  French  Government  and  a  company  of  a  bank  with  a  capital 
of  two  and  a  half  crores  of  rupees.  Loans  were  to  be  made  to  the 
Burmese  King  at  the  rate  of  i  2  per  cent,  per  annum,  and  other 
loans  at  18  per  cent.  The  bank  was  to  issue  notes,  and  to  have 
the  management  of  the  ruby  mines  and  the  monopoly  of  pickled 
tea,  and  was  to  be  administered  by  a  Syndicate  of  French  and 
Burmese  ofEcIals. 




Both  these  agreements  are  believed  to  have  been  actually  con- 
cluded and  signed  in  Mandalay  and  were  *o*be  laken  by  the 
Thangyet  IVundauk,  who  spoke  French  fluently,  to  Paris  for  com- 
pletion there.  If  they  had  been  ratified,  the  French  Government  or 
a  Syndicate,  on  which  the  French  Government  would  have  been 
represented,  must  have  acquired  full  control  over  the  principal 
sources  of  revenue  of  Upper  Burma,  the  river-borne  trade,  the  only 
railway  line  in  the  King's  dominions,  and  the  only  route  open  for 
traffic  from  British  ports  to  Western  China. 

These  consequences  must  have  been  disastrous  to  British  in- 
terests in  Lower  Burma,  and  a  strong  remonstrance  was  in  course 
of  preparation  by  the  Government  of  India,  when  a  still  more  direct 
cause  of  complaint  arose  in  the  treatment  by  the  Burmese  Govern- 
ment of  the  Bomby  Burma  Trading  Corporation,  a  company  of 
merchants,  chiefly  British  subjects,  who  had  extensive  dealings  in 
Upper  Burma.  The  Corporation  had  been  working  the  Ningyan 
teak  forests  under  three  separate  contracts  :  the  contract  of  1880, 
by  which  the  Corporation  undertook  to  pay  the  King  for  all  timber 
extracted  from  the  forests  at  fixed  rates  per  log ;  the  contract  of 
1882^  by  which  the  Corporation  undertook  to  pay  a  lump-sum  of  one 
lakh  annually  for  the  right  to  extract  the  inferior  and  undersized 
timber  (*.*?.,  unsound  timber  and  timber  under  4^  feet  in  girth  and 
18  feet  in  length),  which  they  were  entitled  to  reject  under  the  lease 
of  1 88 1  ;  and,  thirdly,  the  contract  of  1883,  by  which  the  Corpor- 
ation undertook  to  pay  a  lump-sum  of  3^  lakhs  annually  from  Octo- 
ber 1 884  for  all  superior  timber,  and  one  lakh  annually  for  all  inferior 
timber,  extracted  from  the  forests.  The  Burmese  Government 
confused  the  contracts  together,  counted  thousands  of  logs  twice 
over,  accused  the  Corporation  of  bribing  the  Governor  of  Ningyan 
(now  Pyinmana),  endeavoured  to  persuade  the  Corporation's  forest- 
ers to  come  to  give  false  evidence  in  Mandalay,  tried  the  case  with- 
out giving  the  Corporation  proper  opportunities  for  defence,  issued 
judgment  ordering  the  Corporation  to  pay  to  the  King,  by  way  of 
duly  and  fine,  sums  aggregating  over  23  lakhs  of  rupees,  and  to 
the  foresters  sums  aggregatmg  about  five  lakhs  of  rupees,  and  pro- 
fessed  to  have  based  their  decision  entirely  on  figures  obtained  from 
the  British  Forest  office  in  Toungoo.  All  logs  contained  in  these 
lists  were  considered  to  be  full-sized,  no  account  was  taken  of  the 
lump-sum  contracts,  and  the  money  totals  were  wrongly  added  up  to 
the  extent  of  Rs.  60,000  in  the  King's  favour.  The  King  was 
asked  by  the  Chief  Commissioner  to  refer  the  matter  to  impartial 
adjudication  and  to  refrain  in  the  meantime  from  taking  final  action 
against  the  Corporation.  A  letter  was  sent  in  reply  refusing  to 
entertain  any  proposal  for  arbitration  and  stating  indirectly  that  on 



no  account  whatever  would  there  be  suspension  of  the  order  passed 
in  the  case.  At  the  same  time  it  appeared  that  the  French  Consul 
in  Mandalay  had  offered  to  take  up  the  contracts  for  the  Ningyan 
forests.  It  may  be  specially  emphasized  that  the  British  Govern- 
ment was  careful  not  to  assert  that  the  fine  imposed  was  unjust. 
There  is  little  doubt  that  the  Burmese  had  some  causes  of  complaint 
against  the  Bombay  Burma  Trading  Corporation,  but  these  were  not 
commensurate  with  the  fine  imposed.  The  rupture  occurred  be- 
cause the  Burmese  refused  to  allow  any  enquiry  as  to  the  justness 
of  the  fine. 

Under  these  circumstances,  the  Government  of  India  resolved  to 
take  this  opportunity  to  place  future  relations  with  King  Thibaw 
upon  a  more  satisfactory  basis.  Accordingly  the  Chief  Commis- 
sioner was  instructed  to  send  to  the  King  ol  Burma  an  ultimatum 
containing  three  demands,  which  were  briefly  as  follows: — 

*'(i)  That  an  Envoy  from  the  Viceroy  and  Governor-General 
should  be  suitably  received  at  Mandalay  and  that  the  dispute  with 
the  Bombay  Burma  Corporation  should  be  settled  in  communi- 
cation ^-ith  him. 

"  (2)  That  all  action  against  the  Trading  Corporation  should  be 
suspended  until  the  Envoy  arrived. 

"  (3)  That  for  the  future  a  diplomatic  agent  from  the  Viceroy 
should  be  allowed  to  reside  at  Mandalay,  with  proper  securities  for 
his  safety,  and  should  receive  becoming  treatment  at  the  hands  of 
the  Burmese  Government." 

Failing  the  acceptance  of  these  demands,  it  was  announced  that 
the  British  Government  would  take  the  settlement  of  the  matter 
into  its  own  hands,  without  any  further  attempt  to  prolong  fruitless 
negotiations,  and  it  was  added  that  the  Burmese  Government  would 
in  future  be  required  to  regulace  the  external  relations  of  the  country 
in  accordance  with  the  advice  of  the  Government  of  India  and  to 
afford  facilities  for  opening  up  British  trade  with  China.  These 
latter  demands  did  not,  however,  form  an  essential  part  of  the  ulti- 
matum, but  were  left  to  be  explained  by  the  British  Agent  after  his 
arrival  in  Mandalay.  Nothing  more  than  a  general  acquiescence  in 
the  principle  of  these  two  requirements  was  asked  for. 

A  letter  embodying  these  terms  was  despatched  by  special 
steamer  to  Mandalay  on  the  22nd  October  1885,  the  Burmese  Gov- 
ernment was  Informed  that  a  reply  must  be  received  not  later  than 
the  loth  November  and  that,  unless  the  three  conditions  laid  down 
were  accepted  without  reserve,  the  Indian  Government  would  deal 
with  the  matter  as  it  thought  fit.  In  view  of  the  possible  refusal  by 
the  Burmese  Government  of  the  terms  offered,  preparations  were 

CHAP.  HI.] 



made  for  the  despatch  to  Rangoon  of  a  military  force  of  10,000 
men.  On  the  9th  November  a  reply  amounting  to  anuncondltiona! 
refusal  of  the  terms  was  received  in  Rangoon.     It  ran  as  follows  :— 

"  Minister  (for  Foreign  Affairs]  has  received  the  teller,  dated  the  22nd 
October  1885,  corresponding  with  14th  waxing  Thadingyut  1247,  sent  by 
the  Chief  Commissioner's  Secretary,  Symes  The  cnntents  of  the  letter 
have  been  considered  by  the  Ministers  and  nobles  constituting  the  Burmese 
Government  in  full  Council,  and  this  is  their  reply  to  the  several  points 
contained  in  it — 

*'  (:)  The  judgment  passed  against  the  Bombay  Burma  Company  decreeing 
the  payment  of  a  fine  in  connexion  with  their  forest  case  was  not  passed 
by  the  Burmese  Government  in  an  arbitrary  mannrr.  In  consideration  of 
the  fact  that  they  (the  defendants)  were  of  Knglish  race,  the  records  of  an 
English  Forest  office  were  taken  as  a  basis  and  the  judgment  was  passed 
in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  the  State  on  the  merits  of  the  case.  This 
has  already  been  intimated  in  previous  letters  to  the  Chief  Commissioner. 

2.  "His  Majesty  (titles)  was  informed  that  under  a  judgment  passed  in 
this  manner  against  the  Bombay  Burma  Company  a  sum  of  23  lakhs  and 
upwards,  including  the  punishment  for  excess  exportation  of  timber,  had  to 
be  levied  from  them  and  paid  into  the  Royal  Treasury,  and  His  Majesty 
was  pleased  to  say  that,  although  the  judgment  was  one  passed  in  confor- 
mity with  the  laws  of  the  State,  yet,  taking  iuto  consideration  the  fact  that 
the  Bombay  Burma  Company  bad  served  for  many  years  working  the 
Toungoo  forests  and  paying  revenue,  and  that  they  would  continue  to 
serve  hereafter  for  the  mutual  benefit  of  both  countries  ;  that  if  the  Bombay 
Burma  Company  presented  a  petition  on  the  subject  of  the  money  decreed 
in  the  judgment  against  them,  he  would  be  pleased  to  look  after  and  assist 
foreign  merchants  so  that  they  should  not  suffer  any  hardships.  Therefore, 
with  reference  to  the  first  and  second  points  of  letter  No.  438,  regarding 
the  Bombay  Burma  Company's  forest  case,  the  need  for  discussion  or  nC' 
gotiation  between  ihc  two  Governments  is  at  an  end. 

"  3.  With  reference  to  the  appointment  of  a  Diplomatic  Agent,  the 
Burmese  Government,  through  their  wish  to  maintain  friendly  relations 
between  the  twn  countries,  did  not  act  in  such  a  way  as  to  restrict  or  put 
to  hardship  the  British  Agent  formerly  stationed  at  Mandalay,  and  yet  he 
left  of  his  own  accord,  and  there  has  been  no  Agent  since.  If  the  British 
Government  wish  in  future  to  re-establish  an  Agent,  he  will  be  permitted 
reside  and  come  in  and  go  out  as  in  former  times.  With  reference  to  the 
second  point  in  the  fifth  paragraph  of  the  letter,  respecting  assistance  be 
given  for  the  promotion  of  British  trade  with  China,  the  friendly  relations 
between  two  countries  arc  based  on  assistance  to  be  rendered  for  the 
Increase  of  trade  and  of  exports  and  imports  from  one  country  to  the 
other.  If,  therefore,  merchants  and  traders,  whether  of  English  or  other 
race,  ask  the  Burmese  Government  to  endeavour  to  facilitate  trade  and 
the  increase  of  exports  and  imports  with  China,  they  will  be  assisted  in 
conformity  with  the  customs  of  the  land. 

"4.  With  reference  to  the  first  point  in  the  fifth  paragraph  of  the  letter 
about  the  future  regulation  of  the  foreign  relations  of  Burma,  the  Chief 
Commissioner  is  informed  that  the  internal  and  external  affairs  of  an  iade- 



pendent  separate  State  are  regulated  and  controlled  in  accordance  with 
the  customs  and  laws  of  that  State.  Friendly  relations  with  France,  Italy, 
and  other  States  have  been,  are  being,  and  will  be  maintained.  Therefore, 
in  determining  the  question  whetlier  or  not  It  is  proper  that  one  Govern- 
ment alone  should  make  any  such  claim,  the  Burmese  Governmeat  can  follow 
the  joint  decision  of  the  three  States,  France,  Germany,  and  Italy,  who  arc 
friends  of  both  Governments,  and  Minister  is  confident  that  the  Britlsji 
Government  will  be  of  the  same  mind  au  the  Burmese  Government  on  this 

This  letter  was  unconditional  enough  in  its  refusal  of  the  terms 
of  the  ultimatum  and  it  was  followed  by  open  defiance.  On  the 
7th  November,  three  days  after  the  Burmese  Minister's  letter  had 
been  written,  and  two  days  before  it  had  been  received  by  the  Chief 
Commissioner,  King  Thibaw  issued  the  following  proclamation  : — 

"  To  all  town  and  village  thugyis,  Heads  of  cavalry,  Heads  of  the 
daings.  Shield-bearers,  Heads  of  jails,  Heads  of  gold  and  silver  revenues, 
Mine-workers,  Settlement  (Officers,  Heads  of  forests,  and  to  all  Royal  sub- 
jects and  inhabitants  of  the  Koyal  Empire. 

''Those  heretics,  the  English  kala  barbarians,  having  most  harshly 
m'adc  demands  calculated  to  bring  about  the  injury  and  destruction  of  our 
religion,  the  violation  of  our  national  traditions  and  customs,  and  the 
degradation  of  our  race,  are  making  a  show  and  preparation  as  if  about  to 
wage  war  with  our  State.  They  have  been  replied  to  in  conformity  with 
the  usages  of  great  nations  and  in  words  which  are  just  and  regular.  If, 
notwithstanding,  these  heretic  kalas  should  come  and  in  any  way  attempt 
to  molest  or  disturb  the  State,  His  Majesty,  who  is  watchful  that  the  inter- 
ests of  our  religion  and  our  State  shall  not  safTcr,  will  himself  march  forth 
with  his  Generals,  Captains,  and  Ueutenants,  with  large  forces  of  in- 
fantry, artillery,  elcphanterie,  and  cavalry,  by  land  and  by  water,  and  with 
the  might  bf  his  army  will  efface  these  heretic  kalas  and  conquer  and 
annex  their  country.  All  Royal  subjects,  the  people  of  the  country,  are 
enjoined  that  they  are  not  to  be  alarmed  or  disturbed  on  account  of  the 
hostility  of  these  heretic  kalas,  and  they  are  not  to  avoid  them  by  quit- 
ting the  country. 

'*  They  are  to  continue  to  carry  on  their  occupations  as  usual  in  a  peace- 
ful and  ordinary  manner ;  the  local  oRicial;;  are  to  be  watchful,  each  in  his 
own  town  or  village,  that  it  is  free  from  thefts,  dacoitics,  and  other  crime; 
the  Royal  troops  to  hv  sent  forth  will  not  be  collected  and  banded  to- 
gether as  formerly  by  forcibly  pressing  into  service  all  such  as  can  be 
obtained,  but  the  Royal  troops  who  are  now  already  handed  into  reg^i- 
ments  in  Mandalay  will  be  sent  forth  to  attack,  destroy,  and  annex.  The 
local  officials  shall  not  forcibly  impress  into  service  any  one  who  may  not 
wish  lo  serve.  To  uphold  the  religion,  to  uphold  the  national  honour, 
to  uphold  the  country's  interests,  will  bring  about  threefold  good  :  good 
of  our  religion,  good  of  our  master,  and  good  of  ourselves,  and  will  gain 
for  us  the  notable  result  of  placing  us  in  the  path  to  the  celestial  regions 
and  to  nehban,  the  eternal  rest.  Whoever,  therefore,  is  willing  to  join 
and  serve  zealously  will  be  assisted  by  His  Majesty  with  royal  rewards 
and  royal  money,  and  be  made  to  serve  in  the  capacity  for  which  he  may 

CHAP,  ni.] 



be  fit,  Loyal  officials  are  to  make  enquires  for  volunteers  and  others  who 
may  wish  to  serve,  and  are  to  submit  lists  of  them  to  their  respective  Pro- 
vincial Governments. 

"  Order  of  the  Ministers  of  the  Hlutiiaw  (names  follow).  On  the  7th 
November  1895,  Burmese  date  recorded  by  the  Wetmasut  IVunduttk-daw. 
Issued  by  Secretary  Mahamintin-minhla-sithu." 

On  the  3rd  December  King  Thibaw,  the  queens,  and  the  Queen 
mother  with  their  retinue  left  Mandalay  prisoners  on  board  the 
steamer  Thooriali,  and  on  the  loth  of  the  same  month  the  King 
left  Rangoon  for  Madras,  whence  he  was  sent  to  Ranipet,  and 
afterwards  to  the  old  Portuguese  fort  of  Ralnagiri  on  the  Western 
Coast  of  India.  The  march  on  Mandalay  hardly  deserved  the 
name  of  a  \var.  The  pace  of  the  expeditionary  force  was  deter- 
mined rather  by  the  question  of  transport  than  by  the  resistance 
or  evolulioiis  of  the  enemy.  The  frontier  was  crossed  on  the  14th 
November  1 885.  There  was  a  slight  brush  when  Minhia  was  captur- 
ed on  the  1 7th  ;  Pagan  on  the  23rd  and  Myingyan  on  the  25th  were 
occupied  by  force  of  arriving  there,  and  before  Ava  was  reached 
an  Envoy  from  the  Burmese  Court  came  down  the  river  and,  after 
some  negotiation,  the  unconditional  surrender  of  the  capital  and  of 
the  Royal  Family  was  arranged.  The  collapse  of  thekmgdom  and 
dynasty  was  dramatic  in  its  suddenness. 

Our  losses  were  very  slight:  at  the  taking  of  Minhia  Lieutenant 
R,  A.  T.  Drury  and  three  sepoys  were  killed  and  Major  MacNeill 
and  Lieutenants  Young,  Wilkinson,  and  Sillery  were  wounded, 
besides'  23  sepoys.  At  Myingyan  much  firing  on  the  part  of  the 
Burmese  resulted  in  the  wounding  of  two  men  of  the  Naval  Brigade. 

From  the  military  point  of  view  the  scheme,  so  far  as  the  cap- 
ture of  Mandalay  and  the  deportation  of  King  Thibaw  were  con- 
cerned, was  an  unqualified  success.  The  normal  state  of  the 
Burmese  was  one  of  utter  unpreparedness  and  their  army  at  the 
time  of  the  invasion  probably  did  not  exceed  15,000.  Immediate 
vigorous  action  was  therefore  as  certain  of  success  as  the  event 
proved.  The  only  rapid  line  of  advance  was  up  the  river  over  a 
distance  of  300  miles.  The  river  was  easily  defensible  by  smalt 
numbers,  on  comparatively  short  notice,  if  the  right  course  were 
adopted.  The  channel  could  have  been  obstructed  and  the  river 
barred  to  the  advance  of  the  fleet  and,  if  this  had  been  done,  there 
would  have  been  a  complete  check,  and  arrangements  for  land 
transport  would  have  implied  weeks  and  perhaps  months  of  delay. 
The  Burmese  knew  this  and  had  made  some  preparations  to  block 
the  river,  both  close  to  the  frontier  and  at  Ava,  but  they  were  loo 
late.  The  British  Military  preparations  were  complete  and  the 
coup  was  brought  off  with  the  most  absolute  success.     National 



resistance  was  utterly  paralysed  and,  if  the  deportation  of  King 
Thibaw  had  been  followed  up  at  once  by  the  disarmament  of  the 
Burmese  army  and  the  occupation  of  the  country,  so  as  to  secure 
law  and  order,  it  is  probable  that  the  last  Burmese  war  would  have 
been  as  cheap  in  money,  expense,  and  in  expense  of  human  life  as 
its  beginning  promised.  Bui  two  causes  prevented  this.  In  the 
first  place  ihe  expeditionary  force  was  much  too  small  to  occupy 
Upper  Burma  and,  secondly,  the  question  of  the  future  of  the 
country  was  not  decided  on  for  some  considerable  time.  The 
result  was  that  local  resistance  had  time  to  be  organized.  The 
Burmese  army  was  left  practically  intact  both  in  numbers  and  in 
armament,  but  it  had  no  one  to  guide  it  and,  worse  still,  no  means 
of  support.  Consequently  the  several  detachments  scattered  over 
the  country  were  left  to  shift  for  themselves  and  commenced  sup- 
porting themselves  at  the  expense  of  the  inhabitants  of  their 
immediate  neighbourhood.  That  was  the  ordinary  course  of  things 
with  a  Burmese  army  and  it  naturally  in  the  end  led  to  professional 

General  Prendergast's  flotilla  reached  Mandalay  on  the  morning 
of  the  28th  November,  the  14th  day  after  the  crossing  of  the 
frontier.  Great  numbers  of  people  lined  the  bank  to  gaze  on  the 
arrival  of  the  British  force,  but  no  Minister,  or  official  of  any  kind, 
made  his  appearance.  The  Ktnwttfi  Afitigyi  was  sent  for,  but  had 
not  arrived  up  to  half  past  one  o'clock,  so  the  troops,  who  had  been 
disembarked  in  the  meantime,  set  out  for  the  palace,  4  miles 
distant.  With  bands  playing  and  colours  flying  they  marched 
through  the  suburbs  and  surrounded  the  city  walls.  Colonel 
Sladen  and  General  Prendergast,  with  an  escort,  rode  in  at  the 
Eastern  gate  of  the  palace,  and  the  Political  Officer  sought  out  the 
King  and  received  his  complete  submission.  Thibaw  surrendered 
everything — his  country,  his  treasures,  himself — to  the  British,  and 
only  begged  that  his  life  might  be  spared,  and  that  he  might  be 
allowed  to  live  in  Mandalay,  which  was  the  only  place  in  the  world 
that  he  knew,  for  he  had  probably  never  been  5  miles  beyond  its 
limits  in  all  his  life. 

This  formal  surrender  was  made  in  the  presence  of  the  military 
force  in  a  summer-house  (afterwards  converted  into  the  Mandalay 
Gymkhana)  in  the  palace  gardens,  outside  the  ffmannandav. 
He  sat  on  a  carpet  in  the  verandah,  dressed  in  a  plain  white  jacket 
and  wearing  a  waisl-clolh  and  turban  chequered  white  and  pink. 
The  whole  body  of  Ministers  crouched  on  the  ground  to  his  right. 
The  British  Officers  with  the  British  flag  were  in  a  group  to  his 
left — the  place  of  honour  with   the  Chinese  and  Indo-Chinese — but 




also  on  the  ground.  Twenty  paces  in  front  were  drawn  up  the 
long:  line  of  British  soldiers.  The  queens  and  a  few  servants  were 
stationed  behind  the  King.  The  sun  was  low  in  the  sky  as  Colonel 
Sladen  and  the  General  went  up  to  the  King.  General  Prendergast 
shook  hands  with  His  Majesty,  the  first  person  who  had  ever  gone 
through  such  a  ceremony  with  a  Burmese  monarch.  The  King  was 
asked  whether  he  was  ready  to  leave  the  palace,  and  said  that  he 
was.  He  begged  that  he  might  have  a  steamer  to  himself  and 
that  Colonel  Sladen  would  accompany  him.  The  steamer  was 
ready  for  him,  though  the  Political  Officer's  company  was  an  im- 
possibility, but  how  to  get  King  Thibawto  the  steamer  was  a  more 
immediate  question.  An  elephant  was  likely  to  be  scared  by  the 
troops  ;  three  miles  walk  was  a  thing  the  King  had  never  under- 
taken in  all  his  life.  Finally  a  dhooli  was  suggested  and  accepted 
by  the  King  in  ignorance  of  what  such  a  conveyance  might  be.  He, 
however,  showed  no  signs  of  being  in  a  hurry  td  go  and  asked  for 
ten  minutes  to  prepare  himself  for  departure.  He  asked  who 
would  follow  him  and  the  Taingda  Mingyi  immediately  volunteered 
to  go  and  so  did  another  ofTiclal.  The  Kinwun  Mtngyi  said  he 
would  also  go,  when  he  was  directly  asked  by  the  King,  but  showed 
no  great  pleasure  at  being  asked  Still  the  King  lingered,  and  it 
was  not  till  Colonel  Sladen  and  \wo  Staff  Officers  entered  the 
summer-house  and  stood  over  him  that  he  rose  from  his  carpet. 
Colonel  Sladen  helped  the  ladies  down  and  the  two  Staff  Officers 
placed  themselves  one  on  each  side  of  the  King,  a  new  experience 
which  urged  him  into  going  down  the  steps.  A  procession  was  then 
formed,  headed  by  the  General,  behind  whom  came  the  British 
flags  and  the  Staff.  The  Taingda  Mingyi  followed  in  their  wake 
and  then  under  four  white  umbrellas,  clasping  (he  hands  of  his  two 
wives,  one  on  either  side,  came  the  deposed  King.  The  Queen- 
mother  followed  and  then  came  a  mass  of  attendants  carrying  the 
royal  baggage,  followed  up  by  the  British  troops. 

At  the  Hall  of  Audience  a  short  halt  was  made  and  then  the 
party  descended  the  broad  steps  lined  by  troops  and  passed  across 
the  esplanade  to  the  taga-ni.  At  this  gate,  once  open  only  to  the 
Royal  Family  and  lo  the  highest  Ministers  of  State,  now  thrown 
wide  to  all  the  world,  King  'Ihibaw  paused  and  took  his  last  look  at 
the  palace  spire  paling  in  the  last  rays  of  ihe  setting  sun.  The 
next  moment  he  was  confronted  by  the  dhooli  prepared  for  him. 
Into  this  he  point  blank  refused  to  get  and  eventually  was  jolted 
down  in  a  bullock  cariiage.  Two  regiments  of  Native  Infantry  led. 
Then  came  a  screw  gun  battery,  followed  by  the  King  shaded  by 
white  umbrellas  and  guarded  by  fixed  bayonets  and  succeeded  by 
a  European  regiment.     Bands  clashed,  regimental  colours  fluttered 






The  instructions  to  the  Upper  Burma  Field  Force  were  to  occupy 
Mandalay  and  to  dethrone  King  Thibaw.  The  expedition  was  there- 
fore not  a  regular  invasion  of  the  country  and  nothing  was  settled 
as  to  the  future  administration  of  the  kingdom.  Provisionally,  ad- 
ministrative and  executive  powers  were  given  to  General  Prendergast 
as  commanding  the  army  of  occupation  ;  in  other  words,  the  country 
was  under  martial  law,  as  a  temporary  measure,  after  we  liad  actu- 
ally taken  over  the  government  of  the  country.  Unfortunately,  the 
changes  of  Ministry  at  home  in  1885  and  1886  and  the  unsettled  slate 
of  politics  prevented  the  Home  Government  from  at  once  entering 
into  the  subject  and  deciding  the  future  of  Upper  Burma  without 
delay.  Mr.  (afterwards  Sir  Charles)  Bernard,  the  Chief  Commis- 
sioner of  Lower  Burma,  arrived  in  Mandalay  on  the  J5th  December 
1885,  and  one  step  in  advance  was  made  when  he  took  over  the  ad- 
ministration of  the  country  from  General  Prendergast.  From  that 
date,  in  name  at  all  events,  the  whole  country  ceased  to  be  admi- 
nistered by  martial  law.  Consequent  on  the  Chief  Commissioner's 
arrival  in  Mandalay,  the  following  proclamation  was  issued  at  Cal- 
cutta by  order  of  the  Viceroy  on  the  ist  January  1886: — 

"  By  command  of  the  Queen-Empress,  it  is  hereby  notiHed  that  the  ter- 
ritories formerly  governed  by  King  Thibaw  will  no  longer  be  under  his  rule, 
but  have  become  part  of  Her  Majesty's  dominions,  and  will,  during  Her 
Majesty's  pleasure,  be  administered  by  such  officers  as  the  Viceroy  and 
Governor-General  may  from  time  to  time  appoint." 

Civilians  were  thus  ordered  to  assist  in  the  pacification  of  the  coun- 
tr)',  but  still  the  final  form  in  which  it  was  to  be  administered  was  not 
decided  on.  There  were  four  methods  possible  for  the  re-establish- 
ment of  order  and  government  in  the  kingdom  of  Burma.  It  might 
have  been  declared  a  buffer  State.  Under  this  arrangement  the 
Alaungpaya  dynasty  would  have  remained  on  the  throne  ;  the  ruling 
Prince  like  the  Amir  of  Afghainstan,  would  have  been  perfectly  in- 
dependent in  matters  of  internal  administration,  and  all  that  we  should 
have  required  would  have  been  the  right  to  supervise  his  external  re- 
lations. In  fact,  he  would  have  become  what  King  Thibaw  would 
have  remained  if  he  had  accepted  our  original  proposals,  an  autocratic 



though  confederated  sovereign.  The  shadowy  claims  of  other  na- 
tions, however,  rendered  this  a  contrivance  of  more  than  doubtful 
utility.  The  next  alternative  was  that  of  maintaining  Upper  Bunna 
as  a  fully  protected  State,  with  a  native  dynasty  and  native  officials, 
but  under  a  British  Resident,  who  should  exercise  a  certain  control 
over  the  internal  administration,  as  well  as  over  its  relations  with 
foreign  powers.  Upper  Burma  would  thus  have  assumed  the  status 
of  many  of  the  Native  States  in  India  Proper.  But  the  character  of 
Burmese  Princes,  with  their  lofty  conceptions  of  supenority  to  all 
created  beings,  would  have  made  it  necessar)-  to  maintain  siKh  a  ruler 
as  a  mere  puppet.  A  puppet  king  of  the  Burmese  type  would  have 
proved  a  very  expensive,  troublesome,  and  contumacious  fiction. 
Moreover,  there  were  only  two  Princes  of  the  Royal  House  who 
were  available.  The  Nyaung  Olc,  who  was  in  Bengal,  was  unpo- 
pular in  Burma  and  was  of  a  character  unsatisfactory  in  ever)*  way. 
He  would  have  been  a  most  refractory  puppet.  The  other  was  the 
Myingun  Prince,  then  in  Pondicherry.  He  fulfilled  all  the  condi- 
tions of  royal  descent  in  both  father  and  mother  and  his  abilities 
were  at  any  rate  respectable.  Bui  the  chief  event  of  his  life,  while 
he  was  at  large,  was  that  he  tried  to  kill  his  father,  Mindon  Min, 
and  succeeded  in  killing  his  uncle,  the  Eingshemin. 

The  only  remaining  alternative  to  annexation  was  to  set  up  a 
grandson  of  King  Mindon,  such  as  a  minor  son  of  the  late  Nyaung 
Yan  Prince,  with  British  Officers  to  administer  the  Slate  in  his  name 
and  on  his  behalf,  until  he  should  come  of  age,  perhaps  15  years 
later ;  but  it  was  at  once  apparent  that  this  would  have  imposed  all 
the  trouble,  anxiety,  and  cost  of  a  British  occupation,  without  secur- 
ing any  corresponding  advantages  in  the  present,  while  we  should 
have  committed  ourselves  in  the  future  to  a  probable  disappoint- 

Consequently  nothing  but  annexation  remained.  It  was  the  only 
course  which  could  secure  the  peace  and  prosperity  of  Upper  Burma 
and  of  our  own  imperial  and  commercial  interests.  From  the  isl 
of  March  therefore  Upper  Burma  was  incorporated  in  British  India 
by  command  of  Her  Majesty  and,  with  the  exception  of  the  Shan 
States,  was  constituted  a  scheduled  district  under  Statute  XXXiU 
Victoria,  Cap.  3. 

For  over  three  months  therefore  the  government  of  the  country 
remained  purely  provisional  and  was  vested  first  in  General  Prender- 
gast,  then  in  Mr.  Bernard,  and  then  in  Lord  Dufferin  up  to  the  i  st  of 
March  1886.  During  this  time  our  efforts  were  directed  rather  to 
check  the  prevailing  and  increasing  lawlessness  than  to  stamp  it 
out,  and  in  any  case  General  Prendergast's  force,  which  numbered 



about  10,500  men  only,  was  quite  inadequate  to  occupy  a  country 
covering  75,000  square  miles.  Experience  had  proved  that  it  was 
not  enough  to  attack  and  disperse  the  dacoit  bands  ;  if  ihey  were 
to  be  prevented  from  re-assembling,  the  affected  country  had  to  be 
closely  occupied.  It  was  evident  therefore  that  large  reinforce* 
ments  were  necessary,  but  by  this  time  the  season  in  which  exten- 
sive operations  could  be  undertaken  was  nearly  over.  Two  months 
of  hot  weather,  April  and  May,  remained ;  after  that  the  rains  com- 
menced and  that  was  no  time  to  commence  active  operations  with 
new  troops  in  a  country  where  a  great  part  was  impenetrable  jungle, 
and  even  in  the  more  thickly  populated  districts  no  proper  roads  or 
bridges  existed,  and  the  numerous  rivers  and  streams  overflowed  and 
flooded  large  tracts  for  weeks  at  a  time.  There  was  no  regular 
organized  enemy  in  the  field  against  whom  operations  could  be 
directed,  and  therefore  there  was  no  particular  object  in  requiring 
the  concentration  of  large  masses  of  troops,  but  the  country  gen- 
erally was  overrun  by  armed  bands.  Practically  throughout  the 
rains  of  1886  the  dacoits  were  not  sought  out  and  attacked  by  us, 
but  were  only  being  driven  off  when  their  attitude  was  threatening. 

The  extension  of  British  influence  and  the  reduction  to  order  of 
parts  of  districts  remote  from  headquarters  were  therefore  only 
gradually  effected.  The  very  suddenness  of  the  overthrow  of  the 
Burmese  King  militated  against  the  peace  of  the  country.  Bands 
of  men  ordered  out  for  the  defence  of  the  kingdom  had  hardly 
been  raised  before  the  King  himself  was  deported.  These  bands 
became  rebels  almost  as  soon  as  they  fancied  themselves  to  be 
soldiers.  They  had  assembled  to  fight  for  their  King,  but  before 
they  could  fight  there  was  no  king  left  to  fight  for,  and  their  very 
gaihermg  together  consiitutcd  them,  according  to  their  notions, 
rebels,  and  already  liable  to  punishment  by  the  new  Government. 
In  the  greater  part  of  the  country  there  was  no  one  to  disarm  them ; 
those  met  at  Ava  and  Mandalay  were  unfortunately  not  di.sarmed 
and  formally  disbanded.  The  ahmudany  equally  with  the  levies, 
therefore,  readily  gathered  round  malcontent  Princes,  or  persons 
calling  themselves  Prince.%  such  as  the  Myinzalng  Prince;  the  so- 
called  Chaunggwa  Princes,  Saw  Van  Naing  (or  Teik  Tin  D6k)  and 
Saw  Yan  Paing;  Maung  (or  Teik  Tin)  Hmat,  a  cousin  of  King 
Thibaw's;  the  Limbin  Prince  in  the  Shan  States;  the  Kyun  Nyo 
Mimha,  a  pretender  who  was  very  soon  killed  by  another  armed 
band  in  Sagaing ;  the  Kyimyindaing  Prince,  an  Upper  Burma  im- 
postor; the  Shwegyobyu  Prince,  who  had  been  a  vaccinator  in 
Lower  Burma  ;  and  charlatans  and  adventurers  who  went  by  the 
names  of  Buddha  Yaza,  Thinka  Yaza,  Dhamma  Yaza,  or  Setkya 



£'x-officials  who  fancied  they  were  defending  their  country  met 
with  an  equally  easily  securtid  following,  such  as  Hkan  Hlalng,  for- 
mer Myoza  of  Mohlaing  ;  Kyaw  Gaung.  ex-fr«K  of  Tal6k*myo  ;  ihe 
Zt'  IVun  of  Yam^thin ;  the  Theingon  Thugyi ;  the  Windawhfnu  U 
Paung  ;  Maung  Gyi ;  Myal  Umon  ;  Bo  Swfe  and  Shwe  Yan ;  and 
many  others  whose  names  (or  a  time  made  a  stir.  Monks  too,  who 
claimed  to  be  defending  the  national  faith,  were  no  less  successful  ; 
such  were  U  Oktama,  U  Parama,  the  Mayanchaung  pongyi,  and 
a  long  list  of  p6ngyi  bos.  By  far  the  greater  number,  however,  f 
joined  the  dacoit  leaders  who  were  already  at  the  head  of  bands  and  " 
had  been  preying  on  the  country  for  years  before  King  Thibaw's  fall. 
Of  these  leaders,  who  eventually  drew  lo  them  all  the  n.en  in  amis, 
and  converted  what  were  at  first  rebels  or  fancied  patriots  into 
dacoits,  who  were  enemies  of  the  public  peace  and  of  the  country  at 
large,  rather  than  directly  of  the  British  Government,  the  most 
prominent  were  Hla  U,  who  persistently  eluded  attack  and  held  his 
own  on  the  borders  of  Ye-u,  Sagalng,  Shwebo,  and  the  C  hind  win 
districts  ;  Bo  Po  T6k,  who  had  been  the  Taingda  Mingy^s  jackal 
and  freebooter  in  Ava  and  for  long  paid  him  a  handsome  revenue  ; 
Maung  Cho  in  the  Pagan  neighbourhood  ;  Nga  To  and  Nga  Yaing 
in  the  islands  of  the  Irrrawaddy  above  Mandalay  and  Nga  Zeya  in 
the  hilly  country  north  of  the  capital;  Kyaw  Zaw  in  the  Kyauks6 
district  and  the  outskirts  of  the  Shan  States;  Yan  Nyun,  who  had 
been  a  Myingaung  in  the  Myingyan  district;  and  many  others  of 
more  or  less  note.  In  addition  to  the  bands  already  assembled 
when  the  news  of  the  annexation  arrived  and  all  semblance  of 
obedience  to  headquarters  disappeared,  whether  to  the  Hhttdaw 
during  the  interregnum,  or,  from  ist  January  1886,  to  the  British 
Government,  every  little  group  of  villages  elected  its  own  bo  to 
protect  it  from  its  neighbours,  or  to  attack  them.  The  greater 
number  acted  quite  independently  of  each  other  in  resistance  to  the 
British,  They  preyed  <.n  villages  which  had  submitted  to  us  and 
on  rival  iw'  villages  wlih  perfect  impartiality  and,  except  some 
few,  who  made  speedy  submission,  became  the  perpetually  renewed 
dacoit  leaders,  whom  it  took  three  years  to  suppress. 

A  connected  history  of  the  operations  is  an  impossibility,  but 
some  sort  of  record  seems  due  to  those  who  lost  their  lives  in  the 
settlement  of  the  country.  It  cannot  be  anything  but  disjointed 
and  it  must  be  taken  year  by  year  and  district  by  district.  ■ 

Upper  Burma,  exclusive  of  the  Shan  States,  may  be  regarded  as 
consisting  of  four  parts,  which  roughly  correspond  with  the  present    _ 
administrative  divisions      The  first  is  the  valley  of  the  Irrawaddy    ■ 
above  its  junction  with  the  Chindwin  ;  the  second  is  the  basin  of  the 
Chindwin ;  the  third  is  the  valley  of  the  Sittang  with  the  uplands  of 


FrssT  Till  itm. 



urth  the  basin  of  the  Irrawaddy 
^..u»,,i   to  the  boundary   with   Lower 
4fei«  the  same  dacolt   bands  operated 
therefore  a  certain  amonnt  of  con- 
-  this  as  far  as  possible  in  the  nar- 
ates,  which  proved  the  eventual  re- 
lied, will  be  treated  of  separately. 
ims  first  notice.     Immediately  after 
,on,   the  town,   with  as  much  of  the 
imfi  district  as  could  be  controlled  from 
charge  of  the  late  Mr.  T.   F.  Fforde, 
f    Police,    assisted    in    the   administra- 
■  Myowuns   (U   He  Si,   now  a  C.I.E., 
i  ii)i(iank)   who   had  long  been   connected 
nment    of    Maiidalay,   and    from    the    first 
ii  Officers  under  whom   they  were  placed, 
^late   Council  under  Colonel  Sladen's  presi- 
1  over  the  Mandalay  otTicials.     But  towards 
er   1885  the  capital  and  adjacent  districts  were 
harge  of  the  lilutdaw  and  placed  directly  under 
l.arly  in  January  Colonel  C.  H.  E.  Adamson  as- 
'I  (he  whole  district.     The   introduction  of  order  in 
wn  was  no  lie;ht  task.     Under  the  Royal   Govcrn- 
lalion  of  the  city  and  much  of  the  population  of  the 
1   of  ofhcials,   hangers-on  of  the  Court,  and  soldiers, 
ority  of  these  were  thrown  out   of  employment  by 
.  ihe  form  of  the  administration,  and,  as   a  natural 
»ce,  many  elements  of  disorder  existed  and  much  intrigue 
■A\  carried  on.     Dacoities  and  robberies,  which  had  been 
lu  the  time  of  the  Burmese  Government,   continued  to  be 
led.     But  by  degrees  the  police  of  the  town  were  able  to 
and  break  up  many  gangs  of  robbers  and  to  reduce  the 
-  order.     The  hot  months  of  March  and  April  were  marked 
'   occurrence  of  destructive  fires  in  the  town  and  in  the  walled 
now  called  Koit  Uufferin.     Some  of  these,  no  doubt,  were  the 
ik  of   incendiaries,   but    many    were   certainly   accidental,   and 
indalay  was  always  noied  for  its  great  firesj  which  was   not  sur- 
ising  in  a  t<'wn  almost  entirely  built  of   mat-houses  with  thatch 
nofs.     About  8co  houses  out  of  a  total  of  5,^00   within  the  city 
walls  were  burnt  in   1S86,  and   between  2,000  and  ^,500  out  of  a 
total  of  34,000  in   the  town   outside.     In  April  occurred  the  only 
attempt  at  an  organized  outbreak.     Some  30  or  40  persons,  who 
professed  to  be  adherents  of  the  Mylngun  Prince,  were   concerned 
in  it.     In  the  early  morning  they  rushed  a  police-station,  cut  down 




two  or  three  of  the  policemen,  killed  a  harmless  European  Apothe- 
cary who  was  walking  to  the  hospital,  and  set  fire  to  some  houses 
in  the  city,  while  confederates  fired  others  outside  the  city  wall. 
The  dacoits  fled  immediately  before  the  troops  and  poUce.  and  it 
was  only  later  that  some  of  the  ringleaders  were  caught  and  pun- 
ished. Apart  from  the  destruction  of  property,  which  was  con- 
siderable, and  the  loss  of  life,  the  affair  was  only  noteworthy  as 
showing  the  daring  of  the  dacoits,  for  Mandalay  at  the  time 
was  held  by  some  1,000  troops  with  several  outlying  detachments. 

The  early  fall  of  rain  at  the  end  of  April  stopped  fires,  and  from 
that  time  the  town  was  steadily  reduced  to  a  state  of  order.  This 
was  tested  severely  by  a  disaster  in  August.  The  Irrawaddy  rose 
to  a  height  greater  than  had  been  known  for  60  years  and  burst 
through  the  embankment  which  had  been  built  by  King  Mind6n. 
All  the  lowlying  parts  of  the  town  were  flooded  and  some  lives 
were  lost,  while  many  people  were  rendered  absolutely  destitute. 
Nevertheless,  there  were  no  disturbances,  and  relief  distributions 
and  relief  works  did  much  to  secure  the  good-will  nf  the  population. 
Responsible  headmen  were  appointed  over  small  sections  of  the 
town  and  did  much  to  ensure  the  maintenance  of  order  and  a  de- 
tailed sur\'ey  of  the  town  was  begun,  as  well  as  the  improvement 
of  the  roads.  Nevertheless,  beyond  the  limits  of  the  town  and 
suburbs  Mandalay  district  was  almost  entirely  in  the  hands  of 
three  or  four  dacoit  leaders,  who  had  large  followings  and  acted  to 
some  extent  in  concert.  The  territnrial  limits  of  each  leader's  ju- 
risdiction were  defined  and  respected  the  one  by  the  other.  The 
villages  were  made  to  pay  black-mail,  and  disobedience  of  orders, 
or  attempts  to  help  the  Government,  were  severely  punished. 
These  leaders  professed  to  be  acting  under  the  authority  of  the 
Myingun  Prince  (then  a  refugee  in  the  French  settlement  of  Pondi- 
cherry),  and  were  kept  together  by  a  relative  of  that  Prince,  a 
person  who  styled  himself  the  Bayiitgan  or  viceroy,  and  went  from 
one  to  the  other,  giving  them  information  and  arranging  combi- 
nations between  them.  Early  in  January  Messrs.  Walker,  Calo- 
greedy,  and  Mabert,  gentleman  employed  in  the  forests,  determined 
to  return  to  their  work.  They  were  attacked  at  Paleik.  24  miles 
from  Mandalay  and  after  four  hours'  resistance  were  killed.  Mr. 
Grey  of  the  Bombay  Hurma  Corporation,  who  was  with  them, 
was  taken  prisoner  to  the  Myinzaing  Prince's  camp  at  Zibingyi. 
This  was  found  deserted  on  the  loth  January,  and  near  the  camp 
Mr.  Grey's  mutilated  body  was  found.  On  the  march  to  Zibingyi 
Captain  Lloyd,  R.E.,  and  two  men  of  the  Hampshireswere  severely 
wounded  at  Ht6nbo, 


In  June  the  Lamaing  post  commanded  by  Captain  J,  E.  Preston 
was  attacked  by  a  party  of  Shan  dacoits,  a  few  of  whom  got  in- 
side the  post,  killed  a  jemadar  and  a  sepoy,  and  wounded  Captain 
Preston.     They  were  driven  out  by  the  camp  followers. 

Bhamo  was  occupied  without  opposition  in  December   1885  and 
g.  the  civil  administration  was  at  once  organized. 

Trade  soon  began  to  revive  and  the  Kachins  of 
the  nearer  hills  tendered  their  submission.  A  small  force  marched 
to  Mogaung  in  the  northern  part  of  the  district  in  February  1886. 
It  met  with  no  opposition,  and  the  people  received  the  party  with 
professions  of  loyalty  and  remained  quiet  after  the  (roops  were  \vith- 
drawn.  It  was  hold  by  the  Burman  Myo6k,  who  had  enlisted  men 
of  his  own  and  had  defended  himself  against  attacks  made  on  him 
by  the  Wuntho  Saxcbwa.  He  collected  the  revenue  nominally  for 
the  British  Government,  but  represented  that  most  of  It  was  requir- 
ed for  the  maintenance  of  his  forces.  The  only  signs  of  future 
trouble  were  some  dacoities  by  the  Kachins  of  Katran  on  \nllages  in 
the  plain  and  an  attack  on  Bhamo  itself  in  November  by  a  band  of 
dacoits.  The  latter  attack  was  easily  defeated,  but  before  the  as- 
sailants fled  they  had  killed  three  men  and  burnt  some  buildings 
near  the  town  gale.  The  Kachins  were  not  so  easily  settled  with. 
Two  punitive  expeditions  were  sent  against  Katran.  The  first  met 
with  stubborn  resistance  and  returned  without  reaching  Katran  at  all. 
The  second,  despatched  in  May,  was  withdrawn  before  reaching  the 
village  of  the  Chief,  by  the  advice  of  the  Political  Officer,  who  con- 
sidered that  sufficient  punishment  had  been  inflicted  and  was  de- 
sirous of  not  being  drawn  too  near  the  Chinese  frontier,  the  line  of 
which  was  not  then  known. 

The  Katha  district,  which  comes  next  to  Bhamo,  was  established 
with  headquarters  at  first  at  Tigyalng,  but  soon 
moved  to  Katha.     A  considerable  portion  of  the 
year  was  directed  to  the  maintenance  of  peace  in  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  the  postj  but  some  of  the  local  officials,  the  IVuns 
of  Myadaung,  Mnda,  and  the  Shweashegyaung,  early  gave  in  their 
adherence  and  did  good  service.  The  district  was,  however,  less 
disturbed  by  organized  bands  of  dacoits  than  most,  and  the  chief 
.source  of  disorder  was  the  Wuntho  Sa-wbwa,  whose  attitude  was  ex- 
tremely doubtful,  if  not  hostile.     His  State  occupied  the  high  country 
between  the  Upper  Irrawaddy  and  Upper  Chindwin  and  command- 
ed the  districts  adjacent  to  both  these  rivers.     The  Saivbwa  and  his 
father  known  as  the  Mogaung  IVun,  and  one  of  the  most  faithful 
servants  of  Mindon  Min,  refused  to  come  in,  and  a  number  of  raids 
took  place  on  the  border,  the  result  of  feuds  between  the  Sa-wbwa 



and  the  local  dKaah  oC  the  tovndnps  aod  cirele«  adjaixiii^  Wantlu>. 
In  this  way  he  haiasied  the  omtrii^  area  at  the  Slivcixsliegyaung 
and  bomt  the  town  of  Mairnaing.  Bat  k  vas  thoaght  these  were 
persooal  matters  rather  than  <£rected  agaiim  the  Brinsh  Gorem- 
ment.  The  efforts  of  Goremmcnt  were  directed  to  conciliate  the 
Sa-xbwa  and  treat  faioi  as  a  friend.  He  vas  to  be  left  in  undisturb- 
ed possession  of  all  the  rights  and  priril^es  he  had  hitherto  enjoy- 
ed and  to  be  allowed  to  carry  on  the  internal  ad  mi  nisi  ration  of  his 
State  without  any  change.  Nevertheless,  he  did  ooi  respond  to 
these  advances,  be  declined  to  meet  the  Deputy  Commissioner  or 
lo  pay  the  revenue  as  formerly  demanded  by  the  Burmese  Govern- 
Dcot,  and  was  inclined  to  treat  the  Deputy  Commissioner's  letters 
with  very  scant  coartesy. 

Mong  Leng   (Mohlaing),  Mong  Mit  (Momcik),  and  the  Ruby 
R  bv  M'  Mines  were  practically  left  to  themsdves  as  far 

■by     IBS.  ^^  ^^^  attempt  at  occupation  was  concerned  until 

December  1886,  when  a  column  under  General  Stewart  marched  up 
to  Mog6k.  Some  slight  oppo^tion  was  met  with  from  persons  who 
had  been  formerly  interested  in  the  ruby  trade,  but  it  was  easily 
overcome  and  the  district  was  not  afterwards  disturbed.  There  were 
rival  claimants  for  the  ^'ov^aships  of  Mong  Len^  (Mohlaing)  and 
Mong  Mit,  ^jMifi-Shan  States  with  very  few  Shans  in  them.  Hkam 
Leng  (or  Kan  HIaing)  had  a  fair  title  to  the  chieftainship  of  Mong 
Leng.  Shortly  after  the  annexation  he  visited  a  British  oBScer,  who 
somewhat  hastily  addressed  him  as  Chief  of  both  States.  Hkam 
Leng  accepted  this  as  settling  the  question,  and  went  to  Mong  Mit 
to  assume  the  SawbTcashy^.  The  people  would  have  nothing  to  do 
with  him  and  drove  him  out.  He  then  applied  to  British  officers 
to  place  him  in  power  and,  when  this  was  not  done,  commenced  to 
make  raids  on  Mong  Mit  territory  and  gradually  drifted  into  open 
hostility  to  the  British  troops. 

Shwebo  was  noted  in  Burmese  history'  for  the  wariike  character 
Shwebo  ^^  '*^  inhabitants  and  as  the  starting  place  of 

many  insurrectionary  movements.  It  was  here 
that  Alaungpaya  was  born  and  with  the  aid  of  the  Shnebo  people 
\\c  established  his  dynasty.  King  Mindftn  also  began  the  rebellion 
which  placed  him  on  the  thrdne  from  Shwebo,  and  the  rising  of  the 
Padein  Prince  against  him  took  its  beginning  here,  though  not  with 
the  same  success.  The  nature  of  the  country,  which  extends  from 
the  Irrawaddy  to  the  Mu  river  was  very  favourable  to  the  movements 
of  robber-gangs ;  vast  tracts  of  uncultivated  forest  afforded  secure 
hiding  places,  from  which  the  bands  could  issue  to  attack  unprotect- 
ed villages.     The  establishment  of  the  district  began  with  a  rising. 




Early  in  December  1885,  Teiktin  Hniat  and  Teiktin  Them,  cousins 
of  King  Thibaw,  effected  their  escape  from  Mandalay  and  raised  a 
party  of  rebels  at  Shwebo.  A  column  was  sent  against  them  and 
before  the  end  of  the  month  a  permanent  post  was  established  in 
Shwebo  town,  which  was  taken  by  assault  from  the  rebels.  The 
wiiole  country  was  swarming  with  hostile  bands  and  the  whole  year 
was  taken  up  with  action  against  strong  coalitions  of  them.  The 
former  Burmese  Commissioner,  Bo  Byin,  the  Kayaing-^vun  and  his 
son,  Mating  Tun,  from  the  first  readily  submitted  and  raised  com- 
panies of  loyal  villasfers  to  co-operate  with  the  troopi^.  On  the  other 
side,  besides  the  royal  pretenders  who  died  within  the  year,  were  the 
noted  dacoit  leaders,  Hla  U  who  maintained  himself  persistently  on 
the  southern  border,  Pyan  Gyi,  Nga  Yaing,  and  Aung  Myat.  All  of 
these  were  brought  to  action  several  Times  and  suffered  considerable 
loss,  but  were  by  no  means  done  with.  In  Ye-u»  now  a  subdivision 
of  Shwebo,  but  at  that  time  a  separate  district,  the  same  conditions 
prevailed  and  practically  the  same  bands  had  10  be  contended  with. 
In  an  action  at  Sabfenatha  nearTantabin,  on  the  9th  November  1886, 
Lieutenant  Balfour  of  the  South  Yorkshires  was  killed  and  Mr.  Rcy, 
Assistant  Superintendent  of  Police,  was  severely  wounded  before  the 
dacoits  were  driven  off.  The  establishment  of  posts  at  Tantabin, 
Nabeikgyi,  and  Myagon  did  a  good  deal  to  extend  the  settled  area 
and  to  encourage  the  people  to  refuse  support  to  the  dacoits.  But 
the  disarmament  of  the  country  which  was  begun  in  May  was  much 
more  effectual. 

The  fort  at  Sagaing  was  occupied  as  early  as  the  14th  December 
.  1885,  but  regular  administration  was  not  intro- 

^*'"^'  duced  till  some  time  later.     It  remained  for  over 

two  years  one  of  the  most  turbulent  districts  in  the  province. 
Before  the  end  of  December  the  dacoits  established  themselves  in 
some  strength  in  a  pagoda  no  great  distance  from  the  fort,  and  in 
the  taking  of  this  on  the  2Sth  December  Lieutenant  Cockeram 
was  killed  and  Lieuttnant  Lye  wounded.  On  the  9th  January 
Surgeon  Heath  was  shot  dead  and  Lieutenant  Armstrong  of  the 
Hanipshires  was  mortally  wounded  wliile  they  were  walking  from 
the  Sagaing  fort  to  the  steamer,  a  distance  of  less  than  a  mile. 
Parties  from  the  fort  and  the  steamer  hastened  up  and  four  dacoits 
were  killed,  but  the  remainder,  some  of  whom  were  mounted,  made 
good  their  escape.  Throughout  January  188O  military  operations 
were  continued,  and  it  was  not  till  February  that  the  district  was 
formally  constituted.  The  principal  dacoit  leader  was  Ilia  U,  who 
in  March  dominated  the  country  round  Myinmu  lo  the  south  of 
Sagaing  at  the  mouth  of  the  Mu  river.  Active  operations  were 
parried  on  all  through  that  month  and  indeed  throughout  the  rains; 



but  though  the  dacoits  were  more  than  once  defeated  with  some 
loss,  no  notable  leaders  were  captured  and  the  defeated  bands  col- 
lected again  as  soon  as  the  attacking  party  withdrew.  At  the  end 
of  April  Myinmu  itself  was  attacked,  but  the  assailants  were  beaten 
off  withnul  difficulty,  though  Captain  Badgeley,  R.E..  was  severely 
wounded.  Besides  HIa  U  the  chief  leaders  were  Min  O  and  Tha 
Pwe.  The  last  named  was  killed  at  Pethugyi  pae^-oda  in  August, 
but  Sagaing  district,  beyond  thi:  posts  at  Sagaingand  Myinmu  and 
at  Samon,  Mag)'izauk,  and  Ondaw,  remained  practically  in  the 
hands  of  the  robber  bands.  The  leaders  here  were  mostly  old 
established  dacoits  and  they  instituted  a  very  effective  system  of 
terrorism.  Village  headmen  who  refused  obedience  and  neglected 
to  pay  blackmail,  and  especially  those  who  had  submitted  to  the 
British  Government,  were  ruthlessly  murdered. 

Ava,  which  was  then  a  separate  district,  was  equally  harassed 
by  dacoits,  but  the  establishment  of  a  number  of 
posts  strong  enough  to  hold  their  own  and  to 
send  out  columns  when  required,  did  much  to  bring  it  into  hand 
and  to  establish  a  satisfactory  process  of  settlement.  British 
troops  marched  through  it  in  December,  and  in  January  1886  the 
late  Mr.  R.  H.  Pilcher  took  chaige  as  Deputy  Commissioner.  The 
central  parts  of  the  district  were  then  much  disturbed  by  bands, 
who  professed  to  be  under  the  leadership  of  the  "Chaunggwa 
Princes**  and  of  the  KyimyindaJng. 

These  Chaunggwa  Princes,  Teikyin  Van  Naing  and  Teit-tin 
Yan  Baing,  are  grand-children  of  the  Mekkhara  Prince  and  so  of 
the  royal  blood.  The  Ryimyindaing  was  a  mere  impostor  and 
had  been  flogged  in  Burmese  times  for  misdemeanours.  He  soon 
moved  south  to  Meiktila  and  Yamfethin,  but  the  fighting  leader  of 
the  Chaunggwa  Princes,  Shwe  Yan,  gave  a  good  deal  of  trouble. 
He  seems  to  have  been  a  professional  robber-chief.  Towards  the 
end  of  January  a  post  was  eslablished  at  Myotha  on  the  road  from 
Ava  to  Myingyan  and  operations  were  carried  on  with  some  effect 
during  February  and  March,  when  a  military  post  was  placed  at 
Myinthe  between  Myotha  and  Ava.  Myinthfe  in  December  had 
forced  a  cavalry  detachment  to  retire.  In  January  it  was  burnt,  but 
Captain  Clements,  of  the  South  Wales  Borderers,  was  wounded 
close  by  a  few  days  later,  while  the  telegraph  line  was  being  re- 
paired. In  April  ineffective  attacks  were  made  by  the  dacoits  on  the 
posts  at  Myotha  and  Myinthe,  some  villages  were  burnt,  and  a 
bridge  partly  destroyed  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the 
post  at  Ava.  immediate  active  operations  had  the  best  results. 
A  post  of  Gurkhas  was  established  at  Chaunggwa  and  Shwe  Yan 
WAS  compelled  to  retire  to  the  jungles  on  the  borders  of  the  Pan- 



laung  stream  and  afterwards  ceased  to  be  formidable.  Later  in 
the  year  the  Myinth^  post  was  taken  over  by  the  military  police 
and  the  troops  were  moved  to  Ngazun  in  the  south-west  of  Ava, 
which  had  continued  to  be  disturbed.  The  effect  of  the  establish- 
ment of  this  post  and  of  expeditions  undertaken  against  dacoit 
villagers  between  Ngazun  and  Myotha  and  in  conjunction  with 
troops  from  Myingyan  against  dacoits  on  the  borders  of  the  two 
districts  was  apparent  in  the  improvement  of  that  part  of  the 
country.  A  combined  expedition  was  also  undertaken  from  Ava 
and  Kyauks^  posts  against  Shwe  Yan.  The  dacoits  succeeded  in 
escaping,  but  a  combination  which  was  being  attempted  was  broken 
up  and  Shwe  Yan  was  confined  to  the  wild  country  in  the  valleys  of 
the  Sam6n  and  Panlaung  rivers,  which  formed  a  safe  shelter,  the 
more  so  because  it  was  a  place  where  the  boundaries  of  districts 
and  the  divisions  of  civil  and  mihtary  commands  rendered  opera- 
tions against  them  resultless  without  previous  airangement,  which, 
at  that  period,  in  the  defective  state  of  communications,  required 
some  considerable  time.  From  this  centre  many  raids  were  made 
in  all  directions,  but  nevertheless  revenue  amounting  to  over  ^^3,700 
was  collected  in  1886  in  the  Ava  district. 

The  Myinzaing  Prince  was  the  only  active  rebel  of  the  Burmese 
itsfc  Royal  Family  who  was  of  any  real  importance. 

^  He  was  a  son  of  Mind6n  Min  and  had  escaped 

massacre  by  King  Thibaw,  partly  on  account  nf  his  tender  years 
and  partly  because,  as  the  son  or  one  of  the  minor  queens,  he  was 
sufficiently  inconspicuous  to  be  easily  hidden  away  by  his  friends. 
At  the  time  of  the  annexation  he  was  17  years  of  age.  He  was  no 
doubt  led  into  opposition  to  the  British  Government  by  the  hopes 
of  some  Influential  fx-ofitcials  of  the  Burmt-se  Government,  most 
prominent  among  whom  perhaps  was  the  Anauk  IVindawhmu,  U 
Paunpf.  The  record  of  the  Kjauksfe  district  during  ihe  early  part 
of  1886  is  a  history  of  the  gradual  suppression  of  the  Myinzaing 
Prince's  rebellion.  He  fled  to  this  district,  probably  the  richest  in 
Upper  Burma,  when  he  was  driven  out  of  Zibingyi  to  the  east  of 
Mandalay  in  January.  He  was  soon  followed  up  to  Kyauks^  and 
then  moved  on  to  Yakhainggyi  some  23  miles  to  the  south-east. 
A  permanent  post  was  established  at  Kyauks^  early  In  February 
and  immediately  afterwards  the  Prince  was  driven  from  Yak- 
hainggyi,  In  March  Mr.  R.  H.  Pilcher  came  from  Ava  to  take 
charge  of  the  Kyauksfe  district  and  remained  there  till  his  death  in 
October.  When  he  arrived  the  situation  was  as  bad  as  it  was 
even  in  Sagaing.  It  had  been  for  three  months  the  prey  of  dacoits 
and  rebels,  who  held  their  own  even  within  a  few  miles  of  the 
post  at  Kyauksfe.     The  first  measure  was  to  keep  open  and  protect 



ihe  coinmunlcations  with  Mandalay  along  the  road  to  the  Myit-ng^. 
This  was  done  by  the  esiablishment  of  posts  at  Paleik  and  Ta- 
loksu.  In  May  a  post  was  formed  at  Yewun,  south  of  Kyauks6, 
with  the  effect  of  pacifying  the  whole  of  the  intervening  country 
and  two  months  later  the  process  of  settlement  was  extended  by 
the  esiablishment  of  another  post  at  Kum^  to  the  south  of  Yewun, 
where  a  lance-corporal  and  Captain  Wilbraham  of  the  Somerset- 
shires  were  killed  and  seven  were  wounded.  These  onward  move- 
ments had  had  the  effect  some  time  before  of  forcing  the  Myin- 
zaing  Prince  to  retire  to  Ywangan,  one  of  the  small  Myelai  States 
at  the  head  of  the  Natteik  pass.  Here  the  Prince  died  of  fever  in 
August.  His  persona!  following  had  for  some  months  been  great- 
ly reduced,  but  in  various  parts  of  the  country  rebel  and  dacoit 
leaders  professed  to  be  fighting  in  his  name  and  for  his  interests. 
Although  he  al  no  time  headed  anything  like  a  national  movement, 
yet  the  fact  that  he  w:is  really  a  legitimate  member  of  Ihe  house  of 
Alaungpaya  must  have  rendered  him  always  an  important  potential 
centre  of  disaffection.  His  death  therefore  removed  a  possible 
source  of  future  danger  and  it  broke  up  the  most  powerful  com- 
bination in  this  part  of  the  province.  As  soon  as  the  Prince  died, 
his  followers  quarrelled  over  the  division  of  the  pri*perty,  killed 
the  Ngwegttnhmu  (a  short  lime  before  made  titular  Myoza)  of 
Ywangan,  who  had  afforded  them  an  asylum,  and  dispersed. 
Those  who  were  rebels^  as  distintjuished  from  mere  robbers,  scat- 
tered themselves  over  the  Shan  States,  and  the  dacoit  portion  of 
the  gang  joined  themselves  on  to  the  various  marauding  gangs  in 
the  plains.  The  main  portion  uf  the  Kyauksi  plain  was,  however, 
quieted  by  the  establishment  of  the  post  of  Wundwin  in  the  Meik- 
tila  district  on  the  ist  of  September.  This  completed  the  chain 
of  posts  from  Mandalay  to  Pyinmana  and  confined  the  daroits  lo 
the  foot  hills  of  the  Shan  plateau  and  to  the  jungles  along  the 
Sam6n  and  Panlaung  rivers,  where,  however,  they  maintained  them- 
selves for  some  considerable  time,  and  made  periodical  raids  on 
peaceful  villages. 

Chindwin,  as  it  at  first  existed  as  a  single  district,  was  an  enor-" 
mous  charge.  It  included  the  whole  of  the 
valley  on  both  sides  of  the  Chindwin  river  and 
extended  northwards  for  500  or  600  miles  until  it  was  lost  in  the 
ranges  of  hills  separaring  Burma  from  Assam,  over-lapping  the 
territories  of  the  petty  Western  Shan  potentates,  the  Sawbwa  of 
Kale  and  the  Saivhiva  of  Hsawng  Hsup  (Th.iung-thut).  In  No- 
vember 1885,  the  Burmese  authorities  of  the  Chindwin  had  made 
prisoners  of  seven  English  gentlemen,  who  were  residing  there  in 
the  employ  of  the  Bombay  Burma  Trading  Corporation.     Of  these, 

Chap.  IV. ]       first  year  after  annexation. 


three  (Messrs.  Robert  Allen,  Roberts,  and  Moncur)  were  mur- 
dered on  the  launch  Ckimiwin  by  a  ihandan'sin  as  soon  as  the 
news  of  the  occupation  of  Mandalay  arrive<l.  Two  others,  Messrs. 
C.  Outram  and  G.  Calogreedy,  arrived  safely  in  Mandalay,  while 
Messrs.  Hill,  Ross,  Bates,  and  O.  Ruckstahl  were  protected  by  the 
Pl'utt  of  Mingyin  and  sent  by  him  to  Mandalay.  The  IVim  was  re- 
warded at  the  time  and  afterwards  rendered  loyal  service  to  the 
British  Government.  Other  Europeans  Messrs.  Morgan,  Bretto,  and 
T.  Ruckstahl,  were  also  held  captive  at  Kindat,  farther  up  the  river. 
Towards  the  end  of  December  a  force  was  despatched  from  Man- 
dalay to  rescue  these  Kindat  captives.  But  the  prompt  action  of 
Colonel  Johnstone,  C.S.I.,  Political  Agent  at  Manipur,  who  marched 
on  Kindat  with  50  sepoys  and  a  Manipuri  contingent,  and  arrived 
thereon  Christmas  day,  forestalled  the  arrival  of  the  Mandalay  co- 
lumn. The  troops  returned  to  Mandalay,  and  it  was  at  first  proposed 
to  divide  the  Chindwin  valley  into  two  districts,  placing  the  Manipur 
Agent  in  charge  of  the  upper  part,  with  headquarters  at  Kindat, 
and  constituting  the  Lower  Chindwin  area  a  district  under  a  sepa- 
rate Deputy  Commissioner,  with  headquarters  at  Ai6n.  The  plan, 
however,  was  found  to  be  impracticable.  Colonel  Johnstone  went 
back  to  Manipur  by  way  of  Tammu,  which  is  64  miles  from  Mani- 
pur, over  jungle-clad  hills  rising  to  5,000  feet,  but  on  the  outbreak 
of  disturbances  between  Tammu  and  Kindat  he  returned.  He 
attacked  a  body  of  rebels  in  a  strong  position  at  Pantha,  about 
18  miles  from  Tammu,  and  drove  them  out,  but  was  himself 
severely  wounded.  He  was  succeeded  as  Agent  and  as  Deputy 
Commissioner  of  the  Upper  Chindwin  by  Major  Trotter.  In  May 
1886,  Major  Trotter  attempted  to  march  from  Tammu  to  Kin- 
dat to  effect  a  junction  with  a  force  which  was  to  come  up  the 
river  from  Al6n.  He  was  attacked  at  Pantha  near  Tammu  and 
received  a  wound,  from  the  effects  of  which  he  after^vards  died. 
He  was  succeeded  for  a  time  by  Major  Haiies,  who  command- 
ed at  Tammu  and  was  severely  wounded  in  an  action  on  the 
19th  June  at  Chany6n,  3  miles  from  Tammu.  In  July  the  whole 
of  the  Chindwin  country  was  placed  under  the  control  of  a  De- 
puty Commissioner  whose  headquarters  were  at  Al6n.  Meanwhile, 
early  in  February,  when  it  was  thought  the  Manipur  Political 
Agent  could  control  the  upper  portion,  arrangements  had  been 
made  for  administering  Lower  Chindwin  district  and  a  Deputy 
Commissioner  was  established  at  Alon.  His  attention  was  for  some 
lime  devoted  to  the  settlement  of  the  country  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  that  post.  In  April  the  garrison  intended  for  the  oc- 
cupation of  the  whole  district  arrived  and  preparations  were  made 
for  an  advance  on  Mingin  and  Kindat  in  order  to  meet  the  Tarn- 




mu  force  at  the  latter   place  in  the  middle  of  May.     Mingin  was 
occupitjcl  on    he  20th  April,   but  difficulties   of  transport  delayed 
the  advance  to  Kindat,  which  was  not  occupied  till  the   loth  June. 
No  resistance  was  met  with  at  Kindat,  but  the  force  had  a  trifling 
skirmish  with  dacoits  at  Balet  on  the  river-bank.     The  advance 
from  Tammu  was  for  the  time  abandoned,  and  the  country  between 
the   Chindwin  and  Manipur  was  left  untouched    till  towards  the 
end  of  the  rains.     The  Tammu  force,  which  had  been  considerably 
strengthened,  then  took  the  field  and  gained  signal  successes   over 
strong  bodies  of  dacoits,  notably  on  the  loth  October,  when  Captain 
Stevens  attacked  and  drove  the  enemy  from  their  strongly  stockaded 
position  at  Chanyfin,  where  Major  Hailes  had  been  wounded.     The 
whole  of  the  Kubo  valley  was  thus  reduced  to  order.     As  regards 
the  part  of  the  district  adjacent  to  the  Chindwin  river  the  following 
results  had  been  attained  by  the  end  of  August.     The  Chindwin 
Military    police  levy,  over  500   strong,  arrived  in  July  and   was 
soon  distributed  in  posts  in  the  Alon  subdivision,  which  included 
the  part  of  the  district  towards  the  mouth  of  the  river.     The  part 
on  the  east  bank  of  the  river  was  in  fairly  good   order,  though   Hla 
U  gave  much  trouble  and  occupied  the  country  to  the  norrh-east 
of  the  police  posts.     On  the  west  of  the  river  the  Pagyi  township 
was  still  uncontrolled  and  much  of  it  was  in  the  hands  of  a  pretend- 
er known  as  the  Shwegyobyu  Prince.     North  of  Alon,  but  little 
progress  had  been  made  m  the  settlement  of  the  country,  except  in 
the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  river.     The  feudatory  Stale  of 
Kale,  on  the  right  bank  below  Kindat,  was  disturbed  by  internal 
dissensions,  but  showed  no  signs  of  hostility  to  the  British  Govern- 
ment.    North  of  Kindat,  the  Deputy  Commissioner,  who   steamed 
up  and  explored  the  river  for  150  miles  above   Kindat,  visited  the' 
Sawbwa  of  Hsawng  Hsup  and  was  well  received.     The  SaTcb-h'a  had 
his  Stale  in  good  order  and  required  no  assistance.     Although  hi 
was  allied  with  and  akin  to  the  Sffa'bTua  of  Wuniho,  he  did  not  adopt' 
the  attitude  of  that  Chief.     The  Deputy  Commissioner  also  received 
the  submission  of  a  Burmese  JVun  of  the  country  lying  betwefn  the 
Chindwin  river  and  Mogaung.     No  posts,  however,  were  established 
north  of  Kindat,  where  the  country  was  thinly  inhabited  and  did 
not  promise  much  revenue.     Nevertheless,  except  along  the  river  andJ 
in  the  Alon  subdivision,  little  was  effected  in  the  way  of  settlement' 
and  the  Al6n  force  was  continually  employed  in  the  pursuit  of  Hla 
U   and  his  followers.     In  October  Mr.  Gleeson,  Assistant   Com- 
missioner at  Mingin,  was  treacherously  killed  at  a  village  some 
miles  above  his   headquarters,  where  he   had  gone  with  a  small 
escort  to  instal  a  new  headman,   and  not  long  afterwards  the  Wun 
of  Kanni,  who  had  given  many  proofs  of  loyailty,  was  also  murder- 



ed  by  dacoits  at  Myogyi,  whither  he  had  gone  with  five  men  to 
persuade  them  to  disperse.  The  brother  of  the  JFun  was  appoint- 
ed in  his  place  and  punitive  expeditions  dispersed  the  gangs  who 
had  murdered  the  H''uu  and  Mr.  Gleeson,  but  the  countrj"  round 
Mlngin  and  Mawkadaw  remained  in  a  very  disturbed  state,  and 
a  pretender,  who  called  himself  Buddha  Yaza,  attacked  one  of  our 
posts  and  gathered  round  him  various  leaders  from  Yaw  and 
Alon.  just  as  the  troops  were  advancing  against  him,  the  pre- 
tender fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Kale  SawbToa,  who  arrested  him 
and  sent  him  to  the  Deputy  Commissioner,  Colonel  F.  D.  Raikes. 
The  Kale  Sawbwa  himself  had,  however,  not  yet  made  formal  sub- 
mission, but  much  was  hoped  from  the  mark  of  distinction  which 
was  conferred  on  the  Sawbwa  of  HsaM'na^  Hsup  on  the  occasion  of 
Her  Majesty's  Jubilee.  In  the  Lower  Chindwin  the  Pagyi  and 
Pakhangyi  tracts  were  much  disturbed  and  the  character  of  the 
country  (inaccessible  forests  with  consequent  malaria)  made  it 
difficult  to  reduce.  Bo  To,  the  younger  brother  of  the  murdered 
Kanni  IVun,  did  much  ^ood  work  in  the  country  to  the  south  of  Min- 
gin,  but  was  defeated  by  a  band  at  Kale.  Trade  went  on  on  the 
nver,  but  boats  were  obliged  to  take  a  guard,  or  to  go  under  convoy 
of  a  steam-launch. 

On  the  opposite  side  of  the   Irrawaddy  river  the  Myingyan  dis- 

„  .       ^  trict  had  been  constituted  as  the  expeditionary 

yingy»n.  forcc  moved  up  the  river  to  Mandalay.     The 

old   Burmese   administrative  divisions  were  at  first  adopted   and 

Myingyan  and  Pagan,  which  for  some  time  was  a  separate  district, 

tended  in  somewhat  haphazard  fashion  for  a  great  way  across 
the  river. 

Bolh  have  greatly  changed  in  their  composition  since  then  and 
continued  to  do  so  until  Pagan  became  a  subdivision  of  Myingyan 
and  the  new  district  of  Pakokku  was  formed  out  of  the  portions  of 
Myingyan  and  Pagan  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river.  At  first 
Myingyan  included  part  of  the  present  district  of  Meiktila  and 
also  Pakokku,  which  was  early  transferred  to  Pagan.  In  Myingyan, 
or  Talokmyo  as  [he  Burmese  very  frequently  called  it,  the  local 
officials  soon  submitted  and  the  selllement  of  the  country  in  the 
immediate  neighbourhood  was  speedily  accomplished.  Early  in 
January  1886,  the  Kayatngicun,  the  Burmese  local  Governor,  gave 
in  his  adhesion  lo  the  British  Government  and  continued  to  serve 
for  about  six  months.  He  then  absconded  and  joined  a  rebel 
soi-disant  Prince,  the  Shwegyobyu,  in  Pahkangyi  on  the  west  of 
the  Irrawaddy.  A  column  marched  through  this  part  of  the  coun- 
try with  temporary  success  and  civil  officials  were  established  in 
Pahkangyi,  and  for  a  time  there  seemed  reason  to  hope  that  the 




township  would  become  settled.     But  the  small  posts  at  Pakokku 
and  Yet^yo  were  during  the  rainy  season  unable  to  act  in  the  in- 
terior.    Tne  military  post  at  Myaing  gave  some  protection  to  the 
country,  but  the  Shwegyobyu  pretender  still  had  a  great  following 
and  really  dominated  Pahkangyi  and  Pagyi  to  ihe  exclusion  of  civil 
administration.     He  did  not,  however,  act  much  on  the  offensive. 
It  was  not  till  a  post  was  established  at  Palikan^yi  itself  thai  the 
Shwegyobyu's  power  was  broken  and  then  he  himself  suddenly  dis- 
appeared.    On  the  eastern  bank  daccit  leaders,  partizans  o(  Saw 
Yan  Naingand  his  brother,  for  some  lime  disturbed  the  peace  of  the 
eastern  and  northern  parts  of  the  district  and  the  local  official  in 
charge  of  the  Welaung  tract  southwards  towards  Pagan  held  out 
throughout  the  whole  of  1886.     The  early  establishment  of  posts 
in  Sameikkyon  and  Nalogyi  contributed  a  great  deal  to  the  settle- 
ment of  the  northern  and  eastern  parts  of  the  district,  and  a  com- 
bined movement  from  Myingyan  and  Ava  put  an  end  to  the  oper- 
ations of  a  leader  who  called  himself  Thiiikayaza.     Along  the  river 
trade  went  on  undisturbed  and  arrangements  were  made  for  the 
building  of  bazaars  at  Myingyan  and  Pak6kku. 

The  Pagan  district  as  it  was  constituted  in  November  1886,  on 
the  passage  of  the  expeditionary  force  to  Man- 
dalay,  included  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  the 
whole  countiy  from  the  Myingyan  district  on  the  norlh  to  the 
limits  of  the  faungdwingyi  subdivision  on  the  south,  taking  in  the 
Pin  and  Mahlaing  townships  on  the  south  and  south-east.  It 
nominally  also  included  the  whole  of  the  Yaw  country  on  the  right 
bank  of  the  river,  stretching  beyond  Gangaw  up  to  the  hills  which 
separate  Burma  from  Chittagong. 

Subsequently  Mahlaing  and  the  country  to  the  east  and  south- 
east were  made  over  to  the  later  formed  district  of  Meiktilaand  later 
still  in  the  year  the  Pin  township  was  made  over  to  Taungdwingyi, 
now  the  Magwe  district.  The  great  asylum  of  the  dacoits  of  this 
neighbourhood  was  the  P6ppa  hill,  whence  they  made  raids  on  the 
Myingyan,  Pagan,  and  Meiktila  districts.  It  is  a  remarkable,  iso- 
lated peak  about  4,500  feet  high  and  is  believed  to  be  an  exiinrt 
volcano.  The  hill  itself  is  abrupt  and  conical  in  shape,  but  it  throws 
out  spurs  in  all  directions  and  is  thickly  covered  with  forest  growth 
while  the  sub-features  are  a  tangle  of  scrub-jungle  and  ravines. 
In  the  hollows,  however,  there  is  a  good  deal  of  cultivated  land 
which  escapes  the  eye  of  a  person  merely  travelling  through.  This 
region  for  long  remained  a  favourite  haunt  of  dacoits,  and  most  of 
the  villages  were  inhabited  by  cattle-lifters  and  receivers  of  stolen 
property,  who  naturally  would  furnish  no  information.  The  cattle 
were  kept  in  large  pens,  or  enclosures,  in  the  jungle  and  were  only 



let  oui  to  be  watered,  and  that  only  when  they  could  be  carefully 
guarded  so  that  they  should  not  stray  back  lo  their  former  owners. 
At  least  one  prominent  dacoit  leader  remained  at  large  in  this  neigh- 
bourhood till  ten  years  after  the  annexation. 

The  Pagan  local  officials  submitted  early  to  Major  (now  Lieut- 
enant-Colonel) Eyre,  the  Deputy  Commissioner,  but  before  long 
dacoits  under  a  leader  named  Maung  Cho  in  the  east  of  the  district 
near  Sb,  and  under  the  Kyimyindaing  Prince  and  his  adherents  in 
the  south-east  near  Mahlaing,  began  to  give  trouble.  Active  steps 
were  taken  to  break  up  these  gatherings.  In  January  Maun^  Cho 
was  successfully  attacked,  but  not  subdued.  In  February  a  post 
was  established  at  Kyaukpadaung  south  of  Pagan  for  the  purpose 
of  supporting  the  local  Burmese  official  who  then  and  later  did 
conspicuously  good  service.  A  considerable  dacoit  gathering  in 
the  neighbourhood  was  at  the  same  time  dispersed.  The  following 
month  a  force  marched  from  Pagan  south-east  through  Mahlaing, 
Meiktila,  and  Yindaw  to  Yamfethin,  encountering  the  followers  of 
the  Kyimyindaing  Prince  on  the  way  and  scattering  tliem  with 
some  loss.  A  Civil  Officer  was  posted  at  Mahlaing  and  a  mili- 
tary post  was  left  at  Meiktila,  which  was  made  over  to  Yam^lhin 
district.  In  June  the  formation  of  a  post  at  Sfc,  to  the  south-east 
of  Pagan,  in  the  country  where  Maung  Cho  had  again  ealhered 
his  followers,  served  to  diminish  his  influence,  but  everywhere  the 
result  was  much  the  same.  The  area  disturbed  was  gradually  re- 
stricted, but  the  leaders  remained  at  large  and  their  bands  dis- 
persed before  the  troops,  only  to  gather  again  on  their  departure. 
Early  in  July  an  attack  was  made  on  Pin,  which  had  been  suc- 
cessfully held  till  then  by  the  loyal  thugj'i  without  assistance  from 
Government.  A  force  was  sent  to  drive  out  the  dacoits  and  their 
leaders  surrendered  without  resistance.  A  great  deal  had  thus 
been  done  towards  reducing  the  left  bank  to  order,  and  this  part 
of  the  district  was  thus  somewhat  more  in  hand  than  many  others, 
but  on  the  west  bank  of  the  river  little  could  be  effected.  There 
only  a  narrow  strip  of  country  was  held  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of 
the  posts  at  Myiigyi  and  Pakokku.  Beyond  that  the  country  was 
practically  uncontrolled.  Early  in  the  year  (he  Deputy  Commis- 
sioner had  entered  into  communications  with  the  local  officials  of 
the  Yaw  country,  an  extensive  inland  tract  peopled  partly  by  Bur- 
mese and  partly  by  indigenous  tribes.  In  the  time  of  the  Burmese 
Government  the  people  of  Yaw  seem  to  have  enjoyed  some  approach 
to  local  autonomy  under  their  own  officials.  The  leading  men  pro- 
posed to  submit,  but  it  was  impossible  to  establish  posts,  so  the  des- 
patch of  a  force  was  postponed,  though  communications  were  kept 
up  with  the  chief  local  men  throughout  the  year.     The  whole  of 




this  wild  Iracl  therefore  remained  open  lo  the  dacoits  and  rebels 
until  early  in  1887. 

The  Minbu  district  at  first  consisted  of  the  country  on  the  north 
of  the  old  frontier  line  on  both  sides  of  the  lira- 
waddy  between  the  Arakan  hills  and  the  conti- 
nuation of  the  Pegu  Yonia.  It  extended  on  the  north  to  the  bor- 
ders of  the  Yaw  country  and  on  the  left  bank  of  the  river  as  far 
as  the  Pin  township  of  Pagan.  The  Taungdwingyi  subdivision, 
which  later  became  a  separate  district  and  later  still  changed  its 
name  to  Magwe,  comprised  the  whole  of  the  eastern  part  of  the 
Minbu  district.  The  Deputy  Commissioner  of  Minbu,  however, 
never  had  time  to  exercise  any  control  over  this  subdivision, 
and  it  practically  from  the  beginning  was  separately  administered- 
The  Minbu  (at  lirsl  called  Minhla)  district  was  constituted  under 
the  charge  of  the  late  Mr-  R.  Phayre  immediately  after  the  occu- 
pation of  the  town  of  MJnhla  in  November  1S85.  The  Deputy 
Commissioner  at  once  began  to  invite  the  submission  of  the  local 
officials  and  succeedtid  in  inducing  many  of  them  to  take  service 
under  the  new  Government.  By  the  15th  December  almost  all  the 
officials  on  the  right  bank  had  submitted  and  there  was  every  pro- 
mise of  a  speedy  settlement  of  the  district.  Outposts  were  estab- 
lished at  various  suitable  places  and  small  columns  were  sent  out  as 
occasion  demanded  to  break  up  dacoit  gatherings.  The  garrison 
left  at  Minhla  was  supported  b^  a  small  force  from  Thayetmyo, 
which  was  operating  in  Taungzm,  the  western  part  of  the  Minbu 
district  bordering  on  the  Arakan  hills.  Enquiries  concerning  rev- 
enue matters  were  at  once  instituted  by  the  Deputy  Commissioner, 
and  within  a  month  from  the  date  of  the  occupation  of  Minhla 
j^i,ooo  of  revenue  were  paid  in.  The  carlh-oil  wells  at  Yenan- 
gyaung,  which  had  yielded  a  considerable  revenue  lo  the  royal 
Government,  were  held  to  be  within  the  Minbu  district,  and  early  in 
January  arrangements  were  made  for  the  resumption  of  work  and 
the  realizalion  of  revenue.  In  spite  of  the  peaceful  appearance  of 
the  greater  part  of  the  district,  there  were,  however,  indications  of 
future  trouble.  Maung  Swfe,  the  hereditary  thugyi  of  Mindat,  had 
declined  to  submit  and  was  holding  out  In  the  Taungzin  township. 
This  man,  who  afterwards  became  very  notorious  as  Bo  Swe,  had 
long  been  known  to  the  authorities  of  the  Lower  Province  district  of 
Thayetmyo.  For  many  years  he  had  been  a  constant  source  of 
annoyance  owing  to  the  support  and  encouragement  afforded  by 
him  to  dacoits  on  the  hrontier.  More  than  once  he  had  been  recall- 
ed to  Mandalay  at  the  representation  of  the  British  Government, 
but  had  again  and  again  been  permitted  to  return.  Al  the  time 
of  the  outbreak  of  hostilities  he  was  sent  down  by  the  Mandalay 

CHAP.  IV.  ]         FIRST   VKAR    AFTIiR    ANNEXATION. 


authorities  to  his  former  jurisdiction  on  account  of  his  known  hos- 
tility to  the  Eni^lish.  Karly  in  the  year,  and  as  long  as  the  Tha- 
yetmyo  frontier  force  occupied  posts  in  I'auni^zin,  Maung  Sw6, 
though  at  times  giving  indications  of  hostile  intentions,  was  com- 
paratively powerless.  It  was  not  till  after  the  withdrawal  of  the 
Thayetmyo  troops  that  he  made  head  and  gathered  a  formidable 

In  the  latter  part  of  February  an  insurrection  broke  out  In  the 
Legaing  township  on  the  Mon  creek  and  the  post  of  Sagu  was 
attacked  and  burnt.  This  rising  was  promptly  suppressed  by  the 
military  authorities  and  the  dacoits  were  driven  to  the  hills.  The 
leader  of  the  rising  was  found  to  be  3l  pongyi  named  Okiama,  who 
Ifsoon  became  as  much  noted  as5/»  Swfe  and  gave  to  the  full  as  much 
serious  trouble.  In  March  U  Okiama  fomented  serious  disturb- 
ances in  Salin  and  Sale,  but  the  rebels  were  again  dispersed  by  the 
troops  acting  in  conjunction  with  Mr.  Phayre.  About  this  time  the 
headquarters  of  the  district  were  transferred  from  Minhla  to  Minbu. 
Revenue  continued  to  come  in  steadily  notwithstanding  these  dis- 
turbances, and  in  the  first  fortnight  of  April  as  much  as  ;^2,ooo 
were  realized.  Early  in  the  same  month  the  transfer  of  part  of 
the  Minbu  district  to  Thayetmyo  was  provisionally  effected.  The 
transfer  was  made  for  the  sake  of  administrative  convenience  and 
with  the  view  of  obliterating  the  old  border  line  between  Upper  and 
Lower  Burma.  The  final  transfer  under  legislative  sanction  was 
obtained  later. 

At  the  close  of  April  Bo  Swfe  occupied  much  of  the  country  to 
the  west  of  Minbu  and  Minhla.  He  was  attacked  in  the  middle  of 
May  and  forced  to  retreat  to  Ngapt!.-,  a  strong  position  due  west  of 
Minbu,  commanding  the  An  pass  over  the  Arakan  htlU.  But  at  the 
close  of  the  same  month  the  whole  western  part  of  the  district  was 
in  a  ferment  and  dacoit  bands  were  active  un  the  Salin  and  M6n 
creeks  and  in  the  Sale  and  Yenangyaung  townships.  Early  in 
June  great  encouragement  was  given  to  the  disaffected  by  the  death 
of  Mr.  Phayre,  who  was  killed  in  action  near  Padtin.  south  of 
Ngapfe.  At  the  time  when  Mr.  Phayre  was  killed  Rs.  1,000  had  been 
offered  for  the  capture  of  Bo  Sw^,  who  in  turn  had  offered  Rs.  500 
for  the  head  of  Mr.  Phayre.  Out  of  this  he  made  great  capital 
with  his  adherents.  Mr.  Phayre  had  arrived  at  Padein  on  the  7th 
June  and  found  the  dacoits  in  a  strong  position  inside  a  walled 
pagoda.  He  established  himself  in  another  pao;oda  200  yards  dis- 
tant and  was  fired  at  all  night,  during  which  time  the  dacoits  received 
large  reinforcements.  On  the  8th  Mr.  Phayre,  with  ten  sepoys  and 
ten  police,  attempted  to  carry  the  dacoits'  position  by  direct  attack. 


They  were  within  20  yards  of  the  pagoda  when  Mr.  Phayre  fell 
struck  by  three  bullets.  The  number  of  the  dac<Mts  was  estimated 
at  700.  The  dacoits  were  encountered  in  strength  at  Salin,  where 
Captain  Dunsford  was  killed  on  the  1 2th  June,  and  at  Ngape,  where 
a  stubbornly  contested  action  was  fought  on  the  19th  of  the  same 
month,  when  we  had  six  killed  and  23  wounded,  among  them  Lieu- 
tenant E,  P.  Williams  of  the  Liverpools.  Ngap6  was  then  occupied 
in  strength,  but  the  extreme  unhealthiness  of  the  climate  necessi- 
tated ihe  withdrawal  of  the  garrison  at  the  end  of  July.  At  the 
same  time  Salin  was  attacked  by  Oktama.  The  dacoits  were  re- 
pulsed and  finally  driven  off  by  reinforcements  under  Captain  Atldn- 
son,  who  however  was  killed  just  as  the  engagement  ended.  Ngap^ 
was  re-occupied  by  Bo  Swe  as  soon  as  it  was  evacuated  by  the 
garrison,  and  by  the  end  of  August  the  whole  of  the  western  part  of 
the  district  was  in  the  hands  of  the  rebels  and  nothing  remained  to 
us  but  a  narrow  strip  along  the  river-bank.  The  rains  and  the 
deadly  season  which  succeeds  them  in  the  water-logged  country  at 
the  foot  of  the  Yoma,  reeking  with  malaria,  which  is  fatal  to  those 
who  have  not  inherited  constitutions  fitted  to  resist  it,  prevented 
extended  operations  being  undertaken  before  the  end  of  the  year. 
A  contingent  of  the  Naval  Brigade  kept  the  river-bank  clear  and 
suppressed  the  river  pirates,  and  the  An  Pass,  which  is  almost  the 
only  practicable  route  through  the  hills  into  Arakan  was  held  by  a 
detachment  of  Gurkha  police.  But  in  the  later  months  of  1886 
U  Oktama  practically  held  the  whole  of  the  north  of  Minbu,  while 
Bo  Swfe  was  supremie  in  the  south.  These  two  had  the  strong- 
est organization  and  the  most  systematic  method  of  pillaging  the 
country  of  any  of  the  dacoit  leaders,  but  their  success  was  greatly 
aided  by  the  dense  jungle,  which  could  only  be  threaded  by  narrow 
forest  paths,  and  by  the  pestilential  airs.  The  names  of  Tainda, 
Myothit,  Ngapfe,  and  Sidoktaya  became  evilly  notorious  from  the 
deaths  which  occurred  there.  The  robber-chiefs  knew  this  well. 
Their  headquarters  were  secure  at  the  foot  of  the  hills,  and  raids  and 
incursions  thence  were  easy  lo  places  far  beyond  the  jungle  tract. 
U  Oktama  in  fact  established  his  authority  right  up  to  the  river- 
bank.  But  eariy  in  1887  Bo  Sw&,  though  he  was  still  formidable, 
ceased  to  be  a  danger,  at  any  rare  to  established  posts.  Captain 
Golightly,  with  his  mounted  infantry,  hunted  him  with  untiring  zeal, 
and  more  than  once,  especially  when  a  party  of  Gurkha  police  join- 
ed in  the  chase,  he  barely  escaped  with  his  life.  Nevertheless,  his 
orders  were  acknowledged  and  his  gangs  were  fed  and  recruited 
secretly  by  the  villagers  of  the  Myothit  and  Minhla  townships.  U 
Oktama  was  not  pressed  nearly  so  hard,  and  his  authority  not  only 
remained  but  actually  continued  to  grow.    Nevertheless,  the  revenue 



collected  in  Minbu  up  to  the  end  of  August   1886  amounted  to 
about  ;^  1 2,500. 

Soon  aher  the  Expeditionaiy  Force  crossed  the  frontier  and  the 

„        ...  Minhla  or   Minbu   district  was    formed,  it  was 

Taungdwineyi.  ,  ,  r        .i_  .        •  e     i 

found  necessary  tor  the  protection  of  the  east- 
ern part  of  the  Thayctmyo  district  to  advance  a  column  towards 
Taungdwingyi,  an  important  town  north  of  the  Myedfe  subdi- 
vision and  the  nominal  headquarters  of  the  subdivision.  On  the 
30th  November  1885  it  encountered  a  considerable  body  of  the 
enemy  al  Thiik6!i-kwin  and  on  the  2nd  December  inflicted  a 
decisive  defeat  on  them  at  Nyadaw-  Taungdwingyi  itself  was  oc- 
cupied without  further  opposition  ten  days  laier  and  Captain  {now 
Lieutenant-Colonclj  Raikes,  Deputy  Commissioner  of  Thayetmyo, 
who  had  accompanied  the  column,  at  once  set  to  wo^k  to  organize 
the  civil  administration.  Soon  afterwards  he  returned  to  Thayet- 
myo, leaving  Taungdwingyi  in  charge  of  an  Assistant  Commis- 
sioner. Later  in  the  year  the  Pin  township  was  taken  from  Pagan 
and,  with  this  addition,  Taungdwingyi  was  created  a  district  and  is 
now  known  by  the  name  of  Magwe.  Arrangements  were  made  to 
carry  on  the  administration  with  the  aid  of  local  officials  who  had 
submitted  and  to  raise  and  tiain  a  force  of  local  police.  The  severe 
loss  infliicled  on  the  insurgents  in  December  kept  the  district  quiet 
for  some  time,  but  later  disturbances  broke  out  in  several  places, 
though  I  hey  were  rather  in  the  nature  of  raids  than  of  risings.  Never- 
theless, Lieutenant  Parsons,  the  Assistant  Commissioner,  was  severe- 
ly wounded  in  the  Myedfc  township  and  Lieutenant  Churchill  of 
the  Royal  Scots  Fusiliers  at  the  assault  on  Thaikyansan.  The 
Myobin  Thugyi  who  created  trouble  in  February  was  promptly 
dealt  with,  but  later  there  were  sporadic  dacoities,  and  in  August  a 
few  houses  were  burnt  in  Taungdwingyi  itself.  The  chief  leader 
was  Min  Yaung,  who  had  a  large  follow  Ing  and  could  boast  of  ponies 
and  elephants.  He  kept  the  country  somew  hat  disturbed,  but  most 
of  his  raids  were  directed  to  the  south  and  extended  occasionally  a 
lopg  way  into  the  Thayetmyo  district.  The  Magwe  township,  later 
the  headquarters,  which  lies  on  the  river-bank,  alone  enjoyed  com- 
plete peace.  This  was  due  to  the  influence  of  the  Burman  official, 
who  had  accepted  service  under  us  and  for  a  time  apparently  loyally 
tulBlled  his  engagement, 

A  column  started  from  Toungoo  to  occupy  Nyingyan  on  the 
-,  .  24th  November  188:5.     The  country  was  found 

ma  somewhat  unsettled  condition,  but  no  orga- 
nized opposition  was  encountered  and  the  town  of  Ningyan  was 
reached  during  the  first  week  in  December.  This  place  and  the 
district,  throughout   1886,  were  known  by  the  name  of  Ningyan, 




but  later  the  old  Burmese  name  of  Pyinmana  was  adopted  and  has 
been  finally  retaioed  even  since  the  district  has  become  a  subdivi- 
sion of  Yamfelhin.  Villages  near  Pyinmana  were  early  occupied 
and  at  the  end  of  1885  the  district  was  believed  to  be  rapidly  set- 
tling down.  But  the  peacefulncss  was  only  the  deceiiful  quiet  of 
indecision.  Early  iti  January  1886  the  country  towards  the  north 
began  to  be  disturbed  by  the  Le  Wun  and  the  Theingon  thugyi, 
f,v-officials  from  the  Yamfethin  neighbourhood,  and  their  counsels 
eventually  prevailed.  From  the  first  many  of  the  local  Wuns  did 
not  submit  and  were  replaced  by  Myooks,  who  raised  and  drilled 
local  police.  In  February  the  limits  of  the  district  were  roughlv 
defined,  and  it  was  separated  from  the  Vamfethin  district  on  the 
north.  Towards  the  end  of  April,  however,  large  bands  of  dacoils 
gathered  together  and  soon  controlled  all  the  country  except  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  our  posts.  The  chief  leaders,  besides  the 
Li  JVun,  were  the  pretended  Princes  Buddha  and  Thiha  Yaza  and 
the  Kyimyindaing.  Throughout  the  rains,  in  spile  of  frequent 
military  movements  and  the  establishment  of  numerous  posts  on 
the  chief  lines  of  communication,  the,^e  gangs  remained  unbroken 
enough  to  undertake  the  offensive.  Communications  were  con- 
stantly interrupted,  launches  on  the  river  between  Sinthewa  near 
Pyinmana  and  Tonngoo  were  attacked  and  dacoities  were  com- 
mitted and  houses  burnt  not  only  in  outlying  villages,  but  even  in 
the  town  of  Pyinmana  itself,  part  of  which  was  actually  for  a  time 
in  the  hands  of  the  rebels.  Lieutenant  Shubrick  of  the  Somerset- 
shires  was  killed  in  the  village  of  Kwingyi  near  Thayagon,  6  miles 
from  Pyinmana,  while  breakfasting  after  having  destroyed  some  sur- 
rounding villages.  The  garrison  of  the  dt'^lrict  was  much  weakened 
by  sickness,  and  the  nature  of  (he  country  under  the  Shan  hills  and 
the  climate,  which  are  practically  the  same  as  the  Minbu  terai 
under  the  Arakan  Yoma,  entirely  prevented  the  undertaking  of  any 
sustained  military  opcr.itions  and  the  towi]  was  threatened  on  all 
aides.  Large  reinforcements  at  the  end  of  the  year  and  the  ener- 
getic guidance  of  General  Lockharl  broke  up  the  control  of  the 
leaders  and  kept  the  various  gangs  alw.iys  on  the  move  leaving 
them  no  rest,  night  or  day.  The  most  successful  of  the  expeditions 
was  on  :he  12th  November  1886,  when  the  camp  of  the  Kyimyin- 
daing Prince  was  surprised  at  dawn.  The  so-called  Prince  himself 
narrowly  escaped  capture  and  his  wife  was  unfortunately  shot  dead 
in  the  first  volley.  On  our  side  Lieutenant  Eckersley  of  the  Somer- 
sets was  killed.  This  action  at  once  reduced  the  pressure  on  Pyin- 
mana, but  the  danger  of  the  Yamfethin  road  had  greatly  increased. 
The  dense  bamboo  and  kaing  grass  jungles  at  Kanhla  greatly 
favoured  the  dacoits.     In  October  they  captured  a  convoy  of  17 



carts  and  on  the  1.5th  November  attacked  a  party  of  Madras  troops 
under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Anderson,  who  was  severely  wounded  in 
the  neck,  besides  which  there  were  1 1  other  casualties.  On  the  1 7th 
of  the  same  month,  however,  a  column  drove  them  from  their  rifle- 
pits  at  Kanhla,  but  with  the  lo>s  <if  Lieutenant  Greenwood  of  the 
16th  Madras  Infantry  killed.  Buddha  Yaza's  camp  was  broken  up 
shortly  afterwards  by  Colonel  Beale  of  the  Queen's,  the  dacoit  leader 
barely  escaping  on  an  dephanl  and  losing  several  jingals.  Other 
actions  soon  cleared  (he  trunk  road  and  ensured  the  safety  of 
convoys  from  the  dacoits.  But  the  hills  afforded  them  a  temporary 
refuge  and  there  were  still  large  bands  to  be  dealt  wiih,  Buddha 
Yaza  in  particular  giving  much  trouble.  As  might  be  expected, 
little  revenue  was  collected ;  the  total  realizations  up  to  the  end  of 
August  amounted  to  not  quite  ;f  2,000. 

The  Yameihin  district  at  first  included  Meiktila  and  extended  as 
,,     .  . .  far  as  the  borders  cf  Kyauksfe,  but  in  October 

Vainctnm,  ■««    -i    m  rr    r  ■.  i         ■   i 

Meiktila  was  cut  oft  from  it  and  with  some 
parts  of  Pagan  and  Myingyan  districts  became  a  separate  charge. 
Yaraithin  town  was  occupied  by  a  force  from  Pyinmana  after 
some  opposition  on  the  i8th  February  1886.  From  the  first  the 
greater  part  of  the  district  was  in  a  disturbed  state,  the  prin- 
cipal gatherings  being  those  under  the  adventurers  Buddha  and 
Thiha  Yaza,  the  Kyimylndaing  soi-disant  Prince,  the  U  IVun 
the  TheingOn  thugyi,  and  the  Mylnzalng  Prince's  leaders,  U  Paung 
and  Maung  Gyi.  The  posts  at  Meiktila,  Mahlaing,  Ytndaw,  and 
Wundwin  introduced  order  in  their  immediate  neighbourhood  and 
to  some  extent  on  the  roads  between  them,  though  in  April  Lieu- 
tenant Forbes  of  the  nth  Bengal  Infantry  in  charge  of  a  stores 
escort  was  killed  not  far  from  where  Thazi  station  now  is,  but  the 
record  of  the  greater  part  of  the  year  was  merely  an  account  of 
dacoities  and  of  expeditions,  more  or  less  temporarily  successful, 
but  never  decisively  so,  on  account  of  the  elusive  character  of  the 
dacoits  who  sometimes  even  ventured  to  attack  the  smaller  posts 
such  as  Yindaw,  At  the  end  of  the  rains  the  garrison  was  strongly 
reinforced  and  undertook  active  operations  with  considerable  suc- 
cess against  the  more  important  bands.  The  amount  of  revenue 
collected  up  to  the  end  of  November  was  over  ;f  3,500. 

The  history  of  Meiktila  for  1886  was  practically  that  of  Yamfe- 
thin.     The  garrison  was  engaged  with  the  Ya- 
""  ^'  ^'  mfethtn  dacoits  on  the  one  side  and  with  those 

of  Kyauks6  on  the  other,  while  particular  leaders,  such  as  Myat 
Hmon,  Maung  Gyi,  and  Maung  Lat,  were  the  local  troublers  of  the 
peace.  These  men  had  been  adherents  of  the  Myinzaing  till  his 
death  and  afterwards  fought  for  their  own  hand.     Over  and  over 



again  they  collected  their  men  in  the  Hmaw-alng  foot  hills  east  of 
W  uiidwiii  to  be  as  often  driven  out.  They  look  refutje  in  the  hills 
of  Yengan  and  La\vk>awk  when  hard  pressed  and  came  down  again 
when  our  troops  had  retired.  But  the  district  was  more  in  Itand 
than  any  of  its  neighbours,  except  Ava  and  Wesrern  Myingyan, 
and  Hlun  E,  a  former  Burmese  cavalry  officer,  rendered  valuable 
service  with  a  strong  force  of  horse  and  foot  which  he  raLsed  and 
maintained  at  his  own  expense. 

The  whole  of  t886  was  thus  devoted  to  the  gradual  extension  of 
British  influence  by  means  of  military  operations.  T  he  plan  on 
which  these  were  conducted  was  the  gradual  advancement  of  out- 
posts, the  dispersing  of  the  large  bands  of  dacoits,  and  the  pacifi- 
cation of  the  country  covered  by  military  stations.  In  this  process 
1 80  or  more  encounters,  of  more  or  less  importance,  were  fought. 
In  few  of  these  did  the  dacoits  offer  any  strenuous  resistance  and 
in  hardly  any  did  our  troops  fait  in  accomplishing  their  immediate 
purpose.  The  total  number  of  those  killed  in  action,  ur  who  died 
of  their  wounds  from  the  17th  November  1885  to  the  31st  October 
1886  was  officers  i  i,  men  80:  total  91. 

The  average  number  of  troops  employed  in  Upper  Burma  during 

.,.,.        ,     .,  the  vear  was  about  14,000.     In  December  1886 

Military  details.  1      '  1         1      »      •  1.  .i_ 

the  number  had  risen  to  25,000.  It  was  the 
dense  nature  of  the  jungle  through  which  they  had  often  to  pass, 
the  want  of  roads  and  facilities  of  communication,  the  unfavourable 
and  in  many  places,  the  deadly  nature  of  the  cUmate,  which  ren- 
dered this  number  of  men  necessary  and  prevented  them  from 
accomplishing  more.  Whtre  loss  of  Hfe  occurred  it  was  usually  in 
bush-fighting,  where  the  dacoits  had  the  immense  advantage  of  an 
intimau:  knowledgt:  of  the  country.  The  climate  was  more  deadly 
than  the  dacoits'  bullets.  From  the  17th  November  1885  to  the 
31st  October  1886  the  regimental  returns  showed — 



Men  (HritUh  and  sepoys)... 


Died  front 



.      930 


The  total  number  of  posts  held  in  Upper  Burma  on  the  1st  Decem- 
ber 1 886  by  British  troops  was  99,  and  at  the  same  time  there  were 
in  almost  every  district  moveable  columns  operating  separately  or 
in  combinalion. 

The  command  of  the  Expeditionary  Force  sent  against  Mandalay 
was  entrusted  to  Major-General  (now  Sir  Harrj)  Prendergast,  V,C., 



under  whom  were  Brigadier  General  White,  V.C.,C.B.,  Brigadier- 
General  Norman.  c.B.,  and  Brigadier-General  Forde.  On  the  ist 
April  1886  Sir  Harry  Prendergast  vacated  the  command  of  the 
Upper  Burma  Field  Force  and  was  succeeded  by  Major-General 
(now  Sir  George)  White,  V.c.  In  September  His  Fxcdlency  Sir 
Herbert  Macpherson,  V.C,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Madras 
Army,  assumed  command  of  the  forces  in  Burma,  but  died  very 
shortly  after  his  arrival.  Early  in  November  His  Excellency  Sir 
Frederick  Roberts,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army  ifi  India, 
arrived  in  Burma  and  established  his  headquarters  Jn  Mandalay. 
With  the  opening  of  the  year  1887  energetic  action  began  and  the 
tide  be^an  to  turn.  The  number  of  posts  held  by  troops  was 
rapidly  mcreased  to  141.  The  Officers  Commanding  these  posts 
and  the  parlies  In  the  field  had  acquired  a  knowledge  of  the  coun- 
try ui  which  they  were  working.  The  constant  pursuit  by  cavalry 
and  mounted  infantry  was  beginning  to  tell  and  the  dacoils,  both 
leaders  and  followers,  were  beginning  to  find  themselves  safe  no- 
where. Nevertheless,  of  police  there  were  as  yet  hardly  any,  and 
District  Officers  were  dependent  on  military  escorts  and  were  not 
able  to  move  about  their  districts  freely. 

The  necessity  of  supplementing  the  work  done  by  the  troops  and 
providing  perm;inently  for  the  civil  administrations  engaged  the  at- 
tention of  Sir  Charles  Bernard  as  soon  as  annexation  was  deter- 
mined on.  In  February  1886  proposals  were  framed  and  submitted 
to  the  Government  of  India  for  the  enlistment  of  two  military  police 
levies  each  to  consist  of  561  officers  and  men,  and  of  2,200  military 
police  to  be  recruited  in  NorlhtTn  India.  In  addition  to  these  it 
was  proposed  to  raise  a  small  force  of  Burmese  police  for  detective 
and  purely  police  work.  The  two  levies  were  speedily  formed  and 
consisted  of  men  who  had  already  received  military  training.  Both 
were  in  the  province  by  the  beginning  of  July.  One  was  told  off  for 
service  in  the  Mandalay  district,  with  the  intention  that  it  should 
eventually  take  up  the  pnsis  required  for  the  protection  of  the  Shan 
border ;  the  other  was  sent  for  service  in  the  Chindwin  valley.  The 
military  police  began  to  arrive  somewhat  later  and  were  for  the  most 
part  untrained  men.  These  had  all  to  be  drilled  and  disciplined  at 
Mandalay  and  other  headquarter  stations  before  being  sent  to  out- 
posts, or  on  active  service.  The  local  police  were  raised  by  Dis- 
trict Officers  as  occasion  required  and  as  circumstances  permitted, 
and  received  such  training  as  the  local  oflicers  could  supply.  The 
men  of  the  levies  did  good  service  in  the  Mandalay,  Sagalng,  and 
Chindwin  districts  ;  but  the  Mandalay  levy  suffered  severely  from 
the  effects  of  the  climate  of  Kywet-hnapa,  an  outpost  on  the  Myit- 



ngfe  in  the  Mandalay  dislricl;.     The  rest  of  the  military  police  hardly 
became  ready  for  aciive  service  during  the  year. 

As  the  situation  and  the  circumstances  o{  ihe  province  became 
more  thoroughly  realized,  and  as  the  extent  of  territory  under  admin~ 
istration  increased,  it  became  evident  that  the  numbers  of  the  police 
force  would  have  to  be  considerably  augmented.     Two  fresh  levies 
therefore  were  raised  in  the  end  of  the  year.     One  of  these,  from 
Northern   India,  was  devoted  to  the  protection  of  (he  railway  line 
from  Toungoo  to  Mandalay,  during  and  after  its  construction.    The 
other  which  was  recruited  from  Gurkhas  and  other  hill-tribesmen 
was  sent  to  Bhamo  for  service  about  Mogaung.     Finally  it  was  de- 
termined to  enlist  a  total  police  force  of  16,000,  of  which  9,000  were 
to  be  recruited  from  India  and  7,000  from  Burma,  with  the  inten- 
tion that  in  lime  the  foreign  and  local  police  were  each  to  consist 
of  8,000  men.     The  whole  of  the  force  was  subjected  to  military 
drill  and  discipline  and  was  enrolled  for  service  for  three  years. 
For  each  district  a  separate  battalion  was  to  be  formed  consisting 
of  a  fixed  numl>er  of  foreign  and  local  police,  under  the  command 
of  a  military  officer  for  the  purposes  of  training  and  discipline,  and 
under  the  ordtrs  of  the  local  Police  olficers  for  ordinary  police  work. 
Perhaps  the  most  important  step  for  the  permanent  pacification 
of  the    province   was   the   disarmament  of  the 
people.     Orders  were  issued   for  the  disarma- 
ment  of  the  whole  population,  but  practically  what  was  required 
was  a  re-distribution  of  arms  under  proper  safeguards.     Firearms 
were  collected  and  branded  with  distinctive  marks  and  numbers. 
In  the  case  oi  dacoit  leaders  and  their  followers,  or  of  rebel  vil- 
lages, the  surrender  of  a  certain  number  of  firearms  was  made  a 
condition  of  the  gram  of  pardon.     Persons  of  proved  loyalty  were 
allowed  to  retain  their  arms,  after  they  had  been  numbered,  under 
the  special  license  of  the   Deputy   Commissioner,  subject  to  the 
condition  that  the  holders  lived  in  a  village  which  was  defensible 
and  possessed  a  fixed  minimum  number  oi  arms,  so  as  to  be  capable 
of  self-protection.     It  was  found  that  the  possession  by  a  village 
of  one  or  two  muskets  only  was  a  source  of  danger  and  a  tempta- 
tion to  dacoits,  whereas  the  possession  by  loyal  house-holders  of  a 
moderately  large  supply  afforded  ihem  means  of  self-defence.     Ex- 
cept in  special  cases,  such  as  that  of  foresters  working  in  parties  of 
some  strength,  in  remote  parts  of  the  country,  licenses  to  carry 
firearms  were  not  granted.     The  hcenses  issued  only  authorized  the 
holders  to  possess  arms  for  self-protection. 

The  process  was  begun  in  the  Taungdwingyi,  Myingyan,  and 
Shwebo  districts,  and  then  extended  to  Ye-u  and  Sagaing,  and  in 
the  end  of  1886  was  prescribed  for  general  adoption. 




Although  I  his  policy  of  disarmament  was  thus  early  begun  and 
was  soon  extended  to  Lower  Burma  as  well  as  to  the  new  province, 
the  process  was  a  slow  one  and  the  final  form  of  the  license  to 
possess  arms  and  ammunition  was  not  determined  till  May  1888, 
after  many  alterations.  Licenses  were  granted  under  the  Indian 
Arms  Act  of  1878  and  covered  only  the  persons  and  arms  named 
in  them,  unless  it  was  specially  certified  to  cover  retainers  of  the 
holder.  The  license  is  voided  every  31st  of  March  and  extends 
only  to  the  particular  district  or  place  named.  No  one  is  allowed 
to  own  firearms  or  ammunition  who  does  not  live  in  a  village  which 
contains  at  least  50  houses  and  has  at  least  nine  other  license- 
holders.  The  village  itself  must  be  well  fenced  or  stockaded,  so 
as  to  prevent  its  being  rushed  and  the  ground  without  the  fence 
is  to  be  kept  clear  of  jungle  or  cover  for  the  space  of  50  yards. 
Each  license-holder  engages  to  act  as  a  special  constable,  and  to 
resist  dacoits  whenever  the  village  is  attaclced  and  to  pursue  them 
when  called  upon  by  a  competent  autfiorily,  such  as  the  headman 
of  the  village,  or  Civil,  Police,  or  Military  Officers  not  under  the 
rank  of  a  Myo6k  or  head  constable.  The  license- holder  cannot 
carry  his  firearm  beyond  the  boundaries  of  his  own  village,  unless 
in  the  pursuit  of  dacoits,  and,  if  he  leaves  his  village  for  the  night, 
has  to  deposit  his  gun  with  the  village  headman  until  his  return. 
When  actini^  under  authority  beyond  the  boundaries  of  his  own 
village  the  license-holder  wears  a  uniform  or  badge  supplied  to  him 
at  cost  price  by  the  District  Superintendent  of  pLilice.  The  gun 
must  be  produced  for  inspection  whenever  required  by  an  officer 
not  under  the  rank  of  a  Myouk  or  head  constable,  or  a  Jemadar  of 
Military  Police.  The  amount  of  ammunition  alliwed  and  to  be  ex- 
hibited on  requisition  is  J  lb.  of  powder,  50  caps,  and  a  proportionate 
quantity  of  bullets  or  buckshot,  and  this  ammunition  is  procured 
only  from  the  District  Superintendent  of  Police,  If  the  license- 
holder  lends,  loses,  or  in  any  way  parts  with  his  gun,  his  license 
and  those  of  all  other  license-holders  in  his  village  are  cancelled 
and  the  arms  are  confiscated.  These  licenses  are  liable  to  be  with- 
drawn at  any  time  at  the  discretion  of  the  Government.  Further, 
the  number  of  licenses  in  each  district  was  fixed  by  the  Chief  Com- 
missioner and  could  not  be  increased  without  his  sanction. 

The  policy  adopted  was  thus  not  that  of  depriving  loyal  and  cou- 
rageous people  of  their  means  of  protection,  if  they  had  shown 
themselves  able  and  willing  to  use  their  arms  in  their  own  defence. 
It  was  a  measure  for  depriving  dacoits  and  outlaws  of  the  means  of 
obtaining  arms  and  for  concentrating  in  defensible  positions  the 
weapons  which  were  allowed  to  remam  in  the  hands  of  the  people. 
The  wisdom  of  the  policy  was  abundantly  proved  by  its  results. 



Whenever  a  district  was  disarmed,  dacoit  bands  either  disappeared 
or  surrendered  and  the  people  settled  down  to  peace  and  ordnr.  In 
some  places  Ihe  wildne^s  of  the  country  or  other  local  causes 
delayed  the  process,  but  everywhere  eventually  the  result  was  the 
same,  and  the  people  by  degrees  grew  to  understand  that  they  would 
be  held  responsible  and  would  be  punished  for  failure  to  assist  the 
authorities  in  keeping  the  peace. 

Ye-u  was  one  of  the  districts  in  which  disarmament  was  earliest 
introduced  and  the  results  there  are  typical  of  what  came  about 
later  in  all  the  districts.  Already  in  1887  the  number  of  guns  col- 
lected was  1,088,  including  Hve  Jin^a/s,  of  which  148  were  cap- 
tured in  action.  The  greater  number  of  ihcse  were  destroyed,  only 
the  beiter-class  arms  being  retained  to  be  re-issued  to  friendly  and 
well-disposed  villages.  One  hundred  and  ninety-two  licenses  to  pos- 
sess guns  had  been  granted  and  the  minimum  then  allowed  to  vil* 
lagts  was  five  and  the  only  village  which  was  allowed  20  was  that 
of  Madinbin,  the  native  village  of  Maung  Aung  Gyi,  the  Nab^kgyi 
Myook.  who  was  loyal  from  the  very  first.  There  was  no  instance 
in  which  licensed  guns  fell  into  the  hands  of  dacoits,  and  in  seve- 
ral instances  villagers  used  their  weapons  with  good  effect  against 
dacoits.  The  result  was  apparent  in  the  list  of  dacoit  has  and  da- 
coits who  surrtMidered  or  were  captured.  These  belonged  chiefly 
to  the  gangs  of  Hla  U,  Nga  Mya,  and  Nga  Mye  Gyi.  The  num- 
ber of  leaders  who  surrendered  was  96  and  of  ordinary  dacoits  474 ; 
those  who  were  captured  were  rg  leaders  and  197  of  their  followers. 
Of  those  who  surrendered  more  than  half  were  branded  as  profes- 
sional dacoits  in  Burmese  limes.  Tliose  who  surrendered  were 
released  on  bail,  the  bos  on  Rs,  500  and  the  ordinary  dacoits  on 
from  Rs.  400  to  Rs.  200,  according  to  their  importance.  Some  of 
these  were  men  of  con-iiderable  prominence,  notably  the  Ngaya  Bo, 
Hpo  \Va,  who  was  one  of  Hla  U's  two  senior  chiefs,  and  Nga 
Maing,  his  first  cousin.  Other  bogyoks  were  Nga  Te,  Nga  Thaw, 
Tha  Aung,  Nga  Thfe,  and  Nfi^a  Teit.  Many  of  them  and  of  their 
followers  took  office  under  the  British  Governmenl  as  thugyis,  th^oe- 
fhaukgyis,  gaufigs,  and  the  like,  and  most  served  with  zeal  and  fi- 
dehly,  whik-  a  few  endangered  life  and  property  in  the  British  service. 
Tha  Aung  in  parlicubr  was  murdered  by  his  former  companions. 
Twenty-six  of  those  who  surrendered  were^^,  the  paid  bravoes  ft'ho 
formed  Ilia  U's  body-guard  and  were  the  most  daring  in  their  at- 
tacks. Of  ihecaptufL'd  hos,  only  three  were  executed— Nga  Taw,  the 
head  of  the  Kawthandi  gang ;  Nga  .Mya  Mya,  the  head  of  the  north- 
ern Tabayin  gang ;  and  Nga  Teit,  one  of  Hla  U's  most  prominent 
lieutenants.  The  rest  were  sentenced  tu  terms  of  imprisonment 
Tanging  up  to  transportation  for  life      The  Deputy  Commissioner's 


report  ends  as  follows :  "  The  general  result  of  our  action,  military 
"  and  civil,  against  dacolts  is  that  there  is  not  a  single  dacoit  leader 
"  of  the  first  class  left  to  oppose  us.  Nga  Mya  was  captured  by  the 
"  friendlies,  sentenced,  and  shot ;  Hla  U  killed  by  his  own  confeder- 
"ates;  Hantha  shot  in  action  by  the  3rd  Hyderabad  Contingent 
"  Cavalry  ;  and  Nga  Mye  Gyi  killed  while  resisting  his  arrest  by  the 
"  Burman  police  under  Myook  Po  Thein.  All  the  remaining  import- 
"  ant  leaders  have  been  captured  and  punished,  or  have  surrendered, 
"  and  are  now  on  bail  leading  peaceful  and  quiet  lives,  and  in  many  in- 
"  stances  furthering  the  interests  of  that  very  Government  which 
*'  they  so  determinedly  opposed.  The  few  leaders  that  are  still  out 
"  are  men  of  no  influence  and  have  no  following.  The  country  is 
"  being  thoroughly  scoured  by  Burman  mounted  police  under  the 
"  guidance  of  the  several  Myooks,  and  captures  of  individual  and  of 
"  entire  gangs  of  dacoits  are  almost  of  daily  occurrence.  The  dis- 
"  trict  is  perfectly  quiet  from  end  to  end,  and  old  Burmans  who  know 
"the  country  admit  that  they  have  never  known  it  so  free  from 
"  crime  and  life  and  property  more  secure." 


CHAP,  v.] 





In  1887  the  Military  force  available  was  about  32,000  men,  with 
two  Major-Generals  Commanding;  Divisions  and  six  Brigadier-Gen- 
erals, in  addition  to  the  fairly  drilled  and  disciplined  Military  Police. 
With  this  force  it  was  possible  to  carry  out  vigorous  and  combined 
offensive  operations  with  a  number  of  small  flying  columns.  Sir 
Herbert  Macpherson,  the  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Madras  Army, 
was  to  have  commanded  the  whole  of  the  Upper  Burma  Field  Force, 
but  he  died  within  a  short  time  of  his  arrival  in  the  country  and 
almost  before  the  season's  operations  had  commenced.  Sir  Freder* 
ick  Roberts,  the  Commander-in  Chief  of  the  Troops  in  India,  took  his 
place.  The  plan  adopted  was  that  special  operations  were  to  be 
undertaken  against  the  more  formidable  bands  of  dacoits  and  the 
general  occupation  of  the  country  was  to  radiate  from  the  already 
established  posts.  Whenever  police  were  available,  they  were  to 
relieve  the  troops  in  the  occupation  of  the  intermediate  posts,  with 
well  kept  up  communications  between  them  all  and  constant  and 
systematic  patrols.  Outside  these  lines  of  posts  the  chief  military 
operations  were  undertaken,  and  inside  them  the  Civil  Officers,  sup- 
ported by  the  troops  and  police,  directed  their  attention  to  the 
settlement  of  the  country. 

This  had  very  immediate  results.  At  first  the  organized  bands 
had  been  numbered  by  hundreds  and  even  thousands,  and  in  |886 
regularly  organized  columns  went  out  against  these.  It  was  seldom 
possible  to  bring  them  to  an  engagement,  and  all  that  could  ordi- 
narily be  done  was  to  disperse  them  and  drive  them  off.  This  pro- 
cess was  now  repeated  with  the  addition  that  the  gangs  were  allow- 
ed to  settle  nowhere.  Generally  speaking,  it  may  be  said  that  during 
1886  the  struggle  was  with  large  and  powerful  gangs  that  occasion- 
ally made  a  stand,  or  were  so  numerous  that  they  could  not  all  get 
off  the  ground  before  the  British  column  fell  on  them.  The  sym- 
pathy of  the  people  was  ihen  largely  with  them  and  Government 
had  little  authority  outside  its  posts,  or  beyond  the  neighbourhood 
of  its  columns,  while  as  soon  as  these  retired  the  dacoits  gathered 
together  again. 

During  1887  the  large  bands  were  broken  up  and  their  place  was 
taken  by  smaller  gangs.     These  had  still  a  strong  hold  on  certain 



villages,  but  many  other  Ullages  had  beguTi  to  submit.  In  these  the 
dacoit  leaders  tried  to  maintain  their  influence  by  terrorism,  plain 
brigandage,  torture,  and  murder.  It  was  a  year  in  most  districts  of 
hardly  any  open  fighting,  of  many  violent  crimes,  of  endless  pursuit 
of  ever -concealed  outlaws.  To  say  the  truth  the  outlaws  with  their 
means  of  getting  early  intelligence  of  the  movement  of  troops  and 
their  system  of  terrorism  maintained  thcmselveslittle,  if  atall  reduc- 
ed in  numbers.  But  sustained  action  and  dogged  persistence  in 
spite  of  disappointments  had  their  inevitable  result  in  the  end.  The 
leaders  were  one  by  one  killed,  captured,  driven  into  isolation,  and 
flight  beyond  the  frontier,  or  were  forced  to  surrender.  The  gangs 
steadily  decreased  in  number  and  strength ;  they  received  less  and 
less  accession  of  men,  and  consequently  less  support  and  protection 
from  the  villagers,  as  their  numbers  became  reduced  to  the  original 
nucleus  of  confirmed  bad  characters,  and  public  feeling  became 
more  and  more  enlisted  on  the  side  of  law  and  order.  Within 
two  years  a  great  part  of  Upper  Burma  was  as  free  from  trouble 
as  the  Lower  Provmces.  Some  districts,  where  wide  tracts  of  un- 
cultivated forest,  miles  of  water-logged  country,  reeking  with  mala- 
ria, or  confused  tangles  of  scrub-jungle  and  ravines  offered  the 
dacoits  safe  retreats,  were  not  reduced  to  order  for  a  year  or  two 
longer,  but  the  result  was  the  same  everywhere  and,  when  the  armed 
bands  were  done  with,  there  was  actually  much  less  crime  in  Upper 
than  in  Lower  Burma. 

But  this  was  not  effected  without  very  great  toil  and  consider- 
able loss  of  life.  The  advance  on  and  the  taking  of  Mandalay  were 
the  merest  trifle,  little  more  than  an  object  lesson  in  militar)'  move- 
ments and  instructive  manoeuvres  for  the  subsidiary  departments, 
compared  with  the  work  of  the  pacification.  That  was  a  perpetual 
record  of  acts  of  gallantry  which  passed  unnoticed  because  they 
were  so  constant ;  of  endless  marches  by  night  and  by  day,  through 
dense  jungle,  where  paths  could  hardly  be  traced,  over  paths  which 
were  so  deep  in  mud  that  men  could  hardly  march  over  them  and 
animals  stuck  fast,  over  stretches  where  no  water  was  to  be  found  andj 
nothing  grew  but  thorn-bushes,  over  hills  where  there  were  no  paths  at 
all ;  and  with  all  this  but  rarely  the  chance  of  an  engagement  to  cheer 
the  men,  stockades  found  empty,  villages  deserted,  camps  evacuated, 
endless  disappointments,  and  yet  everywhere  the  probability  of  an 
ambuscade  in  every  clump  of  trees,  at  any  turn  of  the  road,  from  each 
stream  bed,  line  of  rocks,  or  ravine.  The  difficulties  were  also  greatly 
increased  by  the  fact  that  by  far  the  greater  portion  of  the  country 
was  absolutely  unknown  and  that  for  long  it  was  difficult  to  get 
competent  guides,  in  some  cases  owing  to  the  want  of  goodwill  on 
the  part  of  the  inhabitants,  but  far  too  often  because  of  the  treat- 

CHAP,  v.] 



ment  the  guides  afterwards  met  with  at  the  hands  of  the  dacoits 
or  their  friends.  Many  were  murdered,  others  had  their  ears 
cropped  off,  the  more  lucky  only  had  their  cattle  stolen  and  their 
houses  burnt.  It  is  impossible  to  give  a  connected  history  of  such 
a  campaign,  because  it  consisted  of  entirely  disconnected  incidents 
and  yet  it  called  for  constant  individual  courage  and  unflagging 
endurance  with  no  such  cheering  incidents  as  the  charge  of  a  Zulu 
impi,  or  the  storming  of  a  position  stubbornly  held.  It  is  the 
fashion  to  call  the  Burman  a  coward,  but  the  accusation  is  not  fair. 
He  would  have  been  a  fool  if  he  had  accepted  battle  with  flintlocks 
and  Brown  Besses  to  oppose  against  case  shot  and  machine  guns. 
The  character  of  the  country  made  it  impossible  to  launch  masses 
armed  with  da  and  spear  against  British  companies,  and  the  only 
alternative  to  this  was  ambushes.  TIic  dacoit  fired  off  his  gun  and 
(hen  ran  to  some  place  a  couple  of  miles  off  where  He  could  6nd 
time  to  load  it  again  without  being  disturbed.  This  was  undoubted- 
ly his  proper  course,  but  it  made  operations  very  arduous.  Moreover, 
it  is  hardly  an  exaggeration  to  say  that  the  whole  population  was 
in  sympathy,  in  one  way  or  another,"  with  the  dacoits,  though  this 
did  not  necessarily  imply  any  personal  aversion  to  British  authority. 
The  Burman,  though  he  cannot  be  described  as  warlike  in  the  ordi- 
nary sense  of  the  term,  has  a  traditional  and  deep-rooied  love  of 
desultory  fighting,  raiding,  gang-robbery,  and  similar  kinds  of  excite- 
ment. Villages  had  long-standing  feuds  with  villages,  and  many 
young  peasants,  otherwise  respectable,  spent  a  season  or  two  as 
dacoits  without  in  any  way  losing  their  reputation  with  their  fellow- 
villagers.  If  there  were  any  under  native  rule  who  had  scruples 
about  engaging  in  daooity  pure  and  simple,  they  had  always  plenty 
of  opportunity  tor  leading  a  very  similar  mode  of  life  as  partisans  of 
one  of  the  numerous  pretenders  to  the  throne,  one  or  more  of  whom 
were  every  now  and  again  In  open  revolt  against  the  de  facto  sove- 
reign. As  the  monarchy  was  hereditary  only  in  the  sense  of  being 
confined  to  the  members  of  the  Alaungpaya  family,  each  scion  of  the 
royal  line  considered  himself  justified  in  raising  the  banner  n(  in- 
surrection if  he  imagined  that  he  had  a  fair  chance  of  success,  and  he 
could  generally  plead  in  justification  of  his  conduct  that  his  success- 
ful rival  on  the  throne  had  endeavoured  to  put  him  and  all  his  near 
male  relations  to  death.  These  various  elements  of  anarchy  no 
king  of  Burma,  not  even  King  Mind6n,  who  was  generally  loved  and 
respected,  was  ever  .ible  to  suppress.  Sometimes  a  sovereign  of  un- 
usual energy  obtained  comparative  tranquillity  for  a  short  period  by 
executing  or  imprisoning  all  his  more  formidable  rivals,  and  by  em- 
ploying energetic  leaders  who  could  break  up  the  larger  gangs  of 
dacoits,  but  such  periods  of  tranquillity  seldom  lasted  long,  be- 



cause  the  efforts  to  organize  a  regular  army  and  an  efficient  police 
were  always  neutralized  by   the  incapacity  of  the  officials  and  the 
obstinate  repugnance  of  the  people  to  ail  kinds  of  discipline.     This 
had  been  the  ordinary  state  of  the  country,   and  in  King  Thibaw's 
time  these  ordinary  evils  were  rather  more  pronounced  than  usual. 
In   his   reign  the  authority  of  the  Government  latterly    did    not 
extend   much  beyond  the  district  of  Mandalay  and  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  the    main  routes  of  communication,  and,  even 
within  this  limited  area,  there  was  an  increasing  amount  of  anarchy 
and  niatadministralion.     Not  a  few  of  the  Ministers  were  in  league 
with  the  dacoii   leaders,  who  roamed  about   Thibaw's  dominions 
and  occasionally,  like  Bo  Shwe,  disturbed  the  peace  of  the  British 
frontier  districts.     All  this  existed  before  Mandalav  was  taken,  and 
the  situation  was  aggravated  by  our  easy  and  rapid  success  in  the 
advance  on  the  capital,  and  still  more  by  the  delay  which   followed 
in  determining  what  was  to  be  done  with  the  country.     The  history 
of  the  pacification  of  Pegu  was  much  the  same.     It  was  less  than 
quarter  the  area  and  with  less  than  one-third  of  the  population  of 
Upper  Burma,  excluding  the  Shan  States  ;  it  was  far  more  accessible 
and,  although  our  efforts  were  supported  by  a  very  large  military 
force,  by  local  levies,  and  by  gun-boats  which  could  operate  in  the 
net-work  of   tidal  streams,  forming  the   Irrawaddy  delta,  yet  at  the 
end  of  the  first  year  of  the  occupation  broad  districts  were  still   in 
the  hands  of  insurgents  and  robber  chiefs.     At  the  end  of  the  second 
year  large  bands  of  robbers  and  rebels  were  still  at  large  and  great 
tracts  remained  into  which   British   influence   had  not    extended. 
During  the  third  year  parts  of  the  country  were  still  much  disturbed 
and  British  officers  could  not  move  about  without  an  escort;  occa- 
sional reverses  befell  our  troops  and  large  rewards  for  tlie  apprehen- 
sion of  robber  leaders  were  offered  in  vain.     One  notable  guerilla 
chief,  for  whose  capture  a  reward  of  over  Rs.  20,000  was  offered, 
dominated  and  harried  the  Tharrawaddy  district  for  several  years  and 
finally  retired   to  Mandalay,   where   his   descendants  liow   live  in 
prosperity.     It  was  not  until  1861,  or  eight  years  after  the  annexa- 
tion, that    the  province   entered  fairly  on   peace  and  contentment. 
With  greater  difficulties  and  fewer  advantages,  Upper  Burma  was 
pacified  in  half  that  time. 

The  situation  which  met  us  when  annexation  had  been  determin- 
ed on  was  this — When  the  local  authorities  beyond  the  reach  of  our 
earlier  posts  found  ihat  I  hey  were  not  supported  or  controlled  by 
any  central  authority  from  Mandalay,  ihey  either  commenced  to 
rule  their  districts  themselves,  or  they  were  frightened  off  by  local 
dacolt  leaders  or  rivals  and  made  the  best  of  their  way  to  the  near- 
est British  station.     There  was  naturally  a  good  deal  of  compe- 

CHAP,  v.] 



tition  among  the  upstart  rulers,  and  each  one  set  about  strength- 
ening his  position  and  extending  his  influence  as  far  as  he  could. 
Professional  dacoits  naturally  formed  a  strong  nucleus  of  such 
bands  and,  when  we  came  in  contact  with  them,  compromised  the 
character  of  all  the  rest.  The  usual  plan  adopted  was  to  send 
round  orders  to  different  villages  to  provide  a  certain  number  of 
guns  and  a  certain  number  of  men  who  were  to  rendezvous  at  a 
named  spot.  This  order  was  generally  accompanied  by  a  demand 
for  money.  In  this  way  in  populous  districts  huge  bands  were 
collected  in  a  very  short  time  and  the  villages  that  had  refused  to 
comply  with  the  orders  were  promptly  attacked,  for  even  later  it 
was  very  seldom  that  the  dacoits  attacked  our  troops.  It  often 
happened  that  one  dacoit  bo  would  summon  a  village  that  had 
supplied  men  or  arms  to  another  bo,  and  such  incidents  establislied 
a  feud  between  the  two  bands.  It  was  very  rarely  that  two  neigh- 
bouring dacoit  bands  were  on  friendly  terms  with  each  other,  but 
this  was  in  no  sense  an  assistance  to  our  troops.  These  were  re- 
garded at  first  certainly  as  opposition  bands  starting  opposition 
bos  in  their  districts.  To  starve  one  another  and  our  troops  out 
they  exercised  a  complete  terrorism.  The  village  that  refused  to 
help  them  or  the  village  that  assisted  any  other  band,  whether 
British  or  Burmese,  was  burned  and  plundered  on  the  first  oppor- 
tunity ;  and  they  maintained  their  authority  against  that  of  the 
British  by  exerting  this  terrorism  on  the  country,  rather  than  by 
fighting  the  troops.  A  band  of  from  a  couple  of  hundred  to  per- 
haps 4,000  would  collect  with  a  certain  object.  When  that  was 
accomplished  they  dispersed.  If  they  were  attacked  by  our  troops, 
they  almost  invariably  melted  away.  They  had  no  intention  of 
fighting  us  and  never  stood  unless  they  were  forced  to.  If  they 
were  lucky  and  killed  one  or  two  soldiers,  their  prestige  increased  ; 
if  they  were  unlucky  and  lost  some  men  themselves,  these  victims 
were  considered  fools  for  not  getting  out  of  the  way  of  the  soldiers 
and  the  remainder  re-assembled  the  next  time  they  were  summoned, 
not  in  the  least  degree  demoralized.  The  villagers  for  long  would 
give  our  troops  not  the  very  least  assistance  or  information  for  a 
variety  of  reasons.  At  first  undoubtedly  they  did  not  care  to  do 
it ;  as  often  as  not  they  would  not,  because  the  bands  opposed  to 
us  were  composed  of  themselves,  their  friends,  and  their  relatives; 
and  again  they  had  no  particular  desire  to  be  rid  of  their  local 
leader.  They  knew  him  and  they  knew  the  lengths  he  would  go, 
and  many  of  these  bos  ruled  with  discretion  and  moderation  where 
they  were  supported  and  not  thwarted.  Moreover,  it  was  found 
that  assistance  could  not  with  justice  be  accepted,  even  If  profler- 
red  from  villagers  who  did  not  live  under  the  immediate  protection, 



err  witliin  ea^  str&mg  distance,  of  an  esubfished  miUuiy  pose 
Unless  ihcf  were  afterwards  protected,  pmtfbinent  by  the  dacohs 
was  certain  to  follow  aid  or  information  given  to  oar  colainns 

The  general  procedure  of  a  band  of  dacoits  was  to  approadi  the 
village  to  be  dacoited  soon  after  dark.  WTien  they  got  dose  tbey 
began  to  fire  ofl  their  guns.  Usually  the  villagers  bolted  and  then 
the  dacoits  ransacked  the  houses  and  burnt  them  when  they  left. 
If  the  dacoit  fire  was  replied  to,  they  made  off,  unless  their  band 
was  large,  or  they  set  the  viUage  on  fire  by  throwing  disks  of  burn- 
ing oiled  rope  on  the  thatch  roofs.  The  people  then  seized  their 
V2Uuables  and  made  off  with  them  and  were  looted  br  the  dacoits 
as  they  went.  As  a  rule  dacoits  did  not  attadc  villages  which 
they  found  alert  and  awake  ;  hence  it  was  a  very  comnwn  custom 
for  the  villagers  to  fire  off  their  guns  in  the  air  from  lime  to  time 
during  the  night,  and,  when  there  was  any  disturbance  in  a  village 
at  night,  all  the  inhabitants  rattled  their  bamboos  to  show  that 
they  were  awake. 

Every  village  surrounded  itself  with  impenetrable  hedges  of  prickly- 
pear,  or  with  matted  lines  of  dry  brambles  and  thorns  which  coiud 
not  be  rushed  and  were  very  dimcult  to  cut  a  way  through.  Behind 
this  hedge  there  often  stood  a  sort  of  mtrad&rs,  look-out  posts,  or 
crow's  nests,  placed  at  inten'als  all  round.  Any  village  that  was 
thriving,  or  that  was  worth  dacoiting,  could  be  told  at  once  by  the 
appearance  of  its  defences;  but  this  was  no  guide  in  the  early  years 
of  the  occupation  as  to  its  character,  since  for  a  long  time  the  most 
thriving  villages  were  the  headquarters  of  the  different  gangs  of 
dacoits,  and  later  they  often  supplied  food  to  the  robber  bands 
camped  in  the  jungle  near  at  hand.  A  favourite  site  for  a  camp, 
when  our  flying  columns  had  rendered  the  villages  no  longer  safe, 
was  in  the  dry  bed  of  a  nullah,  or  in  a  dense  expanse  of  kain^  grass. 
In  such  places  when  a  fire  was  kindled,  they  fanned  it  with  a  circu- 
lar piece  of  wicker-work  called  a  ban,  in  order  to  prevent  the  smoke 
from  ascending.     This  was  not  so  necessarj'  in  forest  jungle. 

As  regards  the  atrocities  committed  by  the  dacoits,  they  were 
very  seldom  wanton.  There  were  many  instances  of  the  most 
barbarous  and  inhumane  practices,  but  these  were  exceptional  cases 
for  the  extortion  of  evidence,  or  to  find  where  treasure  was  buried  ; 
on  such  occasions  they  spared  neither  age  nor  sex.  The  cases  of 
crucifixion,  of  which  so  much  was  heard,  were  not  what  we  under- 
stand by  the  term.  A  man  was  tied  to  the  frame-work  to  be  killed 
occasionally,  but  usually  he  was  killed  before  he  was  crucified.  Any 
man  who  was  killed  while  out  dacoiting  was  tied  up  on  a  crucifix  by 
the  villagers,  and  so  were  thieves  who  had  been  executed  and  any 

CHAP,  v.] 



objectionable  person  who  met  his  death  by  violence.  The  body  was 
always  ripped  up  after  death,  which  gave  the  appearance  of  cruelty. 
What  torture  there  was,  assumed  the  form  of  spread-eagling  the  vic- 
tim in  the  sun,  crushing  the  limbs  between  bamboos,  or  suspension 
head  downwards  in  the  stocks  ;  and  to  that  the  villagers  were  accus- 
tomed for  non-payment  of  revenue.  Crucified  persons  were  not 
buried,  and  in  consequence  crucifixes,  old  and  new,  occupied  and  un- 
occupied, were  seen  all  over  the  country  and  were  constantly  met 
with,  for  they  were  usually  set  up  in  conspicuous  places,  at  cross- 
roads or  outside  villages.  But  they  were  by  no  means  always  or 
indeed  usually  traceable  to  the  dacoits. 

The  inordinate  national  vanity,  which  forms  so  prominent  a  trait 
in  the  Burmese  character,  leads  them  to  the  deepest  admiration 
for  a  person  of  royal  blood,  and  thus  the  survivors  of  the  palace 
massacres  had  followers  almost  thrust  upon  themj  while  adventurers 
found  it  very  easy  to  gull  the  population,  which  they  did  all  the  more 
easily  because  the  strictest  Court  ceremonies  were  maintained  in 
their  bands  ;  ministers  were  appointed  ;  royal  orders  were  issued, 
scratched  in  proper  form  on  tapering  palmyra  leaves ;  proclamations 
were  issued  stamped  with  lion,  or  rabbit,  or  peacock  seals;  huts  in 
which  the  leaders  lived  were  called  temporary  palaces  and  the  bands 
royal  armies.  If  there  was  no  gold  and  silver  plate,  then  they  ate  off 
plantain  leaves,  for  royalty  alone  should  eat  off  such  a  leaf. 

The  country  in  which  these  bands  were  hunted  down  was  by  no 
means  easy  and  it  had,  broadly  speaking,  three  different  characteris- 
tics, each  of  which  had  special  difficulties.  These  physical  features 
were  the  lowlying  alluvial  tracts^  the  sandy  and  comparatively 
speaking  dry  tracts,  and  the  hilly  and  jungly  tracts.  The  alluvial 
tracts,  of  wHich  the  country  round  Mandalay  or  Kyauksfe  is  typical, 
are  extensively  irrigated  and  almost  exclusively  under  rice  crops. 
From  February  lo  May  they  are  hard  and  dry  and  are  traversable 
in  any  direction  ;  for  the  rest  of  the  year  they  are  either  under  culti- 
vation, or  they  become  swamps  and  are  only  just  practicable  for 
transport  animals,  so  that  rapid  movements  are  out  of  the  question 
Trees  and  patches  of  jungle  everywhere  confined  the  view  to  a  few 
hundred  yards.  Except  in  the  dry  season,  mounted  men  could  not 
operate  and  infantry  last  sight  and  touch  of  the  flying  enemy  in  a 
very  short  time.  It  was  in  this  sort  of  country  that  the  largest 
dacoit  bands  collected,  numbering  in  the  earlier  days  as  many  as 
3,000  or  4,000.  The  temporary  auxiliaries  easily  vanished,  when 
attacked,  into  the  numerous  villages  and  the  nucleus  of  professional 
robbers  had  retreats  in  dense  jungle,  the  locality  of  which  was  only 
learnt  after  repeated  disappointments. 




[  CHAP.  V. 

TTie  sandy  tracts  are  found  in  the  country  between  the  Panlang 
and  the  Irrawaddy  and  generally  midway  between  the  greater  rivers — 
the  Irrawaddy,  the  Chindwin.and  the  Mu.  Inside  these  there  were 
always  stretches  of  swarapy  cuUivation^  but  except  for  these  the 
country  was  practicable  all  the  year  round.  The  water,  however,  is 
often  brackish  for  miles  at  a  stretch ;  the  vegetation  is  thorny  scrub 
jungle  in  bushes  or  patches,  with  no  shelter  for  the  greater  part  of  the 
day,  and  maize  and  millet  and  palmyra  palm  sugar  were  what  the 
bulk  of  the  people  lived  on  and  were  the  only  supplies  available. 
In  such  tracts  the  gangs  seldom  numbered  more  than  200  or  300, 
but  the  one  band  ranjjed  over  a  very  wide  area. 

The  hilly  and  jungly  tracts  were  those  in  which  the  dacoits  held 
out  longest.  Such  were  the  country  between  Minbu  and  Thayet- 
myo  and  the  teraial  the  foot  of  Ihe  Shan  Hills  and  the  Arakanand 
Cnin  Hills.  Here  pursuit  was  impossible.  The  tracts  are  narrow 
and  tortuous  and  admirably  adapted  for  ambuscades.  Except  by 
the  regular  paths,  there  were  hardly  any  means  of  approach  ;  the 
jungle  malaria  was  fatal  to  our  troops;  a  column  could  only  pene- 
trate the  jungle  and  move  on.  The  villages  are  small  and  far  between ; 
they  are  generally  compact  and  surrounded  by  dense  impenetrable 
jungle.  The  paths  were  either  just  broad  enough  for  a  cart,  or  very 
narrow,  and,  where  they  led  through  jungle,  were  overhung  with 
brambles  and  thorny  creepers.  A  good  deal  of  the  dry  grass  and 
undenvood  is  burned  in  March,  but  as  soon  as  the  rains  commence 
the  whole  once  more  becomes  impassable. 

Unmade  cart  tracks  were  found  almost  everywhere.  In  the  sandy 
tracts  they  were  open  all  the  year  round,  but  in  the  alluvial  districts 
carts  could  not  ply  from  June  till  November.  None  of  the  roads 
were  anything  but  lines  cleared  of  tree  growth.  They  were  never 
made  and  rarely  tended  and  the  wheels  of  the  country  carts  cut 
ruts  a  foot  and  eighteen  inches  deep  and  that  ordinarily  only 
on  one  side  of  the  road  at  a  time,  so  that  no  wheeled  con- 
veyances, except  country  carts,  could  go  over  them.  Columns 
could  never  advance  along  cart  tracks  on  a  broader  front  than 
infantry  fours  and  along  pack  tracks  only  in  single  file.  It  was 
not  surprising  therefore  that  the  earlier  columns  were  compared 
by  the  Burmese  to  a  buffalo  forcing  his  way  through  elephant 
grass.  The  reeds  (and  the  dacoits)  closed  up  again  immediately 
after  the  passage.  Unless  a  gang  was  come  up  with  before  it 
dispersed,  it  was  quite  impossible  to  do  anything,  and  in  a  populous 
or  jungly  district  the  biggest  band  would  completely  rnelt  away 
in  20  minutes.  As  the  dacoits  so  rarely  stood  and  when  at- 
tacked disappeared  so  quickly,  columns  composed  entirely  of  in- 

CHAP,  v.] 



fantr)'  operated  at  a  great  disadvantage.  They  would  have  to 
march  for  five  or  six  hours»  pushing  on  as  fasl  as  they  could  and 
making  a  circuit  over  unfrequented  paths  and  in  the  end  had  to  go 
in  straight  for  the  position,  for  if  they  halted  a  moment  the  dacoits 
would  have  vanished.  To  follow  them  up  for  long  was  impossible, 
for  the  gang  spread  in  every  direction ;  ihey  were  slightly  clad,  fresh, 
knew  the  country,  and  could  keep  out  of  sight  in  patches  of  jungle 
and  villages  ;  therefore  in  the  second  year's  operalioiis  great  use  was 
made  of  cavalry  and  mounted  infantry.  They  could  surprise  the 
bands  by  their  rapid  movements,  they  could  outstrip  spies  and 
when  they  came  upon  a  gang  they  kept  them  in  sight  and  in  touch 
so  that  some  punishment  was  always  inHicted  and  the  dispersal 
was  the  more  complete  and  alarming.  It  was  only  in  the  hills  and 
in  dense  jungle  that  the  mounted  infantry  could  not  operate,  and  it 
was  only  there  that  serious  opposition  existed  after  the  cold  weather 
of  1S87.  Even  in  such  places  they  were  able  to  effect  much  by 
the  distances  which  they  could  cover. 

At  the  beginning  of  1887  the  administration  of  the  Upper  and 
Lower  Provinces  was  practically  distinct,  although  both  were  nomi- 
nally under  the  Chief  Commissioner.  A  special  Commissioner,  Mr. 
Hodgkinson,  was  stationed  in  Rangoon  and  controlled  the  lower 
prowce,  while  the  Chief  Commissioner  remained  almost  entirely 
in  Mandalay.  The  Secretariat  for  Upper  Burma  was  located  in 
Mandalay  and  was  distinct  from  that  of  Lower  Burma.  After  the 
spring  of  1887  great  changes  for  the  better  took  place  and  much 
progress  was  made  in  the  introduction  of  order  and  settled  adminis- 
tration. In  May  therefore,  when  Mr.  Hodgkinson's  services  were 
requited  elsewhere,  the  Chief  Commissioner  assumed  the  immediate 
control  of  both  parts  of  the  province.  For  a  time  it  was  found 
necessary  to  continue  the  system  of  administering  Upper  Burma 
with  a  Secretariat  in  Mandalay  and  Lower  Burma  with  a  Secretariat 
in  Rangoon.  But  as  soon  as  possible  this  arrangement,  which  had 
many  inconveniences,  was  abandoned,  and  from  the  latter  part  of 
1887  the  combined  Secretariat  establishment  was  stationed  at  the 
headquarters  of  Government  in  Rangoon.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
year  the  Upper  and  Lower  Burma  Medical  establishments  were 
amalgamated  and  somewhat  later  a  similar  reform  was  introduced 
in  Public  Works  administration.  A  later  administrative  change  of 
much  importance  was  the  appointment  of  a  Financial  Commissioner 
and  later  still  the  Police  Departments  of  Upper  and  Lower  Burma 
were  united  under  one  Inspector-General,  so  that  all  branches  of  the 
public  service  in  both  divisions  of  the  province  were  united  under 
the  several  departmental  heads. 



This  was  made  possible  by  the  systematic  operations  which  have 
been  outlined  above.  The  Mandalay  district 
iritts'tn^iS'-sa'  ^^  ^'^*  reduced  to  order  with  conspicuous  success. 
The  dacoit  leaders  who  throughout  1886,  and 
for  some  time  during  the  year  1S87,  practically  administered  large 
parts  of  the  district,  were  either  captured,  driven  out,  or  had  sur- 
rendered.  The  town  of  Mandalay  itself,  which 
necessarily  was  the  centre  of  any  political  intrigue 
or  discontent  that  might  exist,  remained  undisturbed  by  any  serious 
outbreak  after  April  1S86.  Since  the  beginning  of  1S87  it  has 
been  as  free  from  serious  crime  as  any  town  in  India.  A  Munici- 
pality was  established,  and  the  Committee,  which  comprised  re- 
presentatives of  all  classes  of  the  community,  set  vigorously  to 
work.  Many  good  roads  were  made,  the  principal  quarters  were 
well  lighted,  and  a  very  large  number  of  substantial  masonry  houses 
were  erected.  In  the  beginning  of  1887  the  condirion  of  the  district 
was  very  far  from  being  as  satisfactory  as  that  of  the  town.  The 
south-eastern  portion  about  Pylnulwin  was  troubled  by  the  Setkya 
pretender,  who  was  reported  in  August  18S7  to  have  a  permanent 
following  of  200  men  and  to  be  able  to  call  out  300  more  when 
requirecT  In  an  attack  on  one  of  his  positions  Lieutenant  Darrah, 
As.sistant  Commissioner  at  Maymyo,  was  killed,  Nga  ToandJ^ga 
Yaing  held  the  islands  of  the  Irrawaddy  and  were  harbourea  and 
supported  by  the  villages  near  the  river-bank  on  the  borders  of 
Mandalay,  Shwebo,  and  Sagaing.  Nga  To  was  especially  active 
and  in  1888  burnt  a  village  almost  under  the  walls  of  Mandalay. 
Nga  Zeya  held  the  tract  o7  country  known  as  Yegi-Kyabin  to  the 
north  and  north-east  of  the  district.  Among  many  minor  leaders 
may  be  mentioned  Nga  Pan  Gaing,  Nga  Lan,  Nga  Thein,  Nga 
Tha  Aung,  Nga  Tha  Slaung,  Nga  Aung  Min,  and  Nga  Lu.  The 
whole  district  outside  the  walls  of  Mandalay  was  more  or  less  under 
the  influence  of  these  leaders,  who  levied  contributions  on  the  villages 
in  the  tracts  which  they  dominated.  By  steady  perseverance,  and 
without  demanding  more  than  occasional  assistance  from  the  troops, 
the  district  was  freed  from  all  these  leaders.  Three  were  killed, 
seven  were  captured,  and  25  surrendered.  The  Setkya  pretender 
was  driven  first  into  Kyauksfe  district  and  then  into  the  Shan  States. 
He  was  captured  there  and  sent  to  Kyauksfe,  where  he  was  tried 
and  executed.  Nga  Yaing's  gang  was  dispersed  and  he  himself 
was  captured  and  executed  at  Shwebo.  Nga  Zeya,  at  one  time  the 
most  formidable  of  all,  was  drivenoutof  the  district  and,  afteriaking 
refuge  for  some  time  on  the  borders  of  Tawng  Peng  and  Mong 
Mit,  moved  into  Chinese  territory.  Nga  To,  the  last  of  the  leaders 
who  gave  serious  trouble,  was  hotly  pursued  in  the  early  months  of 

CHAP,  v.] 



1889  and  every  member  of  his  gang  was  either  killed,  captured,  or 
compelled  to  surrender,  though  Nga  To  himself  escaped.  The 
only  source  of  trouble  who  remained  was  Kyaw  Zaw,  one  of  the 
Setkya  pretender's  lieutenants,  who  hung  about  in  the  hills  on  the 
borders  of  the  Pyinulwm  subdvivision  and  Kyaukse.  What  crimes 
there  were  were  the  acts  of  local  criminals  and  not  of  standing 
bands.  Survey  operations  were  begun  and  regular  methods  of 
administration  everjwhere  introduced.  In  the  open  season  thou- 
sands of  pack-bullocks  and  pedlars  carrying  loads  began  to  come 
down  from  the  Shan  States  and  from  China.  The  Municipal  re- 
turns showed  that  the  trade  by  the  Hsipaw  route  had  doubled.  In 
1887-88,  13,300  pack-bullocks  with  merchandise  valued  at  Rs. 
4,56,518  entered  Mantlalay.  In  1888-89  ^^^  number  of  laden  bul- 
locks was  27,170,  and  the  value  of  the  goods  Rs.  7,30,279.  The 
town  and  district  of  Mandalay  had  not  been  so  peaceful  and  secure 
since  the  time  of  Mlndon  Min,  and  dacoity  and  cattle-lifting  had 
never  been  so  rare.  In  some  instances  dacoit  leaders  of  note  ac- 
cepted service  under  Government  and  did  good  work  in  assisting  to 
maintain  order.  The  revenue  collections  in  1887-88  amounted  lo 
^83,326  as  compared  with  ^39,072  in  the  previous  year. 

The  Bhamo  district  remained  fairly  quiet  and  in  fact  was  only  dis- 
g.  turbed,   except  in  the  Mogaung  subdi\ision,  by 

occasional  raids  of  Kachins  from  the  hills.  Oper- 
ations against  the  Kachin  tribesmen  are  dealt  with  separately.  It 
is  therefore  only  necessary  to  say  here  that  in  some  instances  re- 
prisals were  inflicted  by  punitive  expeditions  sent  to  destroy  the 
mountain  fastnesses  of  the  raiders,  while  in  others  negotiations  for 
the  purpose  of  obtaining  satisfaction  were  successfully  conducted. 
In  one  case  mounted  infantry  from  Bhamo,  under  Captain  Couch- 
man,  pursued  the  marauders,  came  up  with  them  before  they  reach- 
ed the  hills,  and  inflicted  signal  chastisement.  It  was  believed 
that  most  of  these  raids  were  planned  or  suggested  by  the  adherents 
of  Saw  Yan  Naing,  the  son  of  the  Metkaya  Prince,  and  by  Hkam 
Leng,  the  claimant  of  M6ng  Leng  and  Mong  Mit,  who  escaped 
from  custody  at  Katha.  Possibly  they  also  were  responsible  for 
the  appearance  on  the  Mole  stream,  north-east  of  Bhamo,  of  a  band 
chiefly  composed  of  deserters  from  the  Chinese  army  and  Chinese 
outlaws  generally.     These  were,  however,  very  promptly  dispersed. 

The  Ponkan  Kachins,  who  defied  our  authority  successfully  in 
1886,  and  afterwards  raided  within  a  few  miles  of  Bhamo  itself,  also 
it  is  supposed,  in  collusion  with  Hkam  Leng,  were  punished  and 
compelled  lo  make  terms,  and  this  was  accomplished  almost  without 
opposition.  A  militar)'  force  under  General  Wolseley  occupied  the 
principal  village  of  the  tribe  and  remained  there  long  enough  to 



make  it  evident  that  the  Government  intended  to  compel  complete 
submission.  The  Kachins  complied  with  the  terms  imposed  upon 
them,  which  included  the  restoration  of  captives,  the  payment  of  a 
moderate  indemnity,  and  the  sunender  of  a  number  of  guns. 

The  Mogai:ng  subdivision  had  been  \'isiied,  but  it  practically 
remained  beyond  the  limits  of  our  control  until  December  1889, 
when  ^  strong  force  of  troops  and  military  police  marched  up  from 
a  point  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Irrawaddy,  a  little  above  Bhamo. 
The  Jade  Mines  lie  to  the  north-west  of  Mogaung  and  are  a  valu- 
able source  of  revenue,  besides  affordinoj  occupation  to  many 
Chinese  and  other  traders.  A  strong  police  post  was  established 
in  Mogaung  and  the  mines  and  the  great  lake  (Indawgyi)  to  the 
south-west  of  the  Jade  Mines  were  visited.  The  tact  and  good 
management  of  Major  Adamson,  who  was  the  Ci\41  Officer  in  charge 
of  the  expedition,  induced  the  Kachin  Sa-ivbwas,  who  dominate  the 
tract  in  which  the  jade  mines  are  situated,  to  tender  their  submis- 
sion. But  for  the  treachery  of  the  Burmese  Myook,  Maung  Po 
Saw,  who  had  been  in  charge  of  Mogaung  since  the  annexation,  but 
fled  when  the  town  was  occupied  by  the  military  police,  the  expedi- 
tion would  have  attained  its  object  without  meeting  opposition. 
But  Maung  Po  Saw  succeeded  in  inspiring  some  of  the  Kachin 
tribes  with  distrust  and  the  column  was  fired  on  several  times  on  its 
march  back  to  Mogaung.  The  troops  returned  to  Bhamo  and  the 
Gurkha  Military  Police  levy  had  so  much  trouble  with  the  Kachin 
tribesmen  that,  though  they  maintained  all  their  positions  and  inflict- 
ed two  severe  defeats  on  Maung  Po  Saw  and  his  chief  lieutenant 
Bo  Ti,  notably  when  in  May  188S  they  made  a  determined  attack 
on  the  town  and  stockade  of  Mogaung,  a  mixed  force  of  police  and 
troops  marched  up  again  in  the  spring  of  1889.  They  operated  in 
the  hills  from  February  to  May,  with  the  result  that  about  100 
Kachin  villages  tendered  their  submission  and  entered  on  friendly 
relations  with  the  local  officers,  while  posts  were  established  at 
important  points.  The  ^x- Myook  Po  Saw  and  his  lieutenant 
J^o  Ti  disappeared,  and  a  military  police  post  was  established  at 
Kamaing  on  the  principal  route  to  the  Jade  Mines,  with  the  result 
that  traders  could  move  about  with  perfect  freedom.  No  pains  were 
spared  to  conciliate  the  Kachins  and  to  show  them  that,  while  we 
would  not  pass  over  without  punishment  any  outrages  committed 
by  them,  we  had  no  intention  of  interfering  with  their  customs  or 
subjecting  them  to  needless  restraint.  The  Chinese,  who  are  an 
important  element  of  the  community  in  the  town  of  Bhamo,  and  are 
the  chief  traders  in  the  district^  throughout  behaved  well.  The 
trade  routes  to  China,  which  had  been  practically  closed  for  ten 
years  owing  to  disputes  with  the  Kachins,  who  had  to  be  propitiated 

CHAP,  v.] 



before  a  caravan  could  pass,  was  now  opened  under  an  agreement 
concluded  with  the  traders  and  Kachins  and  the  former  serious  im- 
pediments were  believed  to  have  disappeared.  In  1887-88  the 
bhamo  revenue  amounted  to  £g,2^i  as  compared  with  £^,^97 
in  the  previous  year. 

In  the  Katha  district  (still  at  that  time  called  Myadaung)  progress 
was  made  in  district  administration  and  in  the 
maintenance  of  order.     There  were  only  a  few 
sporadic  dacoities  of  a  not  very  serious  type  in  the  south  of  the  district. 
This  part  of  the  country  had  been  sparsely  populated  since  the  rebel- 
lion of  the  Padein  Prince  in  1 866  and  had  from  that  time  borne  a  bad 
reputation.     In  1887  it  was  disarmed  and  the  establishment  of  police 
posts  in  suitable  positions  did  much  to  restore  confidence.     The 
revenue  of  the  district  rose  from  £3,1^0  in  1886-87  ^^  ;^*9.5*4  "^ 
the  following  year.     The   neighbouring   so-called   Shan    State   of 
Wuniho  caused  some  anxiety.     Early  in  the  year  1887,  after  being 
pressed  by  a  force  which  occupied  the  capital  of  the  State,  and  after 
prolonged  negotiations,  the  Saw Sti' a  tendered  his  submission,  agreed 
to  pay  the  revenue  demanded,  and  accepted  the  essential  clauses  of 
the  terms  offered  to  him.     On  the  whole  he  acted  up  to  the  terms 
of  his  agreement,  but,  though  he  furnished  escorts  to  Hritish  officers 
travelling   for  long  distances  through  his   territory,  he  would  not 
receive  them  himself  in  a  befitting  manner  and,  though  he  complied 
with  orders  sent  to  him  by  the  Deputy  Commissioner,  he  would  not 
go  to  visit  him.     The  result  was  a  good  deal  of  trouble  in  the  Kawlin 
subdivision.     While   the  Wuntho  people  were  allowed  to  possess 
arms  practically   without  restraint,  it  was  difficult  to  insist   on  the 
complete  disarmament  of  Kawlin.      In  consequence  of  this,  dacoity 
by  organized  bands  did  not  altogether  cease.     Moreover,  gangs  from 
Wuntho  occasionally  raided  in   Katha.     The  Sawb-wa  on  demand 
either  gave  up  the  raiders  or  made  compensation  for  injuries  inflicted 
by  them,   and  once  or  twice  he  co-operated  with  officers   of  the 
Katha  district  in  dealing  with  dacoit  gangs  on  the  borders  and  was 
even  said  to  have  punished  local  officials  who  were  in   the  habit  of 
harbouring  dacoits.     His  attitude  was  therefore  not  wholly  unsatis- 
factory and  a  survey  party  carried  a  reconnaisance  for  the  Mu 
Valley  Railway  right  through  the   State  of  Wuntho  in   18S8  and 
was   assisted    by    the  local   officials  under    the  Sawbwa's   orders. 
Nevertheless,  in  the  latter  part  of  18S9  special  operations  had  to  be 
undertaken  for  the  thorough  settling  of  the  Kawlin  subdivision  and 
the  adjacent  parts  of  the  Shwebo  district,  where  Bo  Nga  Thalng 
remained  at  large.     Every  effort  was  made  to  induce  Kham  Leng, 
the  pretender   to  the  Sa^vb-waship  of  the  joint  territories  of  Mong 
Leng  and  Mong  Mit,  to  submit  peacefully  to  British  supremacy. 




He  was  told  that  his  claim  to  Mong  Leng  would  be  acknowledged 
and  that  his  past  hostility  would  be  forgotten,  but  he  preferred 
to  remain  irreconcileable.  He  was  therefore  expelled  and  the 
Mong  Leng  territory  was  partitioned  between  Mong  Mit  and 
Bhamo  district.  Hkam  Leng  then  threw  in  his  lot  with  the  rebel 
PrinceSaw  Yan  Nalng.  In  1887  Katha  was  enlarged  by  the  addition 
of  some  of  the  riverain  circles  of  the  Ruby  Mines  district  and  so 
became  conterminous  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Irrawaddy  with  the 
Shan  State  of  Mong  Mit.  Notwithstanding  the  post  at  Mabeln  on 
the  Shweli  river,  the  followers  of  Saw  Yan  Naing  and  Hkam  Len^, 
who  were  established  in  the  hills  to  the  east  of  Mong  Mit,  made 
a  series  of  Inroads  on  this  part  of  the  district,  but  these  were  annoying 
rather  than  serious. 

The  Shwebo  district  had  always  been  noted  for  the  turbulence 
and  lawlessness  of  its  inhabitants  and  for  the 
first  year  or  more  the  struggle  remained  one  with 
bands  of  dacoits  of  formidable  numbers  and  many  of  them  dating  from 
King  Thibaw's  time.  The  nature  of  the  country  was  very  favour- 
able to  their  movements  and  wide  jungle  tracts  afforded  them  safe 
retreats,  while  they  were  troublesome  even  along  the  river,  where 
Lieutenant  C.  B.  Macdonald  of  H.  M.  S.  Ranger  was  killed  in  attack- 
ing some  dacoits  at  the  village  of  Shagwe  above  Sheinmaga  in  Jan- 
uary 1 887.  There  had  been  an  exodus  from  the  district  dating  from 
1 882  and  it  did  not  cease  until  the  end  of  1887.  After  that,  however, 
families  began  to  come  back  from  Lower  Burma.  Gradually  these 
bands  were  broken  up  and  most  of  the  formidable  leaders  were  either 
killed  or  captured.  Nga  Yaing  and  Nga  To,  who  had  also  given 
trouble  in  the  Mandalay  district,  haunted  the  south  of  Shwebo.  Nga 
Yaing  was  arrested  by  a  local  Burmese  official,  but  Nga  To  managed 
to  escape  arrest.  The  bands  of  both  were  completely  destroyed 
and  this  completed  the  pacification  o\  the  south  of  the  district, 
where  the  people  now  ventured  to  defend  themselves  and  to  trust 
the  District  Officers  when  they  had  news  of  dacoit  movements.  The 
leaders,  Nga  Aga  and  Nga  Th6n,  were  driven  from  the  centre  to 
the  north  of  the  district,  where  also  was  the  Bo,  Kyauk  Lon.  There 
they  found  safety  in  the  dense  forests,  but  their  power  of  offence 
had  almost  completely  gone.  Over  ;f  20,000  was  collected  as  rev- 
enue in  Shwebo  in  1887-88,  more  than  double  the  amount  obtained 
in  the  previous  year. 

The  Ruby  Mines  district   remained  quiet  and  undisturbed  for 

about  two  years  after  its  first  occupation.     Then 

troubles  fell  upon  it  from  outside,  the  result  of 

the  vigorous  action   of  thp  troops  in   the   plains  which  drove  the 

robber  leaders  into  the  hills.     Towards  the  end  of  1888  it  was 

CHAP,  v.] 



reported  that  the  capital  of  Mong  Mit  was  threatened  by  a  large 
gathering  under  Saw  Yan  Naing,  who  had  established  his  head- 
quarters at  Man  Pon,  three  days*  march  to  the  north-east.  In 
consequence  of  these  reports  a  small  detachment  of  troops  was 
stationf;d  at  Mong  Mit ;  and  after  an  unfortunate  encounter  in 
which,  owing  to  insufficient  information,  a  handful  of  troops  suffer- 
ed a  reverse  a  considerable  body  of  dacoits  which  had  advanced 
towards  M6ng  Mit  was  attacked  and  defeated  with  heavy  loss. 
These  disturbances,  however,  affected  the  rest  of  Mong  Mit  and 
the  Ruby  Mines  district,  the  garrison  of  which  had  been  weakened 
by  the  withdrawal  of  part  of  a  Gurkha  regiment  for  the  Chin 
expedition.  Twinngfe  is  an  important  village  of  300  houses  on 
the  bank  of  the  Irrawaddy,  at  that  time  included  in  the  State  of 
Mong  Mit ;  it  was  attacked  and  burned  by  a  gang  under  Nga  Maung 
of  Twinngfe,  one  of  the  lieutenants  of  Hkam  Leng  noticed  above. 
Another  man  of  the  same  name,  known  as  Heng  Nga  Maung  of 
Mong  Long,  for[nerly  in  charge  of  the  southern  portion  of  that 
State,  and  other  minor  dacoits  from  the  same  neighbourhood 
threatened  the  district  and  caused  a  strong  feeling  of  insecurity. 
On  the  Tawng  Peng  border  Nga  2eya,  the  noted  robber  chief  who 
had  been  driven  out  of  the  Mandalay  district,  was  reported  to  have 
a  considerable  following.  A  good  many  dacoities  were  commit- 
ted in  the  district  and  the  road  from  Thabeikkyin  to  Mog6k  became 
very  unsafe,  during  the  rains,  when  it  was  haunted  by  the  two  Nga 
Maungs  and  one  Paw  Kwe,  an  fjv-official  of  Mog6k  and  a  man  of 
great  local  influence. 

The  military  garrison  was  therefore  strengthened  and  the  com- 
mand of  all  the  troops  and  police  was  placed  in  the  hands  of  Colo- 
nel Cochrane  of  the  Hampshire  Regiment,  Under  his  orders  an 
attack  was  made  on  Saw  Yan  Naing's  stronghold  at  Man  P6n  and 
his  gathering  was  dispersed.  At  the  same  time  steps  were  taken 
to  strike  at  the  root  of  the  evil  by  improving  the  administration  of 
the  neighbouring  States.  The  Saxvhwa  of  Hsipaw  was  ordered  to 
reform  the  administration  of  Mong  Long,  a  more  competent  ruler 
was  established  in  Mong  Mit,  and  the  Sa-wbwa  of  Tawng  Peng  was 
enjoined  to  keep  order  on  his  border.  The  military  garrison  was 
strengthened  by  the  substitution  of  Gurkha  for  Madras  troops,  and 
the  result  was  that  the  disturbances  were  reduced  to  sporadic  petty 
dacouies.  The  commencement  of  operations  by  the  Ruby  Mines 
Company  no  doubt  had  excited  the  apprehensions  and  the  ill-will 
of  the  resident  miners,  who  had  hitherto  held  a  monopoly  of  the 
working  of  the  mines. 

Ye-u  at  this  time  was  a  separate  district  and  on  the  whole  was 
fairly  quiet,  though  there  were  occasional  recru- 
descences of  crime  when  dacoit  leaders  were 





driven  from  neighbouring  turbulent  districts  to  take  shelter  in  the 
extensive  forests  which  cover  many  parts  of  it.  in  July  1887  a 
somewhat  serious  rising  took  place  in  the  Hmaw  forest,  an  ex- 
tensive tract  which  was  a  traditional  gathering  place  of  dacoits 
and  other  outlaws.  The  movement  was  headed  by  two  pretender 
Princes,  variously  called  the  Lfegaing  Princes,  the  Umedat  and 
Padaing  Princes,  Maung  Maun^  Te  and  Min  0.  The  gathering 
was  promptly  dispersed  by  a  combined  movement  of  troops  from 
the  Chindwin  and  Ye-u  districts.  One  of  the  leaders  died  of 
fever  and  the  other  disappeared  for  a  time,  to  be  arrested  about 
a  year  later  in  the  Lower  Chindwin  district,  where  he  was  trying 
to  foment  a  rising,  and  was  executed  as  a  rebel.  Later  in  the 
year  1887  an  outbreak  of  dacoity,  of  a  less  serious  nature,  un- 
der Nyo  U,  one  of  HIa  U's  lieutenants,  was  also  satisfactorily 
dealt  with.  Notwithstanding  these  disturbances,  the  revenue  in- 
creased largely  and  various  minor  irrigation  works  were  taken  in 
hand  with  excellent  results.  Confidence  in  our  rule  was  especially 
shown  by  the  re-establishment  of  the  ancient  town  of  Tabayin,  which 
had  been  burnt  shortly  after  our  occupaiion  of  Mandalay,  and  was 
now  re-built  under  the  superintendence  of  some  loyal  monks,  who 
among  other  improvements  arranged  for  the  construction  of  a 
police-station  at  the  expense  of  the  new  settlers.  The  civil  police 
in  Ye-u  were  almost  entirely  recruited  in  the  district  itself  and  did 
very  good  work  under  a  locally  appointed  Myo6k,  Maung  Aung 
Gyi.  In  the  end  of  1888  only  four  dacoit  leaders  were  known  to  be 
at  large  and  eight  had  been  killed.  The  neighbourhood  of  Wuntho 
on  the  north  was  in  Ye-u,  as  in  Katha,  the  cause  of  what  dacoity 
still  existed.  The  revenue,  which  in  1886-87  had  been  i^6,875, 
rose  in  the  following  year  to  £i6,$8i. 

In  the  beginning  of  1887   Sagaing    and  Ava,  which  were  then 

.  separate  districts  but  were  amalgamated  within 

gfl'ng.  jj^^  j,g^j.^  ^,gj.^  practically  held  bv  dacoit  bands, 

who  levied  contributions  on  the  villages  and  kept  the  country  side 
in  submission  to  them  by  terrorism.  Most  vigorous  efforts  were 
made  to  capture  Hla  U.  Four  columns  operated  in  the  triangle 
between  the  Irrawaddy  and  the  Chindwin.  Several  camps  were 
surprised  and  Hla  U  was  pursued  for  miles  by  mounted  parlies,  but 
always  escaped  and  always  re-appeared.  Eventually  he  was  killed 
by  one  of  his  own  followers,  Bo  Ton  Baing.  Bo  Ton  Baing  dis- 
turbed the  Chief's  slumber  by  a  gambling  wrangle  and  Hla  U  fired 
his  rifle  over  the  head  of  the  disputants.  Ton  Baing  resented 
this  interference  with  his  pleasures  and  murdered  the  despotic 
robber  chief  in  his  sleep.     This  was  in  April  1887. 

This  seemed  to  promise  the  breaking  up  of  the  band,  but  his 
lieutenants,  among  whom  the  chief  were  Nyo  U,  Nyo  Pu,  and  MinO, 

CHAP.  V,] 



, remained  and  aftera  sVipht  appearance  of  calm,  and  notwithstanding 
ihal  numerous  bodies  oi  troops  were  in  continual  pursuit  of  them, 
they  steadily  gathered  strength  and  the  people  remained  as  little 
inclined  as  ever  to  put  their  trust  in  us.  On  iheAvaside  the  coun- 
try was  more  disburbed  than  it  had  been  since  the  beginning  of  1886- 
One  leader,  Shwc  Yan,  sallied  out  of  the  difficult  country  on  the 
borders  of  Ava  and  Kyaukseand  defied  the  efforts  of  the  local  offi- 
cials and  in  one  engagement  killed  two  of  our  officers,  Lieutenant 
Williamson  and  Mr.  O'Dowda,  Assistant  Superintendent  of  Police. 
Another  leader,  Bo  T6kj  was  equally  troublesome  on  the  borders 
of  Myingyan  and  Ava,  and  another,  Shwe  Yan,  disturbed  the  south- 
west of  the  district.  Throughout  all  1887  there  was  little  Improve- 
ment on  the  state  of  affairs  in  1886.  Special  measures  were  there- 
fore begun  in  the  early  months  of  1888  for  the  systematic  reduc- 
tion of  the  district  by  Colonel  (now  Brigadier-General)  Symons, 
assisted  by  Mr.  Fforde,  Mr.  G.  M.  S.  Carter  (both  now  dead), 
Lieutenant  Browning,  and  other  Civil  Officers.  It  had  been  found 
impossible  to  make  any  way  by  the  methods  employed  up  to  then. 
The  troops  marched  for  days  and  never  saw  thedacoits,  who  never- 
theless continued  to  levy  taxes  from  the  villagers  and  to  murder 
village  officials  and  whoever  was  suspected  of  aiding  the  Govern- 
ment. The  boldness  of  these  gangs  is  exemplified  by  the  fact  that 
Myinmu,  where  there  was  a  military  and  police  garrison,  was  twice 
attacked  and  partly  burnt  in  April  and  May  1888.  Full  use  was 
therefore  made  of  the  Village  Regulation.  Villages  which  fed  the 
gangs  were  removed  or  fined.  The  relatives  of  the  dacoits,  who 
arranged  supplies  for  them  and  furnished  them  with  information, 
both  as  to  the  movements  of  our  parties  and  as  to  who  were  friends 
of  the  Government  and  therefore  to  be  assassinated,  were  removed 
until  the  dacoits  surrendered  or  were  captured.  The  process  was 
slow,  but  it  was  effectual. 

The  dacoits  had  no  rest  in  the  forests  and  no  refuge  in  the 
villages,  while  clemency  was  freely  extended  to  all  except  the  most 
heinous  offenders. 

By  the  end  of  188S,  26  leaders,  among  whom  the  chief  were 
Nvo  U,  Nyo  Pu,  Shwe  Yan,  and  Bo  Tok  had  been  killed  and  26, 
including  Min  O  and  Nga  Sawbwa,  captured,  one  of  them  so  far 
afield  as  the  Pegu  district,  and  seven  surrendered.  Most  of  the 
followers  of  these  hos  also  surrendered  and  almost  all  of  these  were 
allowed  to  return  to  their  homes  on  furnishing  security  for  their 
good  behaviour.  The  whole  district  was  at  the  same  time 
thoroughly  disarmed  and  the  result  was  that  both  Ava  and  Sagaing 
were  for  the  first  time  for  many  years  at  peace,  and  what  dacoit 
leaders  remained  at  large  were  engaged  rather  in  endeavouring  to 



save  themselves  than  in  planning  crimes.     Since  then  the  district* 
has  given  no  trouble. 

Throughout  1887  the  valley  of  the  Chindwin  continued  to  be  ad- 
.  ■  ministered  as  one  district.     But  it  had  from  the 

'*'"'  first  been  intended  to  divide  this  vast  tract  into 

two  jurisdictions  and  this  was  carried  into  effect  in  January  1888.  The 
Lower  Chindwin  remained  quiet  until  October  1887,  when  a  serious 
outbreak  occurred  in  Pagyi,  the  south-western  portion  of  the  district 
bordering  on  the  Yaw  country.  The  rising  was  headed  by  the  so- 
called  Shwegyobyu  Prince.  This  man,  who  at  the  lime  of  the  annex- 
ation was  employed  as  a  vaccinator  in  the  Thayetmyo  district  of 
Lower  Burma,  held  during  1886  a  position  at  Kanlfe,  between  the 
Pagan,  Myingyan,  and  Chindwin  districts.  He  remained  here  un- 
disturbed for  some  time  and,  when  he  was  driven  out,  corrupted  • 
Maung  Tha  Gyiand  other  honorary  head  constables  in  Pagyi.  Mr. 
Morrison,  the  Deputy  Commissioner,  was  wounded  in  an  attempt  to 
capture  Maung  Tha  Gyl,  and  a  few  days  afterwards  an  attack  was 
made  on  the  Shwegyobyu  at  Chinbyitj  1 2  miles  north  of  Mintaingbin. 
The  dacoit  outposts  fired  off  their  guns  to  announce  the  approach 
of  the  British  force,  and  Major  Kennedy  of  the  Hyderabad  Contin- 
gent, with  Captain  Revtlle,  the  Assistant  Commissioner,  galloped 
on  3  miles  to  the  kyaungs,  where  the  main  body  was,  with 
30  mounted  infantry.  There  was  a  stubborn  fight  and  both 
Major  Kennedy  and  Captain  Beville  were  killed,  while  two  sepoys 
were  wounded.  The  dacoits,  however,  left  40  dead  and  Maung 
Tha  Gyi  and  several  bos  were  killed.  This  effectually  put  an  end 
to  disturbances  for  nearly  a  year,  but  the  elements  of  mischief 
were  not  entirely  removed.  The  country  is  exceedingly  malarious, 
and  it  was  not  thought  right  to  maintain  police  posts  in  the  Shit- 
ywagyaung  tract,  which  is  the  part  of  the  Western  Pagyi  town- 
ship adjacent  to  Yaw,  where  the  disturbances  occurred.  Towards 
the  end  of  1888,  as  a  consequence,  another  attempt  was  made  to 
excite  a  rising,  but  the  ring-leader,  a  pseudo-^unce,  was  arrested, 
tried,  and  executed.  Military  police  were  sent  to  Shitywagyaung, 
and  the  dacoits  and  disaffected  persons  moved  westward  towards 
Gangaw  and  caused  serious  disorder  in  the  Yaw  country.  The 
rising  was  not  promptly  and  effectually  dealt  with  by  the  troops  at 
Gangaw  and  the  adjacent  posts,  and  reinforcements  had  to  be  sent. 
The  Yaw  country  was  then  settled  without  much  difficulty,  and  the 
great  majority  of  the  persons  who  liad  taken  part  in  the  rising 
were  allowed  to  return  to  their  homes.  But  some  of  the  Pagyi 
dacoits,  under  the  leadership  of  a  noted  local  robber  called  Saga, 
had  been  driven  back  to  the  Lower  Chindwin  district  and  immedi- 
ately began  to  give  trouble.     A  military  police  post  was  therefore 

CHAP,  v.] 



established  at  Seiktaung  in  the  Shityawgyaung  country  and  a 
special  officer  was  deputed  to  bring  this  tract  into  ordnr.  The 
result  was  as  satisfactory  here  as  in  Sagaing.  The  operations 
resulted  in  the  death  of  Bo  Saga,  who  was  hunted  down  by  a  party 
under  the  Myook  of  Western  Pagyi,  Maung  Po  O,  a  nephew  of  the 
Kinwun  Mingyi.  Upon  this  most  of  the  gang  surrendered  and 
gave  up  iheir  guns.  Fifty  dacoiis  leaders  had  been  killed  or  cap- 
tured, or  had  surrendered  in  eighteen  months  and  the  five  who 
remained  were  reported  as  equally  troubling  Sagaing  and  Ye-u,  a 
sufficient  proof  that  they  had  no  definite  headquarters  and  had 
therefore  ceased  to  be  a  serious  danger. 

A  great  part  of  the  Upper  Chindwin  district  still  remained 
practically  unknown  and  unvisited.  The  district  itself  was  not 
much  disturbed  by  ordinary  dacoity.  There  was  an  outbreak  in 
the  Mingin  subdivision  caused  by  the  gang  of  iSo  Saga  mentioned 
above,  but  they  were  defeated  and  dispersed.  The  Kale  Saivb-wa 
submitted  to  the  Deputy  Commissioner  and,  though  he  did  not 
show  much  zeal  or  intelligence,  yet  he  obeyed  orders.  In  [887  the 
Chins  began  to  give  trouble.  A  large  body  of  them  descended  on 
Kale  from  the  hills  and  carried  the  Sawdn^a  off  as  a  prisoner,  but 
afterwards  allowed  him  to  return  when  he  had  promised  to  support 
the  Shwcgyobyu  pretender.  The  Chins  disappeared  before  our 
troops  could  reach  them,  and,  though  military  and  police  posts  were 
established  in  Kale  to  guard  against  further  dislurbante,  serious 
raids  were  committed  by  Chins  of  the  Siyin  and  Sagyilain  tribes  on 
the  Kabaw  Valley  and  on  other  villages  in  the  Kale  .State.  The 
Siyins  and  Kanhaws  were  severely  punished  during  the  open  season 
1888-89,  but  this  was  not  permanently  effective  and  further  action 
was  necessary  which  is  described  in  a  later  chapter. 

On  the  east  of  the  Chindwin  river  a  dacoit  leader  named  Bo  Lfe 
continued  to  hold  out,  though  in  1889  he  was  attacked  and  his 
camp  destroyed.  This  was  partly  due  to  the  fact  that  the  country 
between  the  Chindwin  river  and  the  jade  mines  of  Mogaung  still  re- 
mained unvisited,  while  Wuntho  remained  a  comparatively  safe 
retreat  and  there  Bo  Le  took  refuge.  The  revenue  of  the  Upper 
Chindwin,  which  in  1886-87  was  ^^  1,497,  ^^^  '"  ^^hc  following  year 
increased  to  ^£^7,586. 

After  the  death  of  the  Myinzaing  Mintha  the  Kyauksfe  district 
was  for  many  months  comparatively  free  from 
^^"  *  '  internal  disturbance,  but  in  the  early  part  of  1887 

it  was  subject  to  incursions  from  dacoits.  who  found  a  refuge  in 
the  small  Shan  State  of  Maw  on  the  south-east  border  of  the 
district.     In  April  1887  a  military  expedition  visited  Maw  and  dis- 




persed  ihe  dacoits,  who,  however,  united  again  for  a  short 
under  a  leader,  who  plagiarized  the  title  of  Buddha  Yaza. 
was,  however,  very  soon  put  down.  In  the  end  of  1887  a  more 
troublesome  person  appeared  in  Maw  in  the  shape  of  a  pretender, 
who  culled  himself  the  Setkya  Mintha.  He  came  from  the 
Mandalay  district  and  gathered  most  of  the  scattered  dacoits 
round  him  in  Maw.  Troops  were  sent  against  him  and  ihcy  were 
loyally  supported  by  the  Ngwegunhmu  of  the  small  State,  who 
bore  the  Burmese  title  of  Sinvednbo  (colonel  of  an  infantry  regi- 
ment). The  Setkya  Mimha  disappeared  into  the  hills  to  the  east 
and  remained  in  obscurity  for  some  lime,  but  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  rains  of  1888  he  again  collected  a  following  and  committed 
serious  dacoities  in  the  Kyauks^  district.  He  made  a  stand  in  a, 
strong  position  in  the  hills  and  was  not  driven  out  without  diffi- 
culty and  some  loss  to  the  police,  but,  when  he  fled  into  the  hills 
to  the  east,  he  was  captured  and  handed  over  by  the  loyal 
Sawifiia  of  Lawk  Sawk  and  after  trial  was  executed.  Another 
noted  leader,  Myat  Ilmon.  who,  with  Maung  Gyi,  had  surrendered 
and  afLorwards  absconded  in  1887,  again  surrendered  with  his 
followers  towards  the  end  of  1888  and,  after  furnishing  security, 
was  allowed  to  go  and  live  quietly  in  his  own  village.  The  only 
dacoit  leader  left  was  Kyaw  Zaw,  one  of  the  Setkya  pretender's 
lieutenants,  who  haunted  for  a  time  the  difficult  and  wild  hills  to 
the  north-east,  on  the  borders  of  Kyauksfe  and  Mandalay,  but  had 
soon  to  move  northwards  through  the  Northern  Shan  States  and 
eventually  joined  the  small  party  which  collected  round  the  dis- 
affected Prince  Saw  Yan  Namg.  .Xlreatly  in  1889  It  was  found 
fjossible  to  effect  a  considerable  reduction  in  the  military  police 
orce  of  the  district,  a  sure  sign  of  tranquillity. 

The  Myingyan  district  was  disturbed  mostly  on  its  borders 
during;  1887:  towards  Ava  by  SoTdV.  and  to- 
wards Pagan  by  Bo  Cho.  The  part  of  the  dis- 
trict towards  Mciktila  was  also  not  free  from  trouble  until  Lieu- 
tenant Tinley  of  the  2nd  Bombay  Lancers  killed  T6k  Gyaw  in 
May  between  Ylndaw  and  Meiktila.  In  other  parts  of  the  district 
the  dacoities  were  of  a  comparatively  unimportant  nature.  A 
rising,  which  might  have  been  formidable,  was  suppressed  at  the 
outset  by  the  capture  of  the  leader,  a  real  or  pretended  member  of 
the  Burmese  Royal  Family.  Bo  Tok  was  killed  early  in  18S8  by 
a  detachment  o(  the  Rifle  Brigade  under  Major  Sir  Bartlc  Frere, 
and  his  death  relieved  the  northern  part  of  the  district.  But  Bo 
Cho  remained  at  large  and  another  leader,  Yan  Nyun,  a  man  of 
much  local  influence  and  an  ex-official^  also  infested  the  western 
part  of  the  district  and  committed  dacoities  attended  with  circum- 



Stances  of  much  atrocity.  Captain  Hastings  carried  out  a  very 
successful  series  of  operations,  and  full  use  was  made  of  the  Village 
Regulation,  but  the  very  difficult  country  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Poppa  hill  enabled  14  leaders  to  escape  arrest,  though  their  gangs 
were  reduced  to  altogether  insignificant  numbers.  Between  1887 
and  1889,  17  dacoit  chiefs  were  killed  inaction,  16  were  captured, 
and  18  surrendered.  In  1887-88  the  revenue  of  the  district  rose  to 
jf4i,887,  compared  with  ^^27,388  in  the  previous  year. 
The  Pagan  district  ceased  to  exist  under  that  name  in  i888' 
P  kflkk  The  boundaries  with  Myingyan  were  revised,  with 

the  result  that  Myingyan  took  all  the  country 
to  the  east,  while  Pagan,  under  the  name  of  Pakokku,  lay  exclu- 
sively west  of  the  Irrawaddy.  During  1887  the  P6ppa  hill  jungles 
gave  much  trouble  and  a  police  post  was  attacked  by  dacoits, 
with  the  result  that  a  special  officer  was  put  on  duty  for  its  settle- 
ment. A  partial  settlement  of  the  Yaw  country  was  effected 
early  in  1887,  but  the  country  was  not  thoroughly  explored  and 
opened  up,  and  in  the  end  of  the  year  the  Shwegyobyu's  adherents, 
Ya  Kut,  one  of  the  most  influential  of  the  local  officials,  and  a 
dacoit  leader  named  Tha  Do,  who  came  from  Minbu  in  the 
south,  ovenan  this  tract.  In  the  following  open  season  energetic 
measures  were  taken.  Tha  Do  was  killed  and  Ya  Kut  arrested 
by  loyal  villagers,  tried,  and  shot,  and  a  local  militia  was  raised 
among  the  people  to  undertake  their  own  protection.  The  Chins 
on  the  hills  above  Yaw  threatened  to  give  trouble  and  attempts 
were  made  to  secure  their  submission,  but  with  no  more  success 
than  was  experienced  in  the  Chindwin  district.  The  rest  of  the 
district  was  disturbed  a  good  deal  by  local  dacoities,  but  none  of 
the  gangs  were  of  any  strength,  and  the  military  police,  who  here, 
as  elsewhere,  were  beginning  to  learn  their  work,  were  quite  able 
to  deal  with  them,  the  more  so  since  the  people  began  to  give  re- 
gular information  and  themselves  on  more  than  one  occasion  beat 
off  dacoits.  In  Pagan  the  revenue,  which  for  the  first  year  had 
been  only  ^^10,835,  rose  in  the  following  year  to  ;^42,o95. 

In  Minbu  at  the  beginning  of  1887  Bo  Swfe  held  the  south  and 
the  pongyi  Oktama  the  north.  The  former  was 
the  more  dangerous  and  aggressive  and,  as  soon 
as  the  weather  permitted,  a  general  advance  was  made  on  him 
from  the  river.  The  different  columns  met  with  the  slightest 
possible  opposition,  though  in  skirmishes  with  outposts  and  rear- 
guards Lieutenant  Radclyffe  of  the  Rifle  Brigade  and  Lieu- 
tenant Poole  of  the  Liverpools  were  wounded,  but  the  large  bands 
were  thus  finally  broken  up  and  the  dacoits  were  forced  out  of 
the  villages  under  the  eastern  slopes  of  the  Arakan  hills  which 



had  been  their  headquarters  up  till  then.  The  upper  portions  of 
the  M6n,  the  Ki,  and  the  Man  rivers  were  cleared  and  ihe  bands 
were  driven,  some  into  the  slopes  of  the  Arakan  Yoma,  and  others, 
broken  up  imo  bands  of  lo  or  20,  into  the  central  and  lower  ranges 
of  hills.  These  bands  were  then  hunted  without  cessation  by  the 
mounted  infantry  and  cavalry  under  Captain  Golightly,  Lieutenants 
Wesllake  and  Armytage,  and  others.  They  were  safe  neither  in  the 
jungle,  nor  high  up  on  the  Arakan  hills.  Their  camps  were  sur- 
prised, guns,  ponies,  and  arms  seized,  and  the  leaders  were  soon 
fugitives,  with  none  but  their  personal  attendants.  Bo  Sw6  was 
hunted  from  the  district  altogether  and  in  October  1887  was  killed 
with  10  of  his  men  near  Milang6n  in  the  Thayetmyo  district  by  a 
party  under  Major  Harvey  of  the  South  Wales  Borderers.  The 
south  of  the  district  was  thus  got  into  hand  and  remained  fairly 
peaceful  after  April  1887.  But  there  were  other  leaders,  ByaingGyi, 
Nga  Hmaw,  Tha  Do,  Tha  Tu,  besides  6ktama  and  Okiaya,  another 
monk,  his  principal  heutenant.  These  had  not  been  left  at  peace 
by  the  troops,  but  in  the  north  the  influence  of  (!)ktama  was  deeply 
rooted,  the  people  through  fear  or  sympathy  were  entirely  on  his 
side,  and  for  months  but  little  impression  was  made  on  his  position. 
In  April,  Salin  and  Sinbyugyun  were  attacked,  and  throughout  the 
rains  of  1887  the  Salin  subdivision  was  disturbed  by  constant  da- 
coilies.  Captain  Rendle  of  the  8th  Madras  Infantry  was  killed  in 
an  attack  made  on  Sid6ktaya  in  September  1887.  The  active  ope- 
rations of  the  following  open  season  were  not  much  more  successful, 
and  in  April  1888,  therefore,  a  resolute  effort  was  made  lo  break 
Oktama's  power.  He  and  his  leading  followers  were  formally  pro- 
claimed as  rebels  and  declared  beyond  the  hope  of  pardon,  while  a 
promise  of  amnesty  was  held  out  to  all  minor  offenders  who  surren- 
dered with  their  arms  by  a  fixed  date.  At  the  same  time  military 
and  police  operations  were  actively  pressed,  the  Village  Regulation 
was  enforced  for  the  punishment  of  passive  sympathisers  with  the 
rebels,  and  people  who  displayed  courage  and  loyalty  were  reward- 
ed for  their  services.  One  thousand  two  hundred  and  four  persons 
took  advantage  of  the  promise  of  amnesty  and  surrendered  on  the 
terms  offered  to  them  and  Oktama's  power  seemed  to  be  finally 
broken.  But  there  were  still  spasmodic  efforts  made,  and  in  the 
end  of  1888  the  Burman  police  post  at  Sagu  was  vigorously  at- 
tacked. Gradually,  however,  systematic  vigilance  and  pursuit  pre- 
vailed. Tun  Zan  was  killed  by  his  own  followers  in  December  1888, 
Nga  Hmaw  was  killed  in  January  1889  and  most  of  his  follow- 
ers surrendered,  and  Tha  Tu  was  captured  in  April.  In  June  1889 
Oktama  was  captured  by  a  Burman  Myook.  He  had  no  more  than 
one  follower  with  him.     His  chief  leader,  Oktaya,  had  been  taken 

CHAP,  v.] 



only  a  few  days  before  and  Byaing  GyJ,  a  leader  who  had  given 
much  trouble,  was  given  up  by  his  own  men  about  the  same  lime. 
The  list  of  dacoit  leaders  killed,  captured,  or  surrendered  after  April 
1887  in  the  Minbu  district  made  up  a  total  of  106.  At  the  end 
of  1889  only  eight  were  known  to  be  unaccounted  for  and  they 
were  all  in  hiding  in  the  juntjles  along  the  old  British  border. 
The  district  had  been  almost  the  most  troublesome  in  Upper 
Burma  and  much  credit  was  due  to  the  sustained  efforts  of  the 
Deputy  Commissioner,  Mr.  Hartnoll,  and  his  Assistants,  Mr.  Col- 
lins and  Mr.  Hertz.  Assistance  was  given  to  villagers  in  repairing 
the  weirs  and  water-channels  on  which  the  prosperity  of  part  of  the 
district  depends,  and  advances  were  given  for  seed-grain  and  work 
provided  for  surrendered  dacoits  and  others  on  the  district  roads. 
The  revenue  of  Minbu  in  1887-88  amounted  to  £61,4^4^^  a  sum 
larger  than  that  collected  in  any  district,  except  Mandalay  and 
much  larger  than  the  sum  j^36,4i[  collected  in  1886-87,  which 
was  the  largest  for  that  year.  On  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  the 
Yenangyaung  subdivision,  which  until  1888  formed  part  of  Minbu, 
but  was  then  transferred  to  Magwe,  was  somewhat  disturbed,  and 
more  than  one  attack  was  made  on  the  village  of  Yenangyaung 
itself,  but  one  at  least  of  these  seems  to  have  been  of  the  old 
style  of  private  warfare  prevalent  in  Burmese  times,  rather  than  of 
disaffection  to  the  British  Government. 

In  1887  Taungdwingyi,  or  Magwe  as  it  was  named  after  Yenan- 
gyaung was  added  in  1888,  was  much  troubled 
*  "  by  the  influential  rebel  Min  Yaung,  who  held  the 

hilly  tract  between  Taungdwingyi  and  Pyinmana.  After  a  series  of 
encounters  he  was  at  last  come  up  with  and  killed  in  May  1887. 
After  him  Tok  Gyi  disturbed  the  district  from  the  same  convenient 
shelter  to  the  east  and  he  was  not  captured  till  April  1888.  The 
hilly  character  of  some  part  of  the  country  made  it  no  doubt  some- 
what difficult  to  pacify,  but  the  military  police  battalion  of  this 
district,  which  had  been  recruited  in  Bombay,  was  far  below  the 
efficiency  of  those  in  other  parts  of  the  country.  As  a  consequence 
dacoit  bands  were  allowed  to  gather  strength  and  escaped  un- 
punished, and  in  1889  Magwe  was  the  only  district  where  dacoities 
on  a  large  scale  were  of  almost  daily  occurrence. 

There  were  seven  separate  dacoit  gangs  under  Nga  Lfe,  Shwe  Daik, 
Tin  Baw,  B6k  Yaw,  Pago  Bo,  Paw  Din,  Na  Ya,  besides  other  less 
prominent  leaders.  In  August  1888  a  plan  for  a  rising  on  behalf 
of  a  pretender  styling  himself  the  Shwe  Km  Yo  Prince  was  concerted 
on  the  borders  of  the  Magwe  township.  Bo  Lfe  and  other  leaders 
from  Magwe,  besides  some  of  the  Natmauk  and  Taungdwingyi 




Chiefs,  were  concerned  in  this.  The  first  overt  act  was  committed 
in  November,  and  almost  immediately  afterwards  the  dacoits  receiv- 
ed encouragement  from  their  success  in  an  encounter  with  a  party 
of  military  police,  which  they  repulsed  with  loss.  After  this  the 
combined  bands  separated,  some  going  to  Yenangyaung,  some  to 
Pin,  some  to  Taungdwingyi,  and  some  to  Natmauk,  while  somi 
joined  the  bands  of  Tinbaw  and  Shwc  Daik.  In  January  the  combin- 
ed bands  of  these  last  two  and  Nga  Lh  successfully  surprised  a  party 
of  sepoys  of  the  Myingvan  military  police,  but  were  soon  after- 
wards encountered  and  for  a  time  dispersed  by  mounted  infantry 
from  Magwc,  Desultory  encounters,  with  varying  fortunes,  follow- 
ed through  March  and  April  1889,  and  in  May  Nga  Le  was  killed^ 
and  his  band  destroyed  by  the  mounted  infantry.  Meanwhile  there 
were  constant  dacoities  in  Taungdwlngvisubdivision,  where  the  Vil- 
lage Regulation  was  injudiciously  applied  and  the  local  native  oHi- 
cers  were  unpopular. 

In  April  a  gang  of  over  100  dacoits  attacked  the  village  of  Myo- 
ihit  and  burnt  the  police  post  there.  In  May  a  large  band  under 
the  leadership  of  Buddha  Yaza  assembled  in  the  Pin  township; 
gangs  from  all  parts  joined  him  and  did  much  mischief  before  It 
was  dispersed  after  repeated  encounters.  On  the  ist  June  Mr. 
Dyson,  Assistant  Comm'issiontTj  was  killed  by  a  small  body  of 
dacoits,  whom  he  attacked  with  police.  The  leader,  Thaya,  was 
afterwards  killed  and  his  band  surrendered.  The  General  Command- 
ing the  Myingyan  district  therefore  Soon  after  this  assumed  full 
control  of  the  operations  with  the  Civil  and  Police  officers  under  his 
orders.  Genera!  Symons  strengthened  the  force  of  troops  and  mili- 
tary police  and  an  offer  of  indemnity  was  made  to  all  dacoits,  ex- 
cept one  or  two  specified  leaders,  who  had  not  been  actually  con- 
cerned in  murder.  More  than  150  men,  principally  in  the  Pm  and 
Yenangyaung  townships,  availed  themselves  of  the  amnesty  and 
surrendered.  The  offer  of  pardon  oriijinally  made  in  June  for  one 
month  was  extended  up  to  the  end  of  September.  Nevertheless,  at 
the  end  nf  September  the  most  disturbed  portion  of  the  district 
was  the  Taungdwingyi  subdivision,  where,  except  for  the  capture  of 
Shwe  Aung  and  his  gang,  but  little  headway  had  been  made,  while 
the  Yomas,  the  hill  country  between  the  Eastern  and  Southern  di- 
visions, had  not  been  touched,  and  in  this  remote  and  unknown  tract 
various  dacoit  leaders  had  found  a  refuge.  At  the  end  of  1889 
therefore  Magwe  remained  a  year  behind  the  other  districts  of  the 
upper  province.  Nevertheless,  the  revenue  increased  largely  during 
1887-88.  It  was  :£"5»4g7  in  1887  and  £•26,'}  i6  in  the  following 
year.  The  headquarters  were  moved  at  the  end  of  the  year  from 
Taungdwingyi  to  Magwe. 


In  the  early  months  of  1887  Meiktila  district  continued  to  be  dis- 
..  turbed  by  a  formidable  combination  of  dacoits, 

who  held  a  strong  position  at  Hmaw-aing,  and 
on  the  west  by  the  powerful  leader  T6k  Gyaw.  Combined  oper- 
ations against  the  Hmaw-aing  dacoits  were  undertaken  from 
Kyauksfe  and  Meiktila,  in  which  Lieutenant  Reid  of  the  27th 
Punjab  Infantry  was  wounded  and  severe  loss  was  inflicted  on  the 
dacoits  then  and  in  a  subsequent  attack.  As  a  result  some  of 
the  principal  leaders  surrendered  In  May  1887,  and  in  the  same 
month  Tok  Gyaw  and  many  of  his  followers  were  killed  by  our 
troops.  One  of  the  Hmaw-aing  Chiefs  took  service  and  after- 
wards did  good  work  as  a  police  officer,  while  of  two  others  who 
took  to  flight  after  they  had  submitted,  Myat  Hm6n  again  sub- 
mitted at  Kyauksfe  and  the  other  Maung  Kala  died  of  cholera, 
and  the  northern  part  of  the  district  remained  undisturbed.  The 
south-west,  however,  bordering  on  Pagan,  was  constantly  harassed 
by  dacoits,  who  carried  off  large  numbers  of  cattle.  Many  of  these 
gangs  were  tracked  and  punished  and  in  the  district  itself  no  large 
gangs  and  no  leaders  remained  as  early  as  the  end  of  1887.  What 
dacoities  occurred  were  of  an  entirely  petty  kind  and  the  robbers 
usually  came  from  the  Poppa  and  WMaung  fastnesses.  The  re- 
results  of  effective  disarmament  were  very  conspicuous  in  Meiktila. 
The  revenue,  which  was  £^^,1 14  in  1886-87,  ^^^^  *o  £^1i^4S  ^^  ^^e 
lollowing  year. 

Yam6thin  was  in  an  equally  satisfactory  condition.     It  was   only 
,,     , . .  disturbed  by  broken  bands  from  neighbouring 

districts  and  the  dacoities  were  not  01  a  serious 
type.  Crime  of  this  kind  could  not  be  put  down  till  the  Poppa, 
Pin,  and  Yoma  bands  were  finally  broken  up.  From  £^,481  in 
1886-87  ^he  revenue  increased  to  ^f  22,080  in  the  following  year, 
and  in  1889  the  strength  of  the  military  police  force  was  consider- 
ably reduced,  with  no  loss  of  security  to  the  people. 

In  Pyinmana  great  activity  was  displayed  in  1887  by  the  troops 
and  the  police  in  thoroughly  exploring   the  forests  and   clearing 
them  of  dacoits.     The  disarmament  of  the  district   was   at   the 
same  time  vigorously   enforced  and  men  of  local  influence  greatly 
assisted  our  officers  in  the  process.     With  the  rains   there  was  a 
partial  recrudescence  of  disorder.     Some  troublesome  gangs  collect- 
ed in  the  hills  on  the  east  of  the  Sittang  river  under  the  protection 
of  the  Karen  Chief  of  Ethataung  and  of  other  local  men.     From 
these  hills  they  committed  raids  on  the  plains  and  carried  off  ele- 
phants and  buffaloes  from  the  forests.     In  April   i888aBurman 
police  post,  6  miles  from  Pyinmana.  was  attacked  and  burned  by 
a  gang  of  50  dacoits  and  in  May  a  similar  but  outlying  post  at 



CHAP.  V. 

Seikpyudaung  was  destroyed  by  a  large  gang.  Between  March 
and  bepteraSer  large  gangs  of  dacoics  on  three  occasions  at- 
ucked  Karen  guards  in  the  forests,  and  in  the  6rst  seven 
months  of  the  year  143  violent  crimes  were  reported.  At  the 
end  of  October  18S8  there  were  in  the  district  four  large  gangs 
of  dacoils  under  Nga  HIauk  aiid  Tok  Gyi,  Tha  Hlaing,  Nga 
Nan,  and  San  Pe.  In  the  banning  of  1889  the  Village  Re- 
gulation was  enforced  and  villages  which  were  known  or  rea- 
sonably believed  to  harbour  dacoits  were  removed  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  police  posts.  At  the  end  of  February  the  combin- 
ed bands  of  Tha  Hlaing  and  San  Pe  were  attacked  and  had 
broken  up.  The  leaders  retired  to  the  petty  Karen  State  of  Bawgata 
in  the  hills  and  thence  raided  on  the  plains.  The  Deputy  Commis- 
sioner followed  ihem  up  with  a  party  of  military  police.  The  Chief 
of  Bawgata  submitted  and  the  dacoits  fled  east  to  the  Mong  Pai 
hills  and  ceased  to  be  a  danger.  The  other  robber  gangs  were 
equally  disposed  of.  From  January  to  September  1889  17  dacoits 
were  killed  and  62  arrested,  while  17  surrendered  unconditionally. 
None  remained  at  large,  except  those  who  were  professional  dacoits 
from  Burmese  times,  or  who  had  made  clemency  impossible  by  their 
crimes.  The  Bombay  Burma  Trading  Corporation  was  able  to  ex- 
tend its  operations  and  increase  its  establishments  far  beyond  any 
previously  attempted  area  or  strength. 

By  the  end  of  the  rains  of  1889  all  the  large  gangs  of  rebels  that 
Situation  at  the  end     had  SO  long  opposed  our  troops  m  the  plains  had 
*>*  »88g.  been  completely  broken  up.     The  utter   hope- 

lessness of  resistance  in  the  open  was  realized  and  the  establish- 
ment of  a  series  of  posts  had  driven  the  remnants  of  once  powerful 
bands  to  take  refuge  in  the  inaccessible  broken  tracts  which  form 
so  marked  a  feature  of  Upper  Burma,     in  such  places  were  now 

fathered  the  dacoit  leaders  from  many  districts.  Buddha  Yaza, 
'hiha  Yaza,  Shwe  Daik,  Tin  Saw,  Lugale  Gyi,  and  Aungbaw  were 
crowded  into  the  hilly  country  of  the  Yomas  lying  between  Magwe, 
Pyinmana,  and  Yam^thin.  The  wild  country  round  Poppa  hill  af- 
forded shelter  to  Bo  Cho,  Shwe  Hmok,  Thagyaw,  Kangyi,  Nga 
Hm6n,  Nga  Thaw,  and  Yan  Nyun.  What  remained  of  the  follow- 
ers of  the  Setkya  Mintha  rallied  round  Kyaw  Zaw  in  the  jungles 
on  the  banks  of  the  Myit-ng6.  Saw  Yan  Naing,  the  last  of  King 
Mind6n's  grandsons  who  held  out  against  us,  had  retired  to  the 
Kachin  hills  lying  between  Mong  Mit,  Tawng  Peng,  and  Hsen  Wi. 
With  him  were  now  Hkam  Leng,  the  pretender  to  the  Mong  Leng 
State,  and  bo  Zeya,  the  notorious  Shan  freebooter,  who  so  long  dis- 
turbed the  Mandalay  district.  West  of  the  Irrawaddy  the  situation 
_  was  similar.     In  Minbu  the  sons  of  Bo  Swfe,  Saw  Uj  and  Saw  Pu 

CHAP,  v.] 



were  wandering  with  a  small  following  in  the  dense  jungle  at  the 
foot  of  the  Arakan  Yonia,  on  the  old  frontier  line.  Further  north 
the  Shwegj'obyu  pretender,  with  Po  Hini  and  Nj^a  The  Kyi,  the 
leaders  of  the  Yaw  rebellion,  were  fugitives  in  the  Chin  Hills,  In 
Shwebo,  Katha,  and  Ye-u  the  remnants  of  the  scattered  gangs  of 
rebels  had  found  refuge  in  the  rugged  country  which  adjoins  the 
Wuntho  State  and,  when  hotly  pursued,  fled  into  Wuntho  itself. 

This  altered  condition  of  things  changed  the  character  of  the  oper- 
ations in  the  plains.  Large  columns  of  troops  were  no  longer  required 
to  scour  the  country  and  attack  strong  bands  of  rebels.  The  mili- 
tary garrison  was  considerably  reduced  at  the  same  lime  that  nu- 
merous military  posts,  which  were  before  necessary  to  overawe  the 
plain  country,  were  withdrawn.  The  police  posts  had  also  been  re- 
duced. On  the  1st  April  1890  there  were  173  military  police  posts 
against  192  on  the  same  date  in  the  preceding  year.  The  police  force 
thus  set  free  was  able  to  pursue  the  broken  remnants  of  the  different 
gangs  and  make  a  vigorous  effort  to  stamp  them  out  completely. 

The  troops  in  Upper  Burma  had  ceased  to  be  on  the  footing  of 
a  field  force  on  the  1st  April  1888  and  the  number  of  brigades  was 
reduced  from  four  to  three,  composed  as  follows : — 

First  Brigade — Headquarters,  Mandalay,  including  the  Ava 
and  Sagaing  commands. 

Second  Brigade — Headquarters,  Myingyan,  including  the 
Pakfikku,  Pagan,  and  Minbu  commands. 

Third  Brigade. — Headquarters,  Meiktila,  including  the  Ya- 
mfethin  and  Pyinmana  commands  and  the  Northern  and 
Southern  Shan  States  columns. 

In  addition  to  these  three  brigades  there  were  the  following  sepa- 
rate commands : — 

Bhamo,  with  headquarters  at  Bhamo. 
Ruby  Mines,  with  headquarters  at  Bernardmyo. 
Chindwin,  with  headquarters  at  Alon. 
Shwebo,  with  headquarters  at  Shwebo. 

The  aggregate  strength  of  this  force  was  13,250  men.  It  was  un- 
der the  command  of  Sir  George  White,  V.C.,  K.C.B.  throughout  the 
year.  The  strength  of  the  Upper  Burma  garrison  at  the  close  of 
March  1889  was  11,335  "■^^"'  ^^  ^.ll  arms. 

On  the  1st  April  1889  the  entire  force  in  both  Upper  and  Lower 
Burma  was  formed  into  the  Burma  District  Command  under  Ma- 
jor-General B.  L.  Gordon,  C-B.^  R.A.,  and  distributed  as  follows  : — 

Mandalay  district — Headquarters,  Mandalay. 
Bhamo  Command — Headquarters,  Bhamo. 



Ruby  Mines  Command — Headquarters,  Bernardmyo. 

Shwebo  Command  — Headquarters,  Shwebo. 

Myinffvan  district — Headquarters,  Myingyan. 

Chin  Field  Force— Northern  Division. 

Chin  Field  Force — Southern  Division. 

Chindwin  Command — Headquarters,  Alon. 

The  Meiktila  Command  was  in  the  Rangoon  district. 
The  constitution  and  organization  of  the  military  police  force 
j^  ..  remained  unchanged,  but  the  strength  was  large- 

II  ary  poice.  |^  increased.  At  the  end  of  1887  the  sanctioned 
strength  of  all  ranks  was  17,515  and  the  actual  strength  13,244. 
At  the  end  of  1888  the  sanctioned  strength  was  19,177  and  the 
actual  strength  i  7,880.  The  increase  in  the  responsibilities  falling 
on  the  force  and  in  the  area  of  the  country  brought  under  protec- 
tion more  than  kept  pace  with  the  increase  in  strength.  Five  com- 
panies were  added  to  the  Mogaung  Levy,  which  hitherto  had  only 
been  strong  enough  to  hold  Mogaung  itself  and  the  communi- 
cations with  the  Irrawaddy.  Two  levies,  each  of  six  companies, 
were  raised  for  the  Chin  frontier  and  for  the  Shan  States.  The  Chin 
frontier  and  the  Yaw  country  had  not  up  till  then  been  held  at  all, 
while  the  small  garrison  in  the  Shan  States  was  pro\-ided  by  the 
regular  troops.  As  in  the  previous  year,  the  force  was  distributed 
in  battalions,  one  for  each  district  in  Upper  Burma,  one  for  the 
Kabaw  Valley  on  the  borders  of  Manipur,  and  one  for  the  protection 
of  the  railway  under  construction  from  Toungoo  to  Mandalay.  The 
number  of  officers  was  largely  increased,  so  that  there  might  be  a 
Second-in-Command  for  every  battalionj  with  a  lew  Extra  Assistant 
Commandants  in  the  more  arduous  districts.  In  every  district  a 
moveable  column  was  maintained  and  no  new  posts  were  permitted 
without  the  sanction  of  the  Chief  Commissioner.  The  minimum 
strength  of  a  post  was  fixed  at  40  rifles  and  the  country  patrols 
never  consisted  of  less  than  10  men.  Thus  every  party  was  able  to 
take  effective  action  when  opportunity  offered.  The  conduct  of 
the  military  police  was  good.  In  action  they  behaved  uniformly 
well,  and  instances  of  special  gallantry  were  as  common  as  among 
the  regular  troops.  The  force  lost  in  18S8-89  46  men  killed  in 
action  and  76  wounded.  In  the  entire  force  only  84  men  were 
prosecuted  on  criminal  charges,  and  some  of  these  were  cases  of 
negligently  allowing  prisoners  to  escape. 

Fair  progress  was  made  in  the  raising  of  civil  police,  but  their 
regular  organization  was  far  from  complete.  They  were  recruited 
almost  entirely  from  Upper  Burmans,  who  had  been  unaccustomed 
to  the  discipline  of  a  regular  force,  and  the  number  of  resignations, 
desertions,  and  punishments  was  in  some  places  startlingly  large. 

CHAP,  v.] 




In  1889-90  therefore  the  pacification  of  Upper  Burma  was  finally 
completed  and  the  last  remnants  of  dacoit  bands  were  disposed  of. 
In  the  Mandalay  district  special  operations  completely  broke  up 
Kyaw  Zaw's  gang.  Most  of  his  followers  surrendered  and  he 
himself  joined  Saw  Yan  Naing  on  the  northern  frontier  of  the  Shan 
States,  where  a  retreat  into  Chinese  territory  was  always  open. 
Nga  To,  the  dacoit  leader  who  had  escaped  capture  in  previous 
years,  was  taken  by  the  police  in  the  Sagaing  district  and  District 
Officers  were  at  last  able  to  visit  all  pans  of  their  charge  without 

In  the  Mogaung  subdivision  of  Bhamo  the  attitude  of  the  Kachins 
_.  was    quite    satisfactory.     The    road    remained 

secure  and,  but  for  the  local  quarrels  among 
the  jade-mine  and  other  traders  themselves,  there  would  have 
been  no  serious  crime.  The  establishment  of  a  military  police  post 
at  Indawgyi,  which  was  effected  in  May  1890,  extended  the  area 
under  our  direct  control,  and  in  the  same  month  the  country  to 
the  west  was  explored  for  the  first  time  and  the  Assistant  Com- 
missioners of  Mogaung  and  Paungbyin  met  at  Shwedwin  on  the 
Uyu  river.  East  of  the  Irrawaddy  the  so-called  Mintha  Buddha 
Yaza,  was  caplurc^d  by  Bharao  villagers  and  died  in  prison.  Hkam 
Leng  caused  some  trouble.  The  village  of  Lwesaing  was  burnt 
and  other  villagers  were  fined  for  having  liarboured  him  and 
thus  most  of  the  Upper  Slnkan  Kachins  made  submission.  The 
only  local  dacoit  leader  of  importance,  Nga  Hlaw  Gyaw,  who 
troubled  the  Shwegu  subdivision  early  in  the  year,  was  killed  by 
villagers.  In  October  1889  a  serious  dacolty  was  committed  in  the 
town  of  Bhamo  llsdf,  and  for  some  months  afterwards  the  country 
to  the  south-east  was  disturbed  by  a  gang  of  dacoits,  which  was 
harboured  by  the  Kachins  and  Palaungs  of  a  village,  Kyusaing,  east 
of  Bhamo.  The  burning  of  Kyusalng  In  May  iSgo  put  an  end  to 
this,  and  other  offending  villages  were  fined.  The  efforts  made  to 
re-open  the  Ambassador's  route  to  China  were  not  attended  with 
immediate  success.  The  northern  trade  route,  by  way  of  the  Ta- 
ping river  and  Manaung,  was  not  free  from  disturbance,  and  the  Ka- 
chins made  several  attacks  on  caravans,  but  trade  continued  never- 

Katha  remained  open  to  raids  by  dacoit  gangs  from  Wuntho  and 
J.  Mong  Mit,  but  special  operations  under  Lieut- 

enant Macnabb,  Assistant  Commissioner,  were 
completely  successful  in  settling  the  troublesome  subdivision  of 
Kawlin,  where  Nga  Kyauk  L6n,  Nga  Thaing,  and  Nga  Aga  had 
remained  at  large.  Nine  leaders  and  over  200  of  the  rank  and 
file  surrendered,  or  were  killed   or  captured.     The  patience  with 



which  the  Sau^hua  of  Wuntho  had  been  treated  seemed  at  last  to 
have  had  a  result.  He  established,  in  compliance  with  orders, 
pohce  posts  on  his  borders ;  he  made  some  efiforts  to  arrest 
criminals  ;  he  met  the  Deputy  Commissioner  of  Katha  at  Wuntho ; 
and  he  sent  his  wife  and  son  to  Mandalay  to  pay  a  visit  to  the 
Commissioner.  But  he  failed  to  arrest  Nga  Hmat,  who  in  Feb- 
ruary attacked  and  burnt  the  village  of  I^ainggyi  near  the  Wuntho 
boraer,  and  Kainggyi  had  to  be  occupied  by  the  military  police, 
who  kept  Nga  Hmat  inside  Wuntho,  to  which  State  he  belonged. 
Two  dacoilies  were  committed  in  the  district  from  Mong  Mit 
also,  but  in  both  cases  the  dacoits  were  seized  and  convicted,  and, 
though  there  were  no  military  or  police  posts  along  this  frontier, 
these  were  the  only  disturbances  on  the  eastern  side  of  Katha. 
The  district  itself  was  thus  completely  brought  into  order.  Wuntho 
alone  remained  as  a  danger. 

The  Ruby  Mines  district  was  a  good  deal  troubled  by  gangs  of 
robbers,  which   found  a  secure  asylum  in   the 
y    '"«»■  waste  tracts  along  its  borders  with  Mong  Mit 

and  Mong  Long,  louring  the  year  a  large  tract  of  country, 
formerly  part  of  Mong  Mit,  was  added  to  ihe  Ruby  Mines 
district,  with  the  result  that  there  was  for  a  lime  an  apparent 
large  increase  in  the  number  of  violent  crimes.  Many  of  these, 
however,  were  robberies  on  traders  travelling  on  the  main  road 
from  Mog6k  la  Thabeltkyin,  which  runs  close  along  the  borders  of 
the  district  with  Mong  Long.  The  maintenance  of  patrols  on  the 
road  and  the  establishment  of  a  military  police  post  at  Kin  checked 
these,  which  were  rather  gang  robberies  than  dacoitics.  Notwith- 
standing this,  there  was  a  great  increase  in  the  trade  of  the  district 
and  in  the  number  of  new  settlers  at  Mogok. 

Special  operations  in  Shwebo  were  undertaken  at  the  same  time 
as  in  Katha  with  entirely  successful  results. 
Nga  Kan  Baw  was  driven  west  and  captured 
by  the  Kanni  U'uti  in  the  Lower  Chindwin  in  February  1890.  All 
the  members  of  his  gang  surrendered  and  he  himself  was  tried 
and  sentenced  to  death.  Nga  I^yauk  LAn  was  killed  by  one  of 
his  own  lieutenants  in  May  1890^  and  almost  all  his  band  there- 
upon surrendered.  Nga  Th6n,  after  suffering  considerable  loss, 
was  eventually  compelled  to  surrender  with  his  gang  and  was 
sentenced  to  transportation  in  March  1890,  and  Nga  Aga  later 
gave  himself  up  in  the  Ye-u  district.  Since  then  dacoity  has 
entirely  ceased  in  this  turbulent  district  and  the  steady  enforcement 
of  the  track  law  has  done  much  to  reduce  the  number  of  cattle- 
thefts  and  other  minor  offences,  which  always  tended  to  increase 
with  the  suppression  of  violent  crime.     Sagaing  had  been  finally 

CHAP,  v.] 



quieted  in  1889  and  in  the  succeeding  year  the  number  of  offences 
classed  as  violent  crimes  did  not  reach  a  score  and  were  of  an  in- 
significant character.  Several  noted  leaders  who  had  disappeared 
in  previous  years  were  brought  tojusiice,  some  of  them  having  been 
arrested  in  other  districts. 

Ye-u  profited  by  the  operations  in  Shwebo  and  Katha  and  the 
last  two  leaders  of  note^  Van  Gyi  Aung  and  Nga  Aga,  surrendered 
through  the  intermediation  of  the  principal  pongyt  in  the  district. 
All  the  rank  and  file  of  the  dacoit  gangs  were  permitted  to  live  at 
large  on  security  and  under  surveillance  and,  though  the  number  of 
those  who  had  formally  surrendered  was  twelve  hundred,  the  num- 
ber of  violent  crimes  was  reduced  to  a  merely  nominal  figure.  In 
the  year  1889  the  number  of  violent  crimes  was  1 16.  In  1890  this 
had  been  reduced  to  ten. 

It  was  only  in  1889  that   steps  were  taken  to  extend  effective 
.  control  over  the  interior  of  the  Upper  Chindwin 

district  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Chindwin  river. 
The  existence  of  dacoit  gangs  in  the  wide  tract  of  country  between 
the  Chindwin  and  the  State  of  Wuntho  and  Ye-u  was  scarcely  re- 
cognized because  the  country  was  not  really  under  our  adminis- 
tration. Nga  Lfe  and  other  leaders  lived  there  unmolested  until 
now,  when  their  bands  were  dispersed  and  they  themselves  found 
safety  in  Wuntho. 

In  the  Lower  Chindwin  also  the  townsfiip  of  Kanni,  which  com- 
prised about  two-thirds  of  the  whole  district,  was  still  administered 
by  the  IVnn  of  Kanni,  who  maintained  order  with  a  force  of  irregu- 
lar police.  The  obligations  of  the  IVun  to  administer  the  town- 
ship in  accordance  with  the  principles  of  Government  adopted  in 
other  parts  of  the  province  were  gradually  made  more  strict,  and  the 
Deputy  Commissioner's  supervision  more  effective,  and  eventually 
the  irregular  force  was  replaced  by  regular  police  without  disturbing 
the  peacefulness  of  the  administration.  Except  for  cattle-theft,  the 
district  was  always  entirely  free  from  crime  and  great  progress  was 
made  towards  final  disarmament. 

It  was  not  till  June  1890,  after  seven  or  eight  months  of  active 
operations,  that  the  country  round  P6ppa  hill 
was  finally  pacified.  In  that  period  nine 
leaders,  including  the  notorious  Shwe  Hm6k, 
were  killed  ;  eleven  including  Yan  Bye  were  captured  ;  and  forty- 
three,  among  whom  were  HIa  Gyaw,  Nga  Nwfe,  and  Yan  Nyun,  sur- 
rendered. The  surrender  of  Yan  Nyun  at  the  end  of  May  may  be 
said  to  have  completed  the  pacification  of  the  district.  He  was  an 
official  in  Burmese  times  and  commanded  very  great  influence  in 


M  V  I  n  t;  y  a  n 





and  Pyin- 

this  part  of  the  country,  both  on  account  of  his  rank  and  by  his 
relentless  terrorism.  His  surrender,  trial,  and  sentence  put  an  end 
to  aU  the  gan^.  Bo  Cho  was  not  captured  and  remained  at  large 
for  six  years  longer,  but  he  entirely  gave  up  dacoity  and  indeed 
had  no  more  than  six  men  with  him. 

Pak6kku,  notwithstanding  its  neighbourhood  to  the  Chin  Hills, 
was  undisturbed,  and  so  was  Minbu,  where  the  special  opera- 
tions under  Lieutenant  Green  were  most  successful.  Saw  U,  son 
of  Bo  Swe,  was  killed,  and  his  brother,  Saw  Pa,  was  captured.  The 
only  leaders  of  any  name  who  remained  at  large  were  Tauk  Ta  and 
Kyetkvi.  and  thev  only  escaped  by  discardinv  their  following,  most 
of  whom  surrendered  and  were  allowed  to  return  to  their  homes. 
Yamfcthin,  Meiktila,  and  Kyauksd  were  altogether  free  from  distur- 
bance, except  for  the  raids  of  a  few  bad  characters  from  the  Shan 
Hills,  who  seldom  went  beyond  cattle-lifting  and  belonged  to  no  or- 
ganized gang. 

The  Magwe,  Pyinmana,  and  Yamfethin  police  under  the  general 
control  of  Mr.  Porter,  Deputy  Commissioner  of 
Pyinmana,  acted  on   a  systematic  plan  against 
the  Yoma  gangs  and  drove  them  from  hiding- 
place  to  hiding-place.     In  order  to  block   the  roads  and  prevent 
the   escape  of  the   dacoits,  temporary  military  police  posts  were 
established  in  the  immediate  neighbourhood  of  the  Yomas,  four  in 
Magwe  and  six  in  Pyinmana-     The  posts  already  existing  in  the 
Toungoo  and  Thayetmyo  districts  were  strengthened  and   roads 
and   tracks  connecting  the  Pyinmana   and  Magwe  districts  were 
made.     The  policy  of  permitting  the  surrender  of  all  but  those  who 
had    been  guilty    of  specially   atrocious  crimes  was  consistently 
pursued,  and  in  three  mnnth*?  79  dacoits,  of  whom  i  7  were  leaders 
of  more  or  less  importance,  had  U-en  killed,  or  captured,  or  had 
surrendered.     A   large  number  of  firearms  had  been  seized,   and 
at  the  end  of  May  the   Yomas  had  been  brought  under  complete 
control.     Meanwhile  Mr.  Todd-Naylor,  the  Deputy  Commissioner 
of  Magwe,  had  been  engaged  in  the  north  of  the  dislrict  against 
the  dacoit  leaders  Shwe  Daik  and  Tin  Baw,  and  he  and  Mr.  Collins, 
Assistant  Commissioner,  succeeded  in  disposing  of  eight  of  their 
gang  of  16  and  in  driving  the  rest  out  of  the  district  to  places  where 
they  had  no  influence.     The  result  of  these  measures  was  that  not 
only  was  Magwe  freed  from  disorder,  but  also  all  its  neighbours. 
The  well-known  leader,   Lu  Gale  Gyi,  was  arrested  as  far  away  as 
Prome  and  the  organized  action  taken  against  dacoits  was  perha| 
more  conspicuously  successful  in  Magwe  than  anywhere  else  in  tin 
same  period  of  time. 

CHAP,  v.] 



During  the  year  the  six  separate  military  commands  were  a- 
bolishcd  and  the  troops  were  distributed  among  the  three  districts 
of  Rangoon,  Mandalay,  and  Myingyan.  At  the  end  of  March  r88g, 
the  whole  force,  including  the  Chin-Lushai  Expeditionary  Force, 
numbered  15,608. 

On  the  1st  January  i8go  the  actual  strength  of  the  military 
police  was  18.618,  and  the  Karen  battalion,  which  had  now  grown 
to  four  companies,  did  very  good  work,  especially  in  the  Minbu  and 
Magwe  districts. 

From   18S7  to   1889  the  military  posts  in  the  interior  of  Upper 

Burma  had  been  gradually  replaced  bv  military 
Miliury  police.  ^^y^^^  ^^^^^^^     ^^^^^  beginning  of   1887  there 

were  142  posts  held  by  troops  and  56  held  by  military  police; 
at  the  end  of  thai  year  the  numbers  were  84  and  17^  respectively ; 
and  at  the  beginning  of  18S9  the  numbers  were  41  posts  held  by 
troops  and  192  by  military  police.  Towards  the  end  of  1889,  when 
organized  resistance  to  the  Government  had  entirely  collapsed,  it 
was  found  possible  to  reduce  the  number  of  military  police  posts 
and  10  hold  the  posts  still  retained  with  smaller  garrisons.  A  com- 
mencement was  made  of  the  system  of  concentrating  at  least  half 
the  strength  ot  each  battalion  at  headquarters,  and  reductions  were 
made  in  several  battalions.  The  Minbu,  Pakokku,  Pyinmana,  Ya- 
mfethin,  and  ICyaukst  di-^tricts  were  all  in  such  a  satisfactory  state 
towards  the  end  of  1889  that  they  were  able  to  afford  considerable 
reductions  in  their  battalions.  It  was  decided  to  utilize  the  com- 
panies made  available  by  these  reductions  in  the  formation  of  a 
strong  and  highly  trained  reserve.  Another  change  in  the  organi- 
zation of  the  military  police  was  the  amalgamation  of  two  or  more 
battalions  with  the  object  of  reducing  the  strength  and  cost  of  the 
aggregate  force.  The  first  experiment  was  made  in  the  Eastern 
or  Meiklila  division.  The  Kyauksii,  Meiktila,  and  YamMhin  bat- 
talions, which  aggregated  19  companies,  were  formed  into  a  single 
joint  battalion  of  15  companies,  and  three  of  these  companies  were 
added  to  the  Reserve  battalion,  while  the  fourth  was  struck  off  the 
the  strength. 

The  number,  conduct,  and  the  permanency  of  the  Upper  Burma 
Civil  Police  greatly  improved  during;  this,  practically,  the  second  year 
of  their  existence. 

In  i8go,  which  was  the  last  year  of  Sir  Charles  Crosthwaite's 
g  administration  of  Burma,   it  may  be  said  that 

Final  estahiishmeni  order  was  finally  established  in  Upper  Burma 
ol  order.  ^nd  the  construction  of  the  administrative  sys- 

tem firmly  set  up.     The  Toungoo-Mandalay  section  of  the  railway 



was  opened  to  traffic  and  the  passenger  traflRc  was  immediately 
very  heavy.  The  Mu  Valley  railway  was  under  construction.  A 
cart-road  was  made  from  the  plains  to  the  Southern  Shan  States 
plateau,  and  another  to  the  Northern  Shan  States,  while  a  carl -road 
from  Thabeikkyin  on  the  Irrawaddy  to  the  Ruby  Mines  was  sUso 
opened.  The  irrigation  system,  which  had  fallen  into  great  disre- 
pair in  King  Thlbaw's  time,  was  carefully  examined  with  a  view  to 
the  repair  of  old  works  and  the  construction  of  new  channels  on  a 
definite  plan. 

The  only  tract  in  the  Irrawaddy  Valley  which  caused  anxiety 

-,,     .      .  ,„  was  the  State  of  Wuniho.      It  was  classed  as  a 

Wuntho  rebellion.         o  i_        c    .       i_    .  .  ■  ^i. 

bhan  State,  but  was  never  at  any  time  on  the 

same  footing  as  the  true  Shan  States  and  only  escap*;d  becoming 
an  integral  part  of  the  Burmese  Empire,  like  the  neighbouring  dis- 
tricts, through  Burmese  want  of  system.  It  had  an  area  of  about 
2,400  square  miles  with  150,000  inhabitants,  and  lay  midwav  be- 
tween the  Irrawaddy  and  Chindwin  livers.  The  Sazvbwa,  Maung 
Aung  Myat,  had  succeeded  his  father  as  Chief  in  1881,  when  the 
old  man  of  his  own  accord  gave  up  the  direct  administration.  The 
ex'Sawinta  lived  in  the  north  of  the  Stale  and  was  consistently  ill- 
disposed  to  British  authority.  His  son  maintained  an  exasperating 
attitude  of  reserve  and  distrust  and,  while  promising  10  arrest  da- 
coits  and  maintain  order  within  and  on  the  borders  of  his  territory, 
virtually  allowed  it  to  become  a  standing  refuge  for  rebels  and 
dacoit  leaders.  The  steady  advance  of  the  railway  and  the  fact 
that  a  census  had  been  ordered,  doubtless  brought  matters  to  a 
crisis,  and,  though  the  rising  came  as  a  rude  surprise,  it  was  no 
doubt  well-planned,  probably  in  correspondence  with  Manipur.  In 
January  1891  a  small  column  left  Kaiha  to  account  for  Nga  Mmat 
and  Po  Thein,  two  dacoits  who  had  been  giving  trouble.  Nga  Hmat 
surrendered  with  40  followers  ;  but  to  get  at  Po  Thein  it  was  ne- 
cessary to  go  through  the  northern  portion  of  Wuniho,  which  was 
directly  ruled  by  the  old  Sawbtva.  The  road  to  Po  Thein's  retreat 
at  Mangyaung  was  blocked.  Mounted  orderlies  were  shot  at  and 
Banmauk  fired  into,  and  on  the  15th  February  an  attack  was  made 
on  that  post  and,  after  some  hours'  resistance,  the  District  Super- 
intendent of  Police  and  his  party  were  forced  to  retire  to  Kainggyi. 
On  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  at  3  A.M.,  the  rebels  on  the 
south  of  the  State  broke  into  the  military  police  stockade  of  Kaw- 
lin  and  set  fire  to  various  buildings  to  the  north  and  west.  Three 
of  the  military  police  and  the  compounder  were  killed  immediate- 
ly, but.  by  the  light  of  the  blazing  buildings  of  the  Subdivisional 
headquarters,  the  Subadar  drove  the  enemy  out  of  the  stockade. 
At  the  same  time  the  police  post  of  Kyaukpintha  was  attacked 

CHAP,  v.] 



and  both  places  were  beleaguered  for  several  days,  while  a  number 
of  frontier  villages  were  burnt  and  looted.     The  railway  buildings 
at   Kyungon  to  th(j  south   were  burnt,  the  civil  police   station   at 
Sing6n  lo  the  enst  was  destroyed,  and  a  similar  post  at  Okkan, 
towards  Ye-u  on  the  west,  was  also  seized  and  burni.     The  sud- 
denness of  the  rising  showed  that  it  was  concerted,  and  for  a  time 
it  appeared  as  if  the  reinforcements   hurried  from  all  sides  would 
not  be  in  time.     On   the  i9ih  February,  however.  Lieutenant  Nis- 
bei,  with  loo  of  the  20th  Madras  Native  Infantry  from  Kaiha,  and 
Captain  H.  D'U.  Keary,  with  Subadar  Prakasa  Roya  and  39  sow- 
ars from  Shwebo,  arrived  at  Kawlin  and  at  once  turned  the  defence 
into  an  attack.     Captain  Keary  charged  the  centre  of  the  rebels 
and  cleared  them  from  the  plain  and  drove  the  remnant  of  them  up 
a  stockaded  hill.     This  hill,  with  his  dismounted  sowars  and  the 
Madras  Infantry,  he   proceeded   to  attack   from   different   sides. 
Both  parties  failed  at  the  first  attempt,  but  just  at  nightfall  the 
dismounted  sowars,  under  Prakasa   Roya,  after  a  severe  hand-to- 
hand  fight,  carried  the  position  and  killed  every  man  in  it.     Three 
sepoys  were   killed  and  six  wounded  in  the  attack  on  this  position, 
which  was  inside  a  pagoda,  flanked  at  the  corners  by  rifle-pits  and 
situated  on  the  top  of  a  very  steep  rocky  hill,  covered  with  thick 
undergrowth,  except  round  the  pagoda.     On  the  following  day  Cap- 
tain Keary  and  Mr  Kenny  with  the  mounted  men  cleared  the  sur- 
rounding country  of  the  enemy,  destroying  Pegfin,  the  rallying  point 
Jorthe  rebels  on  the  borders  of  Wiintho.     On  the  aist  the  troops 
^ved  from  Shwebo  and  a  detachment  of  the  Duke  of  Cornwall's 
Ijght  Infantry  under  Captain  Custance  from  Tigyaing.    That  tvt- 
"Jng  news  came  that  the  Sawbwa  had  stockaded  himself  at  the 
Kyaingkwintaunt;  on  the  road  to  Wuntho  town.     This  the  troops 
and  military  police  under  command  of  Captain  T.  A.  H.  Davies  of  the 
Devonshire   Regiment  proceeded  to  attack  on  the  22nd   February. 
The  stockade  was  in  a  kyauug  in  a  strong  position  on  a  hill  com- 
manding the  ford  of  the  Daung-yu  river,  about  half-way  between 
Kawlin  and  Wuntho,  which  are  some  9  miles  apart.     The  Devon- 
shires  crossed  the  river  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy  at  about  200 
vards  range  and  attacked  the  hill  from  the  south,  while  the  mounted 
infantry  under  Captains  Kear^*  and  Custance  moved  along  the  east 
bank  to  cut  off  the  retreat.      The  position  was  carried  by  assault 
after  an  hour's  fighting  and  the  troopers  cut  off  the  enemy's  retreat, 
killed  50,  and   wounded  a  large  number,  notwithstanding  that  the 
ground  was  full  of  irons- de-loup,  dug  as  traps  for  them.     The  Saw 
Jtra'j  pony  was  taken  in  the  stockade.     Our  loss  was  three  men  of 
the  Devonshires  killed  and  10  wounded  and  five  sepoys  wounded. 

On  the  same  day  the  military  police  from  Ye-u  came  upon  the 
enemy  strongly  stockaded  at  the  Monan   kyaung   near  Okkan. 



After  an  engagement  lasting  several  hours,  the  rebels  were  dislodg- 
ed and  driven  off  with  a  loss  of  27  killed.  Captain  Hutchinson, 
the  Commandant  of  the:  Ye-u  battalion,  received  a  severe  wound, 
of  which  he  died  a  few  days  afterwards,  and  one  sepoy  was  killed 
and  seven  wounded. 

These  two  actions  practically  crushed  the  rebellion.  The  rebels 
lost  their  best  men,  mostly  pure  Shans,  in  the  engagements  at  and 
round  Kawlin,  and  were  thoroughly  beaten  and  cowed  and  this  in 
about  a  week  from  the  beginning  of  the  outbreak.  The  result  was 
the  somewhat  unique  feature  that  the  expedition  was  completely 
successful  before  the  expeditionary  force  had  been  regularly  orga- 
nized. VVuntho  town  was  occupied  witliout  opposition  on  the  24th 
February.  General  Wolseley,  C.B..  Commanding  the  Mandalay  dis- 
trict, had  been  appointed  to  the  chief  military  and  political  charge 
of  the  operations  and  arrived  in  the  town  on  the  26th  February. 
An  advance  was  then  made  across  the  hills  to  Pinltbu,  the  Sotv- 
bwd's  place  of  residence,  33  miles  off.  Their  final  position  on  the 
Mankin  pass  was  turned  on  the  25th  February  and  the  stockaded 
village  of  Mankin  was  then  shelled  and  the  enemy  fled  and  all  arm- 
ed resistance  in  Southern  Wuntho  came  to  an  end. 

The  Sawdn'a  wrote  offering  to  pay  any  reasonable  fine  the  Gen- 
eral might  impose,  and  informing  him  that  he  had  forbidden  his 
people  to  offer  any  further  resistance  to  our  troops,  but  was  told 
that  until  he  surrendered  in  person  no  terms  could  be  offered  beyond 
the  promise  of  his  personal  safety  and  the  protection  of  his  family 
and  private  property.  The  mounted  force  was  sent  northwards  to 
cut  off  his  retreat  in  that  direction,  but  in  the  meantime  the  military 
police  from  Ye-u  had  pushed  on  from  Okkan  and  the  Satvbwa  in- 
conuncnily  took  to  flight  on  the  27th  Februarv,  leaving  his  palace 
and  stockade  burnt  behind  him.  Captain  Hodges  and  Captain 
Proud  occupied  the  very  strongly  situated  position  at  Pinl^bu  the 
same  afternoon,  and  General  Wolseley  found  him  in  possession 
when  he  arrived  on  the  morning  of  the  ist  March.  No  trustworthy 
information  was  available  as  to  the  Saivbwa's  line  of  retreat,  but  in 
any  case  want  of  transport  and  rations  prevented  an  immediate  pur- 

While  these  events  were  taking  place  in  the  south  a  column  had 
also  been  organized  in  the  north  under  Colonel  Macgregor,  D.S.O., 
of  the  1st  Burma  Regiment  (loth  Madras  Infantry),  with  Mr. 
Martini,  District  Superintendent  of  Police,  as  Political  Assistant. 
They  marched  from  Katha  against  the  old  Saiobwa  at  Mansi, 
Before  it  advanced  the  military  police  of  Katha  at  Ivainggyi  and 
elsewhere  had  had  several  encounters  uith  the  rebels,  who  had  bro- 
ken into  tlie  district  in  various  places,  plundering  and  burning  vil- 

CHAP,  v.] 



and  both  places  were  beleaguered  for  several  days,  while  a  number 
of  frontier  villages  were  burnt  and  looted.     The  railway  buildings 
at  Kyungon  to  the  south   were  burnt,  the  civil  police   station   at 
Singon  to  the  east  was  destroyed,  and  a  similar  post  at  Okkan, 
towards  Ye-u  on  the  west,  was  also  seized  and  burnt.     The  sud- 
denness of  the  rising  showed  that  it  was  concerted,  and  for  a  time 
it  appeared  as  if  the  reinforcements   hurried  from  all  sides  would 
not  be  in  time.     On   the  19th  February,  however,  Lifutenant  Nis- 
bet,  with  100  of  the  20th  Madras  Native  Infantry  from  Kaiha,  and 
Captain  H.  D'U.  Keary,  with  Subadar  Prakasa  Roya  and  29  sow- 
ars from  Shwebo,  arrived  at  Kawlin  and  at  once  turned  the  defence 
into  an  attack.     Captain  Keary  charged  the  centre  of  the  rebels 
and  cleared  them  from  the  plain  and  drove  the  remnant  of  them  up 
a  stockaded  hill.     This  hill,  with  his  dismounted  sowars  and  the 
Madras  Infantry,  he   proceeded    to   attack    from    different    sides. 
Both  parties  failed  at  the  first  attempt,  but  just  at  nightfall  the 
dismounted  sowars,  under  Prakasa  Roya,  after  a  severe  hand-to- 
hand  fight,  carried  the  position  and  killed  every  man  in  it.     Three 
sepoys  were  killed  and  six  wounded  in  the  attack  on  this  position, 
which  was  inside  a  pagoda,  flanked  at  the  corners  by  rifle-pits  and 
situated  on  the  top  of  a  very  steep  rocky  hill,  covered  with  thick 
undergrowth,  except  round  the  pagoda.     On  the  following  day  Cap- 
tain Keary  and  Mr-  Kenny  with  the  mounted  men  cleared  the  sur- 
rounding country  of  the  enemy,  destroying  f^egon,  the  rallying  point 
for  the  rebels  on  the  borders  of  Wuntho.     On  the   21  si  the  troops 
arrived  from  Shwebo  and  a  detachment  of  the  Duke  of  Cornwall's 
Light  Infantry  under  Captain  Custance  from  Tigyain^.    That  eve- 
ning news  came  that  the  Satvbwa  had  stockaded  himself  at  the 
Kyaingkwintaun^  on  the  road  to  Wuntho  town.     This  the  troops 
and  military  police  under  command  of  Captain  T.  A.  H.  Davies  of  the 
Devonshire   Regiment  proceeded  to  attack  on  the  22nd   February. 
The  stockade  was  in  a  kyautig  in  a  strong  position  on  a  hil!  com- 
manding the  ford  of  the  Daung-yu  river,  about  half-way  between 
Kawlin  and  Wuntho,  which  arc  some  9  miles  apart.     The  Devon- 
shires  crossed  the  river  under  the  fire  of  the  enemy  at  about  200 
yards  range  and  attacked  the  hill  from  the  south,  while  the  mounted 
mfantry  under  Captains  Keary  and  Custance  moved  along  the  east 
bank  to  cut  off  the  retreat.      The  position  was  carried  by  assault 
after  an  hour's  fighting  and  the  troopers  cut  off  the  enemy's  retreat, 
killed  50,  and   wounded  a  large  number,  notwithstanding  that  the 
ground  was  full  of  trous-de'loup,  dug  as  traps  for  them.     The  Saw' 
hva's  pony  was  taken  in  the  stockade.     Our  loss  was  three  men  of 
the  Devonshires  killed  and  10  wounded  and  five  sepoys  wounded. 

On  the  same  day  the  military  police  from  Ye-u  came  upon  the 
enemy  strongly  stockaded  at   the  Monan   kyaung  near  Okkan. 



The  Jade  Mines  were  reached  on  the  15th  .April ;  but  there  was 
no  o{>po«ition,  and  the  people  welcomed  the  force,  it  was  deto-- 
mined  to  establish  a  post  there,  and  Captain  CVDonn^  was  left  in 
command  with  four  other  British  Officers,  132  n6es  of  the  Mo- 
gun^  Levy,  and  a  section  of  the  6th  Bombay  Mount^n  Battery. 
The  Wuntho  Sav6va  it  was  found  had  succeeded  in  escaping  by 
the  northern  road  through  the  amber  mines  inio  China.  With  the 
establishment  of  the  Jade  mines  post  the  military  operations  may 
be  said  to  have  closed. 

A  few  days  after  the  beginning  of  the  rebellion,  and  as  soon  as 
it  became  clear  that  the  Savb-xa  himself  was  really  engaged  in  ii, 
the  orders  of  ihe  Government  of  India  were  obtamcd  for  his  de- 
position, and  a  proclamation  was  issued  declaring  that  he  wotild 
never  be  given  authority  in  Wuntho  again,  and  tendering  pardon  to 
all  who  should  make  their  submission  and  surrender  their  arms  in  a 
fortnight.  There  was  no  hesitation  in  accepting  these  terms,  and 
from  the  verj'  first  the  people  readily  came  in  with  their  arms.  Al- 
though the  rebels  had  burned  hundreds  of  houses,  carried  off  hund- 
reds of  cattle,  and  destroyed  an  immense  amount  of  property  be- 
longing to  unoffending  people,  no  retaliatory  measures  whatever 
were  taken,  and,  excepting  the  burning  of  a  few  houses  at  first, 
where  there  was  resistance,  no  damage  of  any  kind  was  done.  The 
consequence  of  this  policy  was  that  the  country  quietly  settled  down 
and  the  people  were  both  friendly  and  helpful  to  our  officers  and 
troops.  About  3,000  arms  were  given  in,  practically  all  there  were, 
except  those  in  the  hands  of  the  Immediate  followers  of  the  Sazo^ 
b-wa.  The  members  of  the  Sawhwa's  family,  including  his  cousin, 
the  Kemmong,  or  heir  apparent,  and  numerous  prominent  officials 
were  pardoned  and  allowed  to  remain  in  Wuntho,  and  the  best  of 
the  old  local  officials  were  given  employment  in  the  new  adminis- 
tration of  the  territory,  which  was  incorporated  in  the  neighbouring 
districts  of  Katha  and  Ye-u. 

No  sooner  was  Kawlin  relieved  than  arrangements  were  made  to 
)nd  a  staff  of  Engineers  into  Wuntho  and  Katha  to  make  roads 
and  build  posts,  to  extend  the  telegraph  and  establish  postal  com- 
munications, and  much  was  accomplished  before  the  end  of  the 
open  season.  At  the  same  time  work  on  the  railway  was  pushed 
on  both  from  Wuntho  to  the  pass  into  Katha  and  from  Katha  to 
the  same  pass.  Wuntho  has  enjoyed  perfect  peace  ever  since  the 
sudden  revolt  of  the  Sambma. 

Nga  Lfe  and  the  ^iy^-Sawhwa  of  Wuntho  made  their  appearance 
in  the  following  year,  i8gi,  and  committed  a  number  of  dacoities 
in  the  Legayaing  subdivision  of  the  Upper  Chindwin.  Nga  Lfe, 
however,  was  shot  and  the  ey.-Sa7vb-afa  was  driven  off.     He  appears 

CHAP,  v.] 



since  to  have  attached  himself  to  the  small  band  of  the  disaffected 
and  robber  chiefs  who  find  a  refuge  with  Saw  Yan  Naing  in  the 
Chinese  States.  Some  of  the  Wuntho  nest  of  dacoits,  notably 
Nga  Hmat,  Kya  Yit,  and  Kya  Zi,  disturbed  Katha  district  for  a 
time,  but  all  the  members  of  their  gangs  were  accounted  for  in 
1894.  Tauk  Ta,  who  was  still  at  large  in  the  Minbu  district  in 
1893  with  a  band  of  27  men  with  10  guns,  was  captured  with  all 
his  men  in  that  year.  The  last  of  all  the  dacoit  leaders  to  be  taken 
was  Nga  Cho.  After  remaining  concealed  for  several  years,  he 
suddenly  re-appeared  in  the  P6ppa  hill  neighbourhood  with  a  small 
but  troublesome^  f?''^"g  ^^^  g^^'^  ^^  much  trouble  in  the  Mylngyan 
district  that  special  measures  were  taken  for  his  capture.  He  was 
captured  with  the  principal  members  of  his  gang  and  brought  to 
justice  in  1896,  the  last  of  the  hundreds  who  had  troubled  the  upper 

But  already  in  1890  the  progress  towards  the  complete  estab- 
Conversion  of  the     hshment  of  order  was  SO  great  that  considerable 
military    piiice    inio    reduction  was  Dossible  in  the  strength  of  the  mili- 
regiments.  ^^^y  police.     This  was  effected  by  the  transfer 

of  frontier  levies  to  the  regular  army  in  pursuance  of  a  scheme  for 
garrisoning  the  Southern  Shan  States  and  the  Chin  Hills  by  troops 
instead  of  police.  In  this  way,  with  the  Mogaung  levy,  the  first  three 
Burma  regiments  were  formed,  taking  the  place  of  disbanded  Madras 
Native  Infantry  regiments.  At  the  close  of  1891  the  six  battalions 
employed  in  the  Mytiigyan,  Pak6kku,  Minbu,  Magwe,  Lower 
Chmdwin,  and  Sagalng  districts  were  amalgamated  into  three. 
The  reduction  thereby  effected  of  ten  and  a  half  companies  enabled 
the  4th  Burma  Regiment  to  be  formed.  There  was  then  a  pause 
for  a  year  owing  to  the  necessity  for  increasing  the  force  m  the 
Ruby  Mines  district,  which  then  included  Mong  Mit  for  police  pur- 
poses, and  in  the  Bhamo,  Katha,  and  Upper  Chindwin  districts, 
where  much  previously  unexplored  country  was  brought  under  con- 
trol. In  1892,  however,  16  companies  were  transferred  to  the 
Native  Army  and  formed  the  nucleus  of  the  5th  and  6th  Burma  Re- 
giments, and  in  the  beginning  of  1893  ^  further  reduction  of  eight 
companies  resulted  in  the  formation  of  the  7th  Burma  Regiment. 
In  1894  the  Mandalay  battalion  of  seven  companies  was  abolished 
and  a  reduction  of  one  company  in  the  Southern  Division  battalion 
and  of  two  rompanies  in  the  Katha  battalion  was  effected.  The 
Yam^thin  battalion  was  increased  by  two  companies  and  the  North- 
ern Chin  Hills  battalion  of  six  companies  was  formed,  which  set 
free  one  of  the  regiments  employed  there  for  service  elsewhere,  In 
this  way  the  strength  of  the  Upper  Burma  military  police  was 
reduced  to  12,091.     The  cost  of  the  military  police,  which  in  1889 




had  been  Rs.  67.74,810  was  in  1895  reduced  to  Rs.  32,10,905. 
Latterly  the  military  police  force  in  Lower  Burma,  in  consequence 
of  additional  calls,  has  been  increased  at  the  expense  of  reductions 
in  Upper  Burma. 

At  the  same  time  the  civil  police  have  been  decreased  in  numbers, 
while  they  have  increased  in  efficiency.  This  is  largely  due  to  the 
institution  of  training  schools  and  of  beat-patrols,  while  the  estab- 
lishment of  I  o-house^rtMrt^j,  according  to  the  old  Burmese  system, 
greatly  improved  the  cRiciency  of  the  rural  police.  Under  this 
system  a  village  is  divided  into  a  number  of  blocks,  each  of  which 
is  under  a  lo-house  gaung.  All  the  iD-house^i7tt«^^  in  their  turn 
are  suburdinale  to  the  vlllai;e  headman  The  system  was  familiar 
to  the  people  and  is  in  itself  a  good  on'*.  Its  adoption  has  done 
?nuch  to  render  easier  the  detection  of  crime.  In  the  Pakokku 
district  a  number  of  Chins  have  been  enlisted  in  the  police  with 
most  satisfactory  results.  The  recruiting  of  Kachins  in  the  Bharao 
and  Myitkyina  districts  has  aUo  been  begun,  but  their  efBciency  is 
a  matter  on  which  their  officers  so  far  are  not  in  agreement.  A 
company  of  Kachin  military  police,  however,  behaved  very  credit- 
ably under  fire  on  the  occasion  of  the  taking  of  some  Chinese 
stockades  in  the  Kachin  Hills  In  April  1898. 





It  seems  probable  that  the  Tai,  or  Shan,  race  will  furnish  in  the 

„.    ^  ,  unravelment  of  its   histon'  an   explanalion,  or, 

The  Tal  race.  .  .  .        ,  ,       '  .    '    .  ' 

at  any  rate,  a  clue  to  many  obscure   points  in 

the  history  not  only  of  Indo-China  but  of  the  Chinese  Empire  it- 
self. The  Tai  race,  in  its  different  branches,  is  beyond  all  ques- 
tion the  most  widely  spread  oi  any  in  the  Indo-Chinese  Peninsula 
and  even  in  parts  beyond  the  peninsula,  and  it  is  certainly  the  most 
numerous,  It  is  quite  certain  that  Tai  are  found  from  Assam  to 
far  into  the  Chinese  province  of  Kwang-si  and  Irom  Bangkok 
to  the  interior  of  Yunnan,  it  seems  possible  that  they  may  be 
traced  even  farther.  Monsieur  Bons  d'Anty,  the  Consul  for  France 
in  Canton,  who  had  many  opporiunities  of  studying  the  race  not 
merely  in  Ssu-mao,  but  previously  in  Lung-Chao,  Nan-ning,  and 
Wu-chao,  found  not  only  that  Shan  was  practically  the  language 
of  the  country  from  Lung-chao  to  Pe-se,  the  limit  of  navigation  on 
the  West  river  (Hsi  Kiang),  but  is  inclined  to  think  that  the  Hak- 
kas  of  south  China,  if  not  Tai,  have  a  very  strong  infusion  of  Tai 
blood.  This  is  prima  facie  extremely  probable,  though  it  does  not 
yet  admit  of  direct  proof,  but  beyond  this  Monsieur  Bons  d'Anty 
believes  that  the  Li,  the  inhabitants  of  the  interior  of  Hainan,  are 
pure  Tai.  Very  little  is  known  about  them,  and  the  question  is  loo 
controversial  to  be  treated  in  a  gazetteer,  but  it  may  be  mentioned 
that  both  men  and  women  wear  their  hair  knotted  like  the  Shans, 
that  the  Shang  Li  or  wild  Li  women  have  their  faces  tattooed  when 
they  marry,  and  that  there  is  a  Li  written  character,  which  has  not 
yet  been  critically  examined,  but  is  characterized  by  a  Chinese 
writer  as  being  "like  the  wriggling  of  worms,'* a  picturesque  de- 
scription which  might  be  applied  to  the  Shan  alphabet.  It  may  be 
added  that  the  coast  belt  of  Hainan  is  inhabited  chiefly  by  Hakkas. 
The  difference  of  name  proves  nothing  either  way,  for  the  branch- 
es which  are  indisputably  Tai  are  known  by  a  bewildering  variety 
of  names,  which  serve  to  conceal  their  identity,  such  as  Tai,  Htai, 
Pai-i,  Moi,  Muong,  Tho  or  Do,  Hkamti,  with  a  very  much  greater 
number  of  local  names,  assumed  by  themselves  or  given  them  by 
their  neighbours,  such  as  Lao,  Law,  Hkiin,  Lii.  Tal-long,  Tai-noi, 
Tai-mao,  Tai-nO,  Tai-man,  Tai-hk^,  Tal-loi,  Pu-tai,  Pu-nong  (or 
Wung),  Pu-man,  Pu-jii,  Pu-chei,  Pu-en,  Pu-yiei,  Pu-shui,  p'o*  Pa, 

1 88 


Shui  Han,  or  Hua  Pai-i,  Pai-jfrn.  T'u-jen.  P'u-man.  Pal,  Hei  or 
Hwa  T'u-lao,  Nung  or  Lung-jen,  Sha-jen,  Hel  or  Pai  Sha-jdn,  Min- 
chia,  Shui-chia,  Chung-chia.  and  many  more  still  more  purely  local. 

As  if  this  were  not  enoujjh,  they  have  six  di^tlnct  forms  of  written 
character — the  Siamese,  ihe  Lao  or  Siamese  Shan,  ihe  Lii,  and  H  kun 
which  might  be  called  frans-Salween  Shan,  the  Cis-Salween  Shan 
which  with  the  Hkun  might  be  called  British  Shan,  the  Tai  Mao 
which  is  Chinese  Shan,  and  the  Hkamti  Shan  of  the  settlements 
west  of  the  Irrawaddy. 

The  spoken  languages  are  to  a  great  extent  mutually  incompre- 
hensible; the  written  characters  are  no  less  of  a  reciprocal  puzzle, 
most  exasperating  of  all,  the  tones  of  the  various  dialects  do  not 
correspond.  Yet  to  a  student  in  the  Rriiish  Museum  there  is  not  a 
doubt  as  to  the  common  origin  and  in  many  cases  the  identity  of 
the  various  forms.  Siamese  gentlemen  have  found  that  with  pa- 
tience they  can  understand  their  farthest  relatives,  the  Hkamti 
Shans,  but  they  cannot  carry  on  a  conversation  with  their  nearest 
neighbours,  the  Lao,  and  the  written  character  of  Slam  and  of  the 
Hkamti  Shans  is  the  most  divergent  of  any.  It  might  naturally 
be  supposed  that  Siam,  which  is  the  only  Independent  Tai  State  in 
existence,  and  is  and  has  boon  for  long  the  most  civilized  and  ad- 
vanced, would  supply  us  with  the  best  history  of  the  race,  but  it  is 
precisely  Siam  which  furnishes  no  information  whatever  on  the 
subject.  Bishop  Pallegoix  places  the  commencement  of  the  Shan 
Kingdom  of  Siam  in  .\.D.  1350,  and  previous  to  this  date  no  infor- 
mation whatever  exists,  except  strange  hyperbolical  stories  and 
fabulous  tales,  which  have  not  even  the  merit  of  corresponding  with 
those  of  their  northern  brethren. 

As  if  the  multitude  of  Shan  tribe  names  and  State  names  were 
not  bewildering  and  kaleidoscopic  enough,  some  strange  fatality 
created  two  phantasms  which  attracted  the  attention  of  enquirers 
to  the  exclusion  and  obscuring  of  less  elusive  facts  in  Shan  history. 
These  were  the  *  Kingdom  of  Pong '  and  the  Ko-shan-pyi,  the  nine 
Shan  States.  The  '  Kingdom  of  Pong'  appears  in  the  translation 
of  a  Shan  chronicle  (the  manuscript  is  now  lost)  obtained  in  Mani- 
pur  by  Captain  Pemberton  in  1895.  The  same  kingdom  is  men- 
tioned in  the  list  of  his  conquests  by  Anawra-hta,  King  of  Pagan. 
The  name,  however,  is  unknown  to  the  Shans  and  much  ingenuity 
has  been  wasted  in  trying  to  identify  it.  Sir  Arthur  Phayre  said 
it  was  Mogaung.  The  late  Mr.  Ney  Ellas  was  convinced  that  it 
was  Mong  Mao.  Mr.  E.  H.  Parker,  by  dint  of  Chinese  learning, 
proves  it  to  be  Luh-ch'wan.  Since,  however,  he  admits  that  this 
IS  a  purely  Chinese  title,  that  the  State  no  longer  exists,  and  that  its 
limits  were  not  clearly  defined  when  it  did  exist,  the  solution  Is  the 




less  gratifying.  The  frivolous  might  say  that  the  Kingdom  of 
P6ng  was  ^^^s.  Harris.  Since  the  origin  of  the  name  SJtati  for  the 
Tai  race  itself  is  a  puzzle,  the  Kingdom  of  Pong  may  be  put  on 
the  shelf  beside  it,  till  we  have  fuller  information.  AH  that  is  pos- 
sible is  to  prove  that  there  was  an  ancient  Shan  Kingdom,  but 
there  is  nothing  to  show  that  it  was  called  the  Kingdom  of  Pong 
or  that  that  name  was  ever  known  to  the  Tai  race. 

The  term  Ko-shan-pyi  or  nine  Shan  States  is  more  easily  ex- 
plained. The  various  Shan  chronicles  which  so  far  have  been  con- 
sulted, while  they  give  their  own  local  name  as  that  of  the  para- 
mount kingdom,  unite  in  adding  the  classical  or  Buddhistical 
name  of  Kawsampi.  This  may  very  probably  have  been  borrowed 
from  Kaw-sambi,  one  of  the  most  celebrated  cities  of  ancient  India, 
but  the  Burman  official,  with  the  ear  of  a  hippopotamus  and  the 
arrogance  of  a  self-made  man,  could  not  bring  himself  to  admit 
that  a  Shan  Kingdom  had  any  right  to  a  classical  title,  if  indeed  he 
knew  that  Kawsampi  was  classical.  He  therefore  transformed 
Kawsampi  into  Ko-shan-pyi.  It  is  possible  that  it  may  have 
been  assumed  that  there  were  at  some  time  nine  co-existent 
Shan  States,  but  the  fact  seems  as  doubtful  as  it  is  certain  that 
the  seven  Kingdoms  of  the  Saxon  Heptarchy  never  flourished  at  the 
same  time.  Such  Shan  chronicles  as  are  known  do  not  support  any 
assertion  of  the  kind,  and  the  Burmese,  so  far  from  giving  any  list, 
had  a  very  clear  conviction  that  at  whatever  period  they  had  deal- 
ings with  the  Shans,  there  were  always  very  many  more  than  nine 
Shan  States.  They  therefore  amused  themselves  with  fancy 
variants,  such  as  the  Ko  Maing,  Ko  Kyaing,  the  "  nine  Mongs,  and 
"  the  nine  Kengs  or  Chiengs,"or  the"  ninety-nine  Shan  Sawbwas" 
whom  sundry  rulers  claim  to  have  defeated  in  expeditions  to  the 
hills,  or  from  whom  they  profess  to  have  received  tribute  on 
homage  days. 

The  name  and  the  implied  fact  of  the  Ko-shan-pyi  was  intro- 
duced to  Western  readers  by  Buchanan-Hamilton  m  the  Edin- 
burgh Philosophical  Journal,  X,  246,  and  as  a  result  Ritter, 
Bumey,  Hannay,  and  many  others  have  given  conflicting  lists  which 
strove  to  fix  these  nine  Shan  States. 

The  late  Mr.  Ney  Elias  detected  the  confusion  and  says  :  "  Ku- 
"  sambi  is  merely  the  classical  or  adopted  name  for  Mung  Mau, 
"  which  was,  it  so  happens,  at  some  period  composed  of  nine 
"  Maings  or  provinces,  though  usually  of  ten.  It  has  been  mis- 
"  construed  into  a  Burmese  combination  of  Ko-shan-pri  and  inter- 
"  preted  to  mean  nine  Shan  States."  Instead  of  recognizing  that 
the  term  was  merely  a  fancy  and  not  a  fact,  Mr.  Elias,  howeveri 


unfortunatdy  persisted  in  endeavouring  to  identify  nine  of  the  small 
Slates,  usually  known  as  the  Chinese  Shan  Slates,  as  the  Ko-shan- 
pyi.  It  is  much  simpler  to  recognize  that  Ko-shaii-pyj  is  Kavv- 
sampi  and  is  the  Shan  name  for  the  dominant  Slate,  which  the 
Manipuris  called  the  Kingdom  of  Pong  and  the  Chinese,  as  the 
painstaking  researches  o(  Mr.  E.  H.  Parker  prove,  the  Kingdom  of 
Ai-Iao  or  Nanchao. 

It  is  most  unfortunate  that  few  Shan  histories  have  survived  the 
civil  wars  and  that  the  texts  so  far  recovered  and  translated  are 
very  corrupt  and  ascribe  to  each  particular  modem  State  llie  pre- 
dominance over  the  others  in  the  past,  that  is  to  say,  they  all  claim 
lo  be  KawsampI  or  tlie  Kingdom  of  P6ng.  Moreover,  none  of  the 
texts  are  really  old,  and  appear  to  have  been  drawn  up  from  memory 
or  tradition  in  almost  evi  ry  case.  The  confusion  of  dates  caused 
by  an  imperfect  knowledge  among  the  later  writer^  of  the  ancient 
Tai  system  of  counting  by  cycles,  explained  below,  also  makes 
comparison  very  difficult. 

Until  comparatively  recently  our  knowledge  of  the  Shans  was  de- 
rived entirely  from  Burmese  history,  or  from  the  information  con- 
densed from  the  journals  ol  Dr.  Richardson  and  Captain  Macleod, 
by  Colonel  Yule  in  the  thirteenth  chapter  of  his  Narrative  of  the 
Mission  to  the  Court  of  Avain  1855.  The  Burmese  history  was  con- 
fused, fragmentary,  and  biassed;  the  details  of  the  explorers  are 
very  valuable  in  giving  us  details  of  intermediate  history,  but  hardly 
help  us  to  determine  when  the  dispersion  and  segregation  of  the 
Shan  race  began  and  what  their  position  was  before  these  events 
look  place. 

The  late  Mr.  Ney  Elias  made  a  commencement  of  getting  Shan 
history  from  the  Shans.  He  had  a  number  of  Shan  chronicles  trans- 
lated for  him  and  had  them  compared  with  Burmese  translations 
of  Shan  books  and  combined  the  information  in  his  Introductory 
Sketch  of  the  History  of  the  Shafts,  published  in  Calcutta  in  1S76- 
The  result  is  very  valuable,  but  it  seems  to  unduly  exalt  the  Shans 
of  MongMao.  The  whole  of  the  Nam  Mao  or  Shweli  valley  has  ob- 
viously been  cultivated  and  highly  populated  for  a  very  long  time, 
but  it  remains  to  be  proved  that  the  term  Mao  Shans  is  a  political 
rather  than  a  racial  term.  The  same  criticism  may  be  applied  to  the 
chronicle  of  Hsen  Wi,  now  first  translated  and  given  below.  To  this 
have  been  added  details  from  other  chronicles,  which  seem  to  amend 
or  elucidate  it-  It  may,  however,  be  said  of  these  chronicles,  as  Colo- 
nel Yule  said  of  the  fiistory  of  Burma,  that  "  the  desire  to  carry 
*'  back  to  a  remoter  epoch  the  existence  of  the  Empire  as  a  great 
"monarchy  has  led  to  the  representation  of  what  was  really  the 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SMAN    STATES  AND  THE  TAI. 


"  history  of  various  petty  principalities,  attaining  probably  an  alter- 
"  nate  preponderance  of  dominion,  as  the  history  of  one  dynasty  of 
"  monarchs  in  various  successive  seats." 

The  chronicles  are  local,  but  there  is  sufficient  correspondence  in 
their  details  to  point  to  a  common  Shan  history.  They  are,  how- 
ever, too  fragmentary  as  yet  to  warrant  more  than  corrections  of 
existing  information. 

On  such  existing  history  Mr.  Parker's  translations  from  Chinese 
annals  throw  much  lighi.  He  is  a  little  too  intolerant  of  confusion 
of  date  and  fact,  arising  from  the  intermingling  of  the  Shan  cycle 
system  and  the  ordinary  Buddhist  era,  but  the  piecing  together  of 
various  confirmatory  items  of  information  give  us  for  the  present  a 
better  idea  of  the  history  of  the  Shans,  and,  with  the  discovery  of 
new  chronicles,  will  enable  an  orderly  history  to  be  written.  There 
is  not  enough  material  to  furnish  this  yet,  but  there  is  enough  to 
show  that  "during  the  ninth  century  of  our  era  Burma,  whatever 
"  i\R  size  may  have  been,  was  at  least,  so  far  as  its  northern  portion 
"  was  concerned,  inferior  in  power  to  the  Shan  Kingdom  of  Tali-fu, 
"  which  at  one  time  came  very  near  overthrowing  the  Chinese  T'ang 
"  dynasty  "  and  that  "  the  first  Emperor  of  the  Sung  dynasty  in  the 
"  middle  of  the  tenth  century  drew  a  line  beyond  which  he  w^s  de- 
"  termined  to  have  no  political  concern,  and  the  Nanchao  State,  now 
'*  first  called  the  Kingdom  of  Ta-li,  was  quite  independent  up  to  the 
"time  of  the  Mongol  inroad  under  Prince  Kublai,  afterwards 
"  Kublai  Khan." 

The  Reverend  J.  N.  Cushing,  D.D.,  is  the  only  real  authority  on 
the  Shans.  1  le  furnished  a  monograph  on  their  history  and  ethno- 
graphy for  Mr.  H.  L.  Ealcs's  Report  on  the  Census  of  Burma,  1892. 
From  this  what  follows  is  collated  and  adapted  as  an  introduction 
to  the  fragmentary  historical  details  derived  from  the  Shan  chro- 

South-western  China  was  the  original  home  of  the  Tai  people,  or 
rather  was  the  region  where  they  attained  to  a  marked  separate  de- 
velopment as  a  people.  There  are  many  indications  that  they  had 
anciently  a  close  connection  with  the  Chinese  before  setthng  in 
Sz-ch*wan  and  the  country  south  of  the  Yang-tzu  river.  Dim  tra- 
ditions of  such  a  connection  still  exist  among  them.  One  of  the  most 
striking  discoveries  of  modern  research,  due  in  great  part  to  the 
late  M-  Terrien  de  Lacouperie,  is  the  comparative  youth  of  the 
Chinese  as  a  great  homogeneous  and  powerful  people.  Immense 
regions  inside  China  proper  were  non-Chinese,  and  the  Sons  of 
Heaven  had  no  more  power  than  was  necessary  to  keep  a  check 
upon  these  internal  and  inveterate  foes,  always  ready  to  break  the 



net  which  from  time  to  time  was  spread  over  them.  It  was  not 
before  the  first  quarter  of  the  third  century  B.C.  that  the  Chinese 
political  power  permitted  it  to  cross  the  'Yangtzu-kiang,  which 
nearly  separates  the  country  Into  two  halves,  north  and  south.  .And 
as  a  i'act  Chinese  authority  was  so  far  from  bcin^  established  that 
about  566  AD.  the  Emperor  Wu-ti  of  the  Northern  Chao  dynasty 
was  obliged  to  protect  the  passages  of  the  Yang-izu,  west  of  1-chang, 
with  ramparts  in  order  to  prevent  the  raids  of  barbarians.  In  the 
latter  part  of  the  fifth  century  of  our  era,  the  chief  of  the  Pan-hu 
race  was  recognized  by  the  Chinese  Emperor  as  King  of  Siang- 
yang  (llupeh)  and  Governor  of  King  Chao.  His  realm  contain- 
mg  80,000  villages,  covered  the  provinces  of  Central  Ciiina  and  ex- 
tended north  to  near  the  Yellow  river.  In  the  IweUlh  century  they 
still  occupied  the  eastern  half  of  Sz-ch'wan  and  Kuei-chao,  Hupeh, 
and  Munan  provinces  Knowledge  of  this  is  necessary  to  under- 
stand the  formation  and  evolution  of  the  Chinese  nation.  There  is 
a  broad  distinction  to  be  drawn  between  the  extension  of  the 
Chinese  dominion  politically  so  called  and  that  of  their  influence. 

The  indigenous  Chiefs  were  recognized  as  Chinese  ofiioials  by  the 
addition  of  Chinese  titles  of  office  to  their  own  native  dignity.  Such 
native  States  entirely  enclosed  in  Chinese  territory  lasted  for  many 
centuries  and  the  broken  tribes  srill  in  existence  in  the  southern 
provinces  of  China  are  fragments  of  their  population.  "  Segmen- 
"  tation,  intermingling,  and  transfer  from  one  place  to  another  have 
"  happened  on  so  extensive  a  scale  that  hybridity  Is  much  more  to 
"  be  met  with  than  purity  in  any  degree^  yet  of  those  who  migrated 
"  southwards,  and  were  progressively  driven  outside  the  modern 
"Chinese  frontiers,  there  are  in  Indo-China  not  a  few  remnant 
"  tribes,  or  reconstituted  nations,  representative,  in  a  decayed  or  in 
"  an  improved  state  of  culture,  of  former  communities,  or  important 
"  races  and  States  which  once  were  located  in  Central  and  Southern 
"  China."  A  study  of  all  the  documents  available  led  Monsieur 
Terrien  to  the  definite  pronouncement  that  "  the  cradle  of  the  Shan 
"  race  was  in  the  Kiu'lung  mountains  north  of  Sz-ch'wan  and  south 
"  of  Shensi  in  China  proper."  Whe'her  this  is  final  may  be  doubted, 
but  at  any  rate  there  can  be  little  doubt  that  the  Tai  race,  whether 
they  are  pure  Ngu,  Pa,  Lao,  or  Ngai-lao  (the  Ailao  of  Mr.  Parker), 
or  an  inextricable  imbroglio  of  hybrid  communities,  formed  the  domi- 
nating power  in  Yunnan  for  many  centuries.  Mr.  Parker's  re- 
searches given  below  prove  this  conclusively. 

Burman  historj-  tells  us  of  two  great  military  expeditions  from 
Yunnan  into  Burma  by  Taydks ;  one  not  long  before  the  Christian 
era  and  the  other  about  A.D.  241.  These  Tay6k3  could  not  have 
been  the  Chinese^  for  the  Chinese  were  shut  off  from  contact  with 



the  Burmese  until  after  the  conquest  of  Yunnan  by  Kublai  Khan  in 
A.O.  1253,  when  he  put  an  end  to  the  Nan-chao  Kingdom.  It 
seems  clear  that  these  Tayoks  must  have  been  the  Shans  prior  to 
their  dispersal,  and  their  kingdom  Ai-lao  or  Nan-chao  may  oe  pre- 
sumed to  be  the  Kingdom  o7p6ng  and  the  Kawsampi  of  latter-day 
histories.  This  may  also  explain  why  the  Hurmcse  speak  of  the 
Mongol  armies  as  consisting  of  two  races,  the  Tar6ks  (or  Tayoks) 
and  the  Tarets.  Sir  Arthur  Phayre  says  the  Manchus  are  called 
Taret  by  the  Burmese,  but  Mr.  Parker  doubts  the  fact  and  demands 
his  authority.  The  fact  that  Taruk  and  Taret  mean  "  six  and  seven  " 
in  Manipuri  is  without  doubt  very  extraordinary  and  suggests  that 
the  enquiry  is  at  sixes  and  sevens,  but  it  in  no  other  way  affords  a 
solution.  It  may  be  permitted  tosuggest  that  the  Teru  State,  of 
which  M.Terrien  writes,  seems  to  supply  a  clue.  It  developed  about 
the  eleventh  century  B C,  "  grew  progressively  to  an  enormous  ex- 
"  tent,  equal  to,  if  not  more  important  than,  all  the  other  States  of  the 
"  Chinese  confederation  put  together,"  but  the  Teru  or  Tero  were 
eventually  expelled  from  China  in  77S  A.D.  by  the  King  of  Nan- 
chau  when  he  destroyed  the  western  part  of  the  Tsuan  State  in 
North  Kwangsj.  M.  Terrien  detects  in  them  the  antecedents  of 
the  Karen  tribes.  Dr.  Gushing  urges  convincingly  that  the  great 
homogeneity  of  the  different  divisions  of  the  Tai  race  can  be  ac- 
counted for  only  by  the  existence  of  one  or  more  strong  Tai  States 
in  South-western  China  for  a  considerable  time  before  the  first 
historical  notice  of  Nan-chao  early  in  the  seventh  century.  Mr. 
Parker  indicates  that  there  was  this  powerful  Slate  in  the  earlier 
kingdom  of  Ai-lao,  and  everything  down  to  the  existence  at  the 
present  day  of  the  Pai-i,  the  Min-ch'iang,  and  other  tribes  of  un- 
doubted Tai  race  in  the  south  and  west  of  Yunnan,  stranded  on  the 
borders  of  the  ancient  home  of  their  race,  combine  to  prove  the  same 

Monsieur  Terrien  is  an  additional  witness  when  he  \\Tites  of 
the  Ngai-lao  .  "  They  appear  again  in  A.  D.  47,  making  raids  on  the 
"  Chinese  territory,  descending  the  Han  and  Yangtsz  rivers  on 
"  bamboo  rafis.  In  the  year  69  Liu  Mao,  their  General-King,  sub- 
"mittedtothe  empire  with  seventy  seven  chiefs  of  communities 
'*  and  51,890  families,  comprising  553,71 1  persons.  As  they  had 
*'  extended  over  the  whole  western  part  of  Sz-ch'wan  and  somh- 
"  wardsj  they  were  officially  recognized  by  the  Chinese  Government 
"in  the  east  of  Yunnan.  In  A,  D.  78,  having  rebelled  against  the 
"  Chinese  officials  appointed  to  represent  the  suzerainty  of  China, 
"  their  king,  Lei-Iao,  was  defeated  in  a  great  battle,  which  caused 
"  many  of  their  tribes  to  migrate  into  the  present  country  of  the 
"  Northern  Shan  Slates.     They  soon   recovered  from  this  blow 




"  and  they  developed  and  formed  the  agglomerations  which  became 
"  in  A.  D.  629  the  great  State  of  Nan-chao,  which  afterwards  ex- 
"  tended  in  all  directions."  There  Is  throughout  a  suggestion  of 
the  fatal  want  of  coherence  which  appears  always  to  have  charac- 
terized the  Tai,  but  the  evidence  seems  complete  of  a  united  and 
powerful  State  which  lasted  long  enough  and  had  traditions  glorious 
enough  to  impress  its  paternity  upon  its  most  distant  descendants, 
no  matter  how  widely  separated  and  how  greatly  influenced  by  alien 
races  and  diverse  political  connections. 

Dr.  Gushing  says  the  migrations  of  the  Tai  into  Burma  probably 
began  about  two  thousand  years  ago,  although  Shan  and  Burman 
tradition  place  the  irruption  several  centuries  earlier.  What  we 
can  gather  from  Chinese  history  would  seem  to  point  to  the  same 
date.  Probably  the  first  swarms  were  small  and  were  due  rather  to 
the  restlessness  of  character,  which  has  always  characterized  the 
Tai,  than  to  exterior  force.  Some  of  the  migrations  may  have  been 
warlike  expeditions,  such  as  that  which  destroyed  the  ancient 
Tagaung  Empire.  The  inference  is  irresistible  that  the  invaders 
were  not  Chinese  but  Tai  or  Tero  Shans  or  Karens^  and  almost 
certainly  not  the  latter. 

Later,  however,  larger  and  more  important  migrations  were  un- 
doubtedly due  to  the  pressure  of  Chinese  invasion  and  conquest. 

Most  Northern  Shan  Chronicles  begin  with  the  legend  that  in 
the  middle  of  the  sixth  century  of  our  era  two  brothers  descended 
from  heaven  and  took  up  their  abode  in  Hsen  \Vi,  or  in  the  valley 
of  the  Shweli,  or  of  the  Irrawaddy,  or  wherever  local  pride  requires 
the  settlement.  There  they  found  a  population  which  immediately 
accepts  them  as  kings.  This  is  probably  the  folks-myth  fashion 
of  stating  a  historical  fact.  A  great  wave  of  Tai  migration  de- 
scended in  the  sixth  century  of  the  Christian  era  from  the  mountains 
of  Southern  Yunnan  into  the  Nam  Mao  or  Shweli  valley  and  the 
adjacent  regions,  and  through  it  that  valley  became  the  centre  of 
Shan  political  power.  Tradition  and  the  statement  of  all  the 
hitherto  discovered  chronicles  assert  that  the  Nam  Mao  or  Shweli 
valley  and  its  neighbourhood,  Bhamo,  Mong  Mil,  Hsen  Wi,  is 
the  first  home  of  the  Shans  In  Upper  Burma,  It  seems  most 
probable  that  this  wave  of  migration  followed  the  path  already 
traversed  by  earlier  Tai  colonists,  who  had  sought  a  home  in  these 
parts,  but  had  attained  no  political  importance.  From  the  Nam  Mao 
the  Shans  spread  south-east  over  the  present  Shan  Stales,  north 
into  the  present  Hkamti  region,  and  west  of  the  Irrawaddy  river  into 
all  the  country  lying  between  it,  the  Chiiidwin,  and  Assam.  Centu- 
ries later  they  overran  and  conquered  Wesali-LOng,  Assam   itself. 

Chap,  vi.]   the  shan  states  and  the  tai. 


Not  only  does  tradition  assert  that  these  Shans  of  Upper  Burma  are 
ihe  oldest  branch  of  the  Tai  family,  but  they  are  always  spoken  of  by 
other  branches  as  the  Tai  L&ttg^  or  Great  Shans,  while  the  other 
branches  call  themselves  Tai  Noi,  or  Little  Shans.  The  name  Tai 
Mao  referring  to  the  Shweli  river  is  also  freauently  used,  Even  the 
Siamese  use  the  term,  though  they  misapply  it.  They  call  them- 
selves Hlai  Noi  or  Little  Htai,  and  the  Lao  Shans,  from  whom  they 
say  they  are  sprung,  they  call  Htai  Yai,  the  Great  Htai.  But  the 
Lao  in  their  turn  call  themselves  Tai  Noi  and  acknowledge  the 
Northern  Shans  of  Burma  to  be  the  Tai  Long.  The  Shan-Chinese, 
whose  States  Indicate  the  line  followed  by  Shan  migration  into 
Burma,  also  share  this  title  of  Tai  LOng.  No  doubt  the  name  is 
due  to  the  fact  that  the  earliest  political  centre  was  established  by 
the  northern  branch  of  tlie  family  as  well  as  to  the  probability  that 
it  was  I  he  strongest  when  the  kingdom  of  Nan-chaocame  toan  end. 

These  earliest  settlers  and  other  parties  from  Yunnan  gradually 
pressed  southwards,  but  the  process  was  slow.  It  was  not'  until  the 
fourteenth  centur)'  that  the  Siamese  Tai  established  themselves  in 
the  great  delta  of  the  Mfenam,  between  Cambodia  and  the  MGn 
country.  It  seems  probable  enough  that  this  latest  movement, 
which  must  also  have  been  made  in  the  greatest  strength,  was  the 
direct  result  of  the  conquest  of  the  Shan  kingdom  of  Ta-H-fu  by 
Prince  Kublai  in  A.  D.  1253. 

The  early  history  of  the  Shans  in  Burma  is  very  obscure.  There 
is  little  doubt  that  a  powerful  Shan  kingdom  called  Mong  Mao  L6ng 
grew  up  in  the  north  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Shweli  river. 
The  late  Mr.  Ney  Elias  identified  the  capital  as  the  modern  Mong 
Mao,  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  that  he  was  wrong.  That  place 
was  not  adopted  as  capital  until  long  after  the  kingdom  had  reach- 
ed its  period  of  greatest  power.  Everything  points  to  the  fact,  how- 
ever, that  the  kingdom  was  that  of  the  Mao  Shans,  the  Shans  who 
settled  along  the  Shweli  river.  New  kin^s  verj-  often  chose  new  sites 
for  their  capitals.  These  were  always  near  the  Nam  Mao,  and 
the  site  which  was  most  often  adopted  was  that  of  Cheila  according 
to  Ney  Elias'  manuscript.  There  can  be  scarcely  any  doubt  that 
this  was  the  modern  SJ;,  about  13  mileseast  of  Nam  Hkam  and 
close  to  the  frontier,  which  here  is  the  Shweli  river  or  Nam  Mao, 
beyond  which  at  no  very  great  distance  is  the  modern  Mong  Mao. 

The  modern  Sfe  Lan  is  a  village  of  no  great  size.  It  stands 
on  the  highest  point  of  an  irregular  four-sided  plateau,  which 
rises  to  a  height  of  200  or  300  feet  above  the  valley  level  and 
is  about  a  square  mile  in  area.  This  plateau  is  completely  sur- 
rounded by  an  entrenched  ditch,  which  is  in  many  places  40  or 
50  feet  deep.    There  no  doubt  was  once  also  a  wall,  but  this  has 



completely  mouldered  away.  A  few  miles  off  is  Pang  Hkam,  also 
an  old  Mao  capital,  and  also  with  the  remains  of  an  earthen  para- 
pel  and  ditch  enclosing  an  even  larger  area.  In  the  neighbour- 
hood are  a  number  of  bare  detached  hills  surrounded  by  formid- 
able entrenchments.  The  local  people  ascribe  the  construction  of 
these  cities  and  works  to  the  Chinese,  but  they  are  very  ancient, 
have  a  great  resemblance  to  the  other  ancient  cities  found  in  all 
parts  of  the  Shan  States,  and  there  can  be  very  little  doubt  are  old 
capitals  of  the  Mao  Shans.  If  Nan-chao  was  not  Kawsampi  and 
the  Kingdom  of  P6ng,  then  we  may  take  it  for  granted  that  this 
Mao  Shan  kingdom  was. 

The  silence  of  Burman  histor\'  with  reference  to  this  kingdom 
is  strange  and  is  only  to  be  explamed  on  the  assumption  that  what 
they  then  knew  as  Tayoks  were  really  the  Shans  and  that  the  trans- 
ference of  the  name  centuries  aftenvards  to  the  Chinese  was  accom- 
plished without  the  recognition  of  the  fact  that  they  knew  nothing 
of  the  real  Chinese  until  the  Shan  kingdom  of  Nan-chao  was  over- 
thrown. Tai  chronicles  indicate  that  the  Mao  Kingdom  began  in 
the  seventh  centurj'  of  our  era  and  maintained  itself  with  varying 
degrees  of  prosperity  until  the  rise  of  Anawra-hta,  the  King  of  Pagan, 
This  monarch  gained  ascendency  in  much  of  the  plain  country^ 
which  up  till  then  the  Shans  had  held.  It  is  for  this  reason  that 
Mr.  Parker  looks  upon  Anawra-hta  Mengsaw  as  the  first  definite 
King  of  Burmese  history  and  thinks  that  his  famous  visit  to  China, 
in  quest  of  the  Buddha's  Tooth,  took  him  no  further  than  the  in- 
dependent State  of  Nan-chao,  then  called  the  Tayok  country. 

On  his  return  Anawra-hta  married  a  daughter  of  the  Mao  Shan 
King.  Ney  Ellas  says  that  the  Mong  Mao  chronicle  states  that 
that  Chief  "g.ive  his  daughter  to  the  Pagan  monarch,  though  it  is 
"also  staled  that  he  never  went  to  the  Pagan  Court  as  a  true  vassal 
"  must  have  done.**  But  whether  he  became  a  real  vassal  of  Anaw- 
ra-hta  or  not,  it  is  quite  clear  that  when  that  King's  reign  came  to 
an  end  in  1052  A.  D.  the  Sanobwas  of  the  Mao  Kingdom  remained 
independent.  In  12 10  A.  D.  there  was  some  sort  of  change  in  the 
succession,  indicated  in  the  Hsen  \Vi  Chronicle  by  a  fairy  tale  and 
the  reign  of  a  Princess  Yi  Kang  llkam,  and  in  the  Mong  Mao 
chronicle,  by  what  Ney  Ellas  calls  '  a  third  influx  of  Kun  Lung's  pos- 
"  terity  in  the  person  of  Chau*ainio-kam-neng,  of  the  race  of  Kunsu 
"  of  Maing-kaing  Maing-nyaung."  Whatever  the  facts  may  have 
been,  there  followed  two  brothers,  who  extended  the  limits  of  the  Mao 
Kingdom  to  the  farthest  point  they  ever  reached.  These  were  Sao 
(or  Hso)  Hkan  Hpa  and  bam  L6ng  Hpa.  The  HsenWi  Chronicle, 
it  may  be  remarked,  gives  more  credit  to  Hso  Hkan  Hpa  than  is 
allowed  him  in  the  story  of  Mong  Mao.     However  that  may  be,  the 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN    STATES   AND   THE   TAI. 


younger  brother  (they  were  twins  according  to  the  Hsen  VVi  ver- 
sion), Sam  Lung  Hpa,  hocSLme  Sawb7va  oi  Mogaung,  where  he  built 
a  new  ciiy  and  established  a  new  line  of  powerful  princes  tributary 
to  Mong  Mao,  five  years  before  Hsd  Hkan  Hpa  succeeded  to  the 
throne  of  the  Mao  Shans  in  1235.  Four  campaigns  were  under- 
taken and  the  dominion  of  the  Mao  Shans  was  enormously  extended. 
The  suzerainty  of  Hsu  Hkan  Hpa  was  caused  lo  be  acknowledged 
as  far  south  as  Moulmcin  and  to  KCng  Hong  on  the  east.  His 
dominions  were  extended  westwards  by  the  over-running  of  Arakan, 
the  destruction  of  its  capital,  and  the  invasion  of  Manipur.  Assam 
was  subjugated  in  1229  A.  D.  and  pa-ssod  under  the  rule  of  the 
Shans,  who  were  henceforth  styled  Ahom  in  that  country.  It  is 
claimed  that  even  the  Tai  Kingdom  of  Ta-li  [it  may  be  noted  that 
the  name  of  Nan-chao  is  quite  unknown  to  the  Shan  chroniclers. 
It  is  a  purely  Chinese  term  and  means  Southern  Prince]  acknow- 
ledged allegiance  to  the  Mao  King  before  its  fall  under  the  attack 
of  Kublai  Khan  in  1253  A.  D.  In  fact  it  may  have  been  the  ag- 
gressiveness of  the  Mao  Shans  which  brought  down  the  Mongolian 
army.  Dr.  Gushing  thinks  it  more  likely,  however,  that  ihe  relation 
of  Ta-li  was  one  of  alliance  rather  than  subordination.  For  nearly 
thirty  years  after  the  conquest  of  Yunnan  by  the  Mongol-Chinese 
army,  the  Chinese  hung  about  the  frontier,  and  then  in  1 2S4  A.  D.  a 
Mongolian  force,  we  are  told,  swept  down  on  Pagan  and  overthrew 
the  Burman  monarchy.  This  expedition  seems  in  no  way  to  have 
harmed  the  Mao  Kingdom.  It  could  hardly  have  passed  through 
without  doing  so  if  the  Mao  King  had  been  hostile.  The  presump- 
tion therefore  has  been  that  there  was  some  sort  of  agreement  if  not 
a  direct  alliance,  and  indeed  this  is  indicated  by  the  legends  of 
the  Hsen  \Vi  history.  It  is  from  this  conjunction  perhaps  that  the 
Burmese  jingle,  Tar6k  Taret,  takes  its  beginning.  Just  at  this 
period  a  new  capital  called  Man  Maw  was  established  in  A.  D. 
1285,  near  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Bhamo,  and  this  suggests 
a  revival  of  Shan  power  in  the  plains  where  Auawra-hla  had  curbed 
or  destroyed  it.  Moreover,  the  weakening  of  the  power  of  Burma 
by  the  overthrow  of  Pagan  was  favourable  to  the  Mao  Kingdom, 
for  it  is  claimed  that  the  Mao  territories  were  increased  by  the  con- 
quest of  the  Mfenam  valley  to  Ayuthia  and  of  Yunzalin  and  Tavoy. 
This  we  know  was  rather  the  commencement  of  the  present  King- 
dom of  Siam  than  its  conquest  by  an  army  of  Mao  Shans  and 
conversion  into  an  integral  part  of  the  Mao  realm.  Following  as 
it  did  on  the  overthrow  of  the  Kingdom  of  Nan-chao  or  Ta-li,  it  seems 
safe  to  say  that  the  destruction  of  Pagan  was  the  result  of  this  in- 
vasion of  the  Mongolians,  but  that  it  was  not  the  Chinese  at  all 
who  effected  it,  but  the  Shans  diiven  from  their  old  independent 



kingdom.  The  whole  question  requires  much  more  elucidation 
than  Is  at  present  possible,  but  it  may  be  pointed  out  that  Mr. 
Parker  hints  at  the  same  thing  when  he  says:  "  We  may  there- 
"  fore  reject  the  whole  story  of  the  Mongols  ever  having  reached  the 
"then  capital  of  New  Pagan,  though  it  is  quite  possible  that  Shan 
"  auxiliaries  may  have  taken  the  opportunity  to  sack  or  loot  it," 

The  inference  seems  all  the  more  certain  when  we  find  the  Shans 
immediately  afterwards  partitioning  Burma  among  them  on  the 
death  of  Kyawzwa,  the  last  King  of  the  Anawra-hta  dynasty.  It 
may  be  parenthetically  added  that  the  three  Shan  brothers  who 
divided  the  empire  seem  lo  be  alluded  to  in  the  history  of  On  Bawng 
Hsi  Paw.  Sir  Arthur  Phayrc  says  they  came  from  the  small  Shan 
State  of  Binnaka.  which  has  always  been  rather  a  problem.  These 
chronicles,  now  first  translated,  seem  to  prove  that  Binnaka  is  Peng 
Naga,  a  man,  and  not  a  small  State,  and  that  his  three  sons,  or  more 
probably  descendants,  were  the  rulers  of  Sagaing,  Panya,  and  Myin- 

Up  to  this  period  there  is  a  considerable  correspondence  in 
the  details  of  the  various  Shan  chronicles.  From  this  time  on 
they  diverge  and  become  more  local  and  parochial.  The  pro- 
sperity of  the  Mao  Kingdom,  we  are  told,  "began  to  wane  soon 
"after  it  had  attained  its  greatest  area  of  territory."  About  the 
same  time  the  Kingdom  of  Nan-chao  fell.  The  opinion  may 
therefore  be  hazarded  thai  all  refer  to  the  original  independent 
Shan  kingdom  and  that  Nan-chao,  Kawsampi,  and  the  Kingdom 
of  Pong  are  the  same  place.  Probably  all  the  Shan  Sawhvas 
rendered  tribute  lo  a  dominant  Sawhwa  at  Ta-li.  When  he  was 
overthrown  the  race  split  up  into  a  number  of  unconnected  princi- 
palities and  has  remained  disunited  ever  since. 

Whether  this  is  the  case  or  not  there  is  no  doubt  as  to  the  steady 
decadence.  The  Siamese  and  Lao  dependencies  became  a  sepa- 
rate  kingdom  under  the  suzerainty  of  Ayuthia,  the  old  capital  of 
Siam.  Wars  with  Burma  and  China  were  frequent  and  the  in- 
vasions of  the  Chinese  caused  great  loss.  On  one  occasion  a 
king,  who  may  be  either  of  the  brothers  Sao  Ngan  Mpa  of  Mong 
Mao,  or  Sao  Kawn  Hpa  of  Mogaung,  fled  to  Ava,  was  pursued  by 
the  Chinese,  and  took  poison  and  died  there.  This  was  in  1445 
A.  D.,  and  the  circumstance  that  the  Chinese  dried  his  body  and 
carried  it  back  to  their  own  country  with  them  enables  us  to  com- 
pare systems  of  transliteration  as  well  as  to  settle  dates.  This 
unlucky  monarch  is  the  Thohan-bwa  of  Burmese  history,  the  Sun- 
gampha  of  Manipur,  and  the  Sz-j^n-fah  of  Chinese  annals.  His 
gruesome  end  makes  him  a  landmark  and  gives  him  a  celebrity 

[AP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES   AND   THE   TAI. 


that  nothing  else  connected  with  his  history  would  seem  to  war- 

It  seems  most  probable  that  there  was  no  central  Shan  power, 
but,  if  there  were,  constant  wars  weakened  it,  and  the  various  princi- 
palities gained  a  semi-independence.  Of  these,  Mong  Kawng 
(Mogaung)  was  the  farthest  from  China  and  seems  lo  have  been 
the  most  powerful.  Ney  Elias'  Mong  Mao  chronicle  alleges  that 
Sao  Horn  Hpa,  the  last  Mao  Sa-wdwa,  reigned  for  eighty-eight  years 
and  died  in  1604  A.  D.  and  that  his  kingdom  attained  a  prosperity 
never  before  realized.  This  is  obviously  the  mere  desire  for  a 
happy  bnding  which  characterizes  healthy  story-tellers,  for  it  is 
certain  thai  Bayinnaung,  the  ambitious  and  successful  King  of 
Pegu,  conquered  the  Mao  territory  in  A.  D.  1562  Subsequent 
Chinese  invasions  in  A.  D.  1582  and  in  1604  put  a  final  end  to  the 
Mao  Shan  dynasty.  Although  Mong  Kawiig  maintained  a  semi- 
independence  until  its  final  conquest  by  Alaungpaya  a  centurj'  and 
a  half  later,  it  may  be  said  that  from  1604  A.  D.  Shan  history 
merges  in  Burmese  history,  and  the  .Shan  principalities,  though 
they  were  always  restive  and  given  to  frequent  rebellions  and 
intestine  wars,  never  threw  off  the  yoke  of  the  Burmans. 

It  is  from  this  period  that  the  Tai  became  gradually  separated 
into  groups.  The  nature  of  their  country  made  this  easy,  as  no 
doubt  it  also  helps  to  explain  their  want  of  coherence;  the  influence 
of  neighbouring  nations  did  the  rest.  Some  of  these  were  conquer- 
ing, some  were  absorbent  ;  all  of  them  were  greedy  and  combative. 

Dr.  Cushing  divides  the  Tai  into  three  groups— the  northern,  the 
intermediate,  and  the  southern — and  he  considers  the  Lu  of  Keng 
Hun^  (the  Cheli  of  the  Chinese  and  the  Hsip  Hsawng  Panna  or 
XU  Panna  of  many  neighbours)  and  the  Hkiin  of  Keng  TQng  the 
intermediate  group.  But  this  seems  hardly  sufficient  to  cover  such 
radical  dilTerencesasare  marked  by  distinctive  alphabets.  A  division 
which  would  indicate  political  influences  and  would  group  the  Tai 
as  influenced  by  Burma,  by  China,  and  by  the  ancient  Khmer  King- 
dom has  its  attractions,  but  it  certainly  would  not  be  adequate. 
Physical  characteristics  and  the  affinities  of  language  connect  the 
Tai  indisputably  with  the  Chinese.  Not  one  of  the  written  alpha- 
bets, however,  has  the  least  trace  of  Chinese  influence.  A  better 
classification  seems  that  proposed  by  the  late  Mr.  Pilcher.  He 
suggested  the  consideration  of  the  Tai  under  four  sections  — (i)  the 
north-western,  (ii)  the  north-eastern,  (iii)  the  eastern,  and  (iv)  the 
southern.  Among  the  eastern  he  grouped  the  Shans  of  the  Cis- 
Salween  States,  which  in  the  light  of  our  later  knowledge  is  not 
satisfactory,  and  with  the  Siamese  he  grouped  the  Lao,  who  would 
more  naturally  fall  under  the  head  of  the  eastern  section.     Still  the 



arrane^ment  is  the  most  convenient  for  discussion  from  the  Burma 
point  of  view  and  this  may  suggest  a  belter  scheme. 

In  the  north-western  branch  may  be  included  all  the  Shans 
and  Shan  Burmese  who  are  spread  over  the  north  of  Burma  proper 
from  Manipur  and  Assam  to  Bhamo.  Mong  Kawng  fMogaung) 
and  Mong  Yang  (Mohnyin)  were  both  of  them  capitals  of  independ- 
ent Shan  States  of  some  importance,  and  Mong  Kawng,  as  we  have 
seen,  outlasted  the  kingdom  of  the  Mao  Shans,  of  which  it  was 
claimed  to  be  a  province,  for  something  like  a  century  and  a  half.  It 
is  somewhat  significant  that  the  time  of  the  greatest  extension 
claimed  for  Mong  Kawng,  as  will  be  seen  by  a  reference  to  its 
chronicles  elsewhere  in  this  work,  is  precisely  the  time  of  the  greatest 
power  of  the  Mao  Shans  and  that  Sara  L6ng  Hpa,  the   first  Mo- 

faung  Sarvbwa,  is  spoken  of  as  the  General  Commanding  the 
lao  troops.  It  is  claimed  that  Sam  L6ng  Hpa  had  ninety- 
nine  Sawhwas  under  him  spread  over  the  provinces  of  Hkamti, 
Singkaling  Hkamti  on  the  Chindwin  river,  Hukawng,  Mong 
Kung  (Maingkaing  on  the  Chindwin j,  Mong  Yawng,  Mong 
Yang  (Mohnyin),  Hsawng  Hsup  (known  as  Samjok  or  Thaung- 
thut),  Kale,  the  Yaw  country,  and  Motshobo  or  Shwebo.  Whether 
this  extensive  area  was  ever  controlled  from  Mogaung  at  one  time 
may  be  doubted,  but  as  to  the  fact  of  the  supremacy  of  the  Shans 
throughout  its  limits  at  one  time  or  another  there  is  no  dispute. 
Kven  Burmese  history  admits  this  and  only  claims  the  establish- 
ment of  Burmese  authority  from  the  year  1442.  This  subjugation, 
however,  if  it  is  admitted  at  all,  was  only  temporary,  for  in  1526 
the  Shans  of  Mogaung  had  not  only  shaken  off  the  Burmese  voke, 
but  had  conquered  Ava,  where  the  Sawhwa  of  Mohnyin  establish- 
ed himself  as  king  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Chief  of  "Unbaung," 
that  is  to  say,  the  modern  HsiPaw  or  Thibaw.  The  Shans  there- 
fore, whether  of  Mogaung  or  Mohnyin,  independently,  or  acting 
under  the  authority  and  with  the  support  of  the  Mao  Shans,  held 
Ava  for  30  years. 

As  to  the  power  of  the  Shans  in  this  part  of  the  country,  there 
can  therefore  be  no  doubt ;  what  is  doubtful  is,  whether  there  was 
only  one  kingdom,  with  Mogaung  and  Mohnyin  and  other  sites  as 
alternate  capitals,  or  whether^  as  sefms  more  likely,  there  were  a 
number  of  semi-indejendent  States  which  only  united  for  common 
action  under  a  Miiiig  Kawng  chief  of  particular  energy,  or  in  cases 
of  national  emergency.  What  details  we  have  will  be  found  else- 
where. Here  it  is  only  necessary  to  say  that  the  town  of  Mogaung 
bears  every  appearance  of  having  once  been  a  large  and  ver)'  thriv. 
ing  centre.  Its  area  is  considerably  larger  than  that  of  Bhamo  and 
it  contains  several  miles  of  paved  streets.     But  it  suffered  greatly 

CHAP.  Vr.J         THE    SHAN    STATES   AND  THE  TAI. 

in  wars  with  Burma  in  the  i  7th  and  [8th  centuries,  and  its  sack  by 
the  Kachins  in  18S3  would  have  brought  permanent  ruin  had  it 
not  been  for  the  British  annexation.  Mogaung  had  for  long  been 
looked  upon  as  a  sort  of  Botany  Bay  of  Upper  Burma.  Nevertheless, 
nothing  is  more  evident  than  that  the  country  all  round  has  been  a 
fertile  and  constantly  cultivated  rice  plain,  extending  southwards  to 
Mohnyin,  north  to  Kamaing,  and  west  to  Indawgyi.  There  are 
traces  of  well-used  roads,  there  are  ruins  of  substantial  bridges. 
But  the  country  is  a  waste.  The  Kachins  did  much  to  ruin  it  after 
the  Burmese  had  broken  the  Shan  power,  and  the  punishment  of  the 
Kachins  bv  the  Wuntho  Sawdwa  (it  may  be  noted  that  in  the  times  of 
Shan  domination  there  never  was  any  such  Sa-wbwa]  resulted  In  prac- 
tical depopulation.  Of  the  villaices  nothing  remains  but  temples  and 
pagodas  ;  clumps  of  fruit  trees,  cotton  plants,  and  gardens  run  wild. 
These  are,  however,  quite  enough  to  prove  that  the  Shans  had  a  pro- 
sperous and  populous  kingdom  here  and  that  Mogaung  was  ordi- 
narily, if  not  always,  its  capital.  North  of  Katha  it  cannot  be  said 
that  there  is  any  real  Burmese  population.  The  people,  whether 
they  are  called  Shan-Burmese,  Kadu,  Pwon  (or  f^pon),  are  proba- 
bly mestizos  and  have  certainly  more  of  the  Tai  than  of  the 
Burman  about  them.  The  Kachins  would  have  finished  what  the 
Burmese  began  if  it  had  not  been  for  the  British  annexation  and  the 
North-western  Shans  would  have  as  completely  disappeared  as  the 
Ahom  in  Assam. 

Shans  are  found  for  a  hundred  miles  northward  of  Mogaung, 
but  the  villages  are  very  few  even  in  the  Hukawng  or  Tanai  valley, 
which  river  is  possibly  the  main  source  of  the  Chindwin.  This 
valley  was  formerly  all  Shan,  but  the  Tai  have  mostly  fled  before 
Burman  oppression  and  Kachin  invasion.  Little  is  known  about 
the  Hkamti  Shans,  whose  country  is  still  practically  unexplored,  but 
the  Burmans  occasionally  enforced  their  claims  and  the  Kachins 
have  not  altogether  displaced  them.  British  influence  has  not  yet 
been  directly  established.  The  smaller  Slate  of  Singkaling  Hkamti 
is  situated  about  60  miles  above  the  junction  of  the  Uyu  and  Chind- 
win rivers  and  still  retains  its  Sar^'dTva,  but  the  rulers  were  always 
tributary  to  the  power  thai  held  Mogaung,  and  it  cannot  be  said  that 
the  population  retains  more  direct  Tai  characteristics  than  their 
Mogaung  and  Mohnyin  neighbours.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
Hsawng  Hsup,  the  Thaungthut  of  the  Burmese,  and  the  Sumjok  of 
old  histories.  They  are  mere  interesting  relics  of  a  great  princi- 
)ality  just  as  the  Moi  and  Muong  cantons  in  Kwang-si  and  Tong- 
[ing  are,  and  of  no  greater  political  independent  mterest.  The 
technical  Shan  States  of  Wuntho  and  Kale,  as  also  of  Mong  Leng 
(Mohlaing)   east   of   the    Irrawaddy,    were   merely   nominally   so 




before  the  annexation  and  since  then  the  persons  in  charge  of  them, 
called  Sawbuas  from  force  of  habit,  have  finally  ceased  to  exist  and 
their  territories  are  as  much  incorporated  in  Upper  Burma  as  Mo- 
gaung  and  Mohnyin  are.  It  is  more  by  chance  than  because  of 
any  difference  of  status  that  Hsawng  Hsup  and  Sin^kaltng 
Hkamti  have  survived  them.  They  have  not,  for  somethmg  like 
two  centuries,  had  any  political  connection  or  affinity  with  the  East- 
em  or  Shan  Slates  proper,  and  the  probability  is  that  they  will  be- 
come more  and  more  Burmanized,  ]ust  as  the  old  Shan  State  of 
Dhamo  has  become  so  Burmanized  as  hardly  to  recognize  that  it 
ever  was  a  distinct  Shan  State. 

Briefly  it  may  be  said  of  the  North-western  or  Western  Shans  that 
they  were  completely  subjugated  by  the  Burmese  and  have  become 
largely  assimilated  to  them.  Even  their  country  has  for  years  been 
considered  as  a  part  of  Burma  Proper.  They  have  long  been  debar- 
red from  any  sympathy  or  connection  with  the  majn  bulk  of  their 
race.  Even  their  women  have  adopted  the  Burmese  dress,  language, 
and  habits.  It  is  only  the  extraordinary  tenacity  of  Tai  tradition 
which  has  prevented  them  from  becoming  indistinguishable  from 
their  conquerors  many  years  ago.  The  opening  of  the  Mogaung 
railway  will  shortly  obliterate  what  traces  of  Tai  speech  and  custom 
remain.  Their  written  character  is  becoming  less  and  less  used  and 
known  and  is  likely  very  soon  to  disappear  everywhere  but  in  Hkamti 
L6ng  in  the  extreme  north. 

The  Western  Shans  have  the  following  account  of  the  foundation 
of  their  States.     There  was  many  years  ago  an  Emperor  (Udibwa) 
of  China,  whose  queen,  Keinnaya  Dewi  Maha-hti,  gave  birth  to  a 
daughter  who  was  blind.    When  the  Princess,  who  was  named  Saw 
Hla,  had  reached  the  age  of  twelve,  and  it  was  clear  that  she  would 
never  have  the  use  of  her  eyes,  she  was  sent  adrift  on  a  Nagata 
raft,  which  was  stocked,  presumably  by  the  mother,  with  food  for  a 
long  journey.     One  version  says  the  raft  was  set  afloat  on  the  Ta-li 
lake  and   thence  got  into  the  Nawngsfe  river  and  so  into  the  Irra- 
waddy.     Others  say  simply  that  it  was  launched  on  the  Irrawaddy. 
Down  that  river  it  floated  as  far  as  Tagaung,  or  more  precisely 
"  the  shoal  at  the  mouth  of  the  Chaung-bauk  above  Sab^nago. 
There  the  raft  grounded,  or  was  caught  by  the  branch  of  a  tree  and 
the  blind  Princess  landed.     Before  very  long  she  met  with  a  tiger 
(a  white  tiger  according  to  the  Mansi  story-teller),  who  had  been 
her  husband  in  a  previous  existence  and  now  wooed  and  won  her, 
and  they  had  four  sons.     These  were  named  Tho-kaw-bwa,  Tho- 
ngan-bwa,  Tho-kyan-bwa,  and   Tho-hon-bwa.     These  are  Burma- 
nized forms  of  the  Shan  Hso  Hkaw  Hpa,  &c.,  and  Hso  in  Shan 
means  tiger.     When  the  four  boys  had  grown  up,  their  mother 



Saw  HIa  fi^avc  them  a  priceless  ring,  by  which  they  might  prove  their 
identity,  and  sent  them  off  to  iheir  father,  the  Sao  W6ng-ti,  and  told 
them  to  tell  her  story.  The  Emperor  heard  the  story,  recognized 
the  ring,  and  acknowledged  the  four  youths  as  his  grandsons.  They 
stayed  for  three  years  in  China,  learning  statecraft,  arid  liien  re- 
turned to  the  Irrawaddy  country.  Their  grandfatherj  the  Emperor, 
gave  to  the  eldest  a  gong^  to  the  second  a  dagger,  to  the  third  a 
heron  or  egret,  and  the  youngest  he  told  to  demand  towns  and 
countries  from  his  father,  the  tiger.  The  others  he  said  would  find 
their  territories  determined  for  them.  Accordingly  they  returned 
to  their  own  country  by  separate  routes.  The  eldest  came  to  where 
Mogaung  now  is  and,  when  he  arrived  there,  his  gong  began  to 
sound  of  its  own  accord.  By  this  token  he  knew  that  the  country 
was  to  be  his  and  he  built  a  city  and  took  charge  of  all  the  country 
round  about.  The  people  called  the  city  first  of  all  Bein-kawn^ 
because  the  gong  had  sounded  there,  and  this  was  changed  in  the 
course  of  time  to  Mong  ICawng  or  Mogaung.  The  word  Bein 
appears  to  be  a  Western  Shan  form  of  the  ordinary  Man  or  Wan, 
meaning  a  village,  which  in  Siamese  takes  the  form  Ban. 

The  second  brother  journeyed  on  until  one  day  his  dagger  stood 
upright  on  the  ground.  Here  he  founded  his  capital  and  it  was 
called  Bcin-mit,  the  town  of  the  dagger,  and  in  the  present  day  it  is 
known  as  Mong  Mil  or  Momeik. 

The  third  marched  with  his  egret  until  he  came  to  a  paddy  plain, 
where  the  bird  screamed  aloud.  Here  he  built  his  capital  and 
founded  his  State  and  it  was  called  at  first  Bein-yang,  the  town  of 
the  egret,  and  this  later  became  Mong  Yang  or  Mohnyin. 

The  fourth  son  came  to  his  father,  the  tiger,  who  made  no  trouble 
about  marking  out  a  State  for  him,  and  it  was  called  at  first  Bein-hso, 
the  town  of  the  tiger,  and  in  later  times  this  was  changed  to  Wying 
Hso  or  Wuntho. 

Tims  the  four  sons  of  Saw  HIa  were  all  provided  for,  and  their 
descendants  ruled  over  the  Slates  for  many  generations.  The  years 
300,  301,  302,  and  303  of  the  Burmese  era  (938  A.D.  ei  seq.)  are 
given  for  the  foundation  of  these  States. 

Divested  of  its  legeiidary  form,  the  story  points  to  the  occupation 
of  the  country  immediately  round  the  Irrawaddv  by  Shans  from  the 
State  of  Nan-chao  before  its  conquest  by  kublai  Khan.  The 
name  Hso  (tiger)  is  found  steadily  throughout  the  Hsen  Wi  chronicle 
and  the  names  given  to  the  four  sons  are  common  Shan  dynastic 
titles.  The  references  to  the  Ta-li  lake  and  to  the  Nawngsfe  ^the 
lake  of  Si  or  Yiinnansen)  are  significant,  and  the  Udibwa  or  H  wang-ti 
■was  doubtless  the  ruler  not  of  China  but  of  the  Yunnan  country. 



The  North-eastern  Shans  of  Pilcher's  classification  are  what  are 
generally  known  as  Shan-tay6ks  or  Chinese  Shans.  They  occupy 
that  part  of  Yunnan  which  bulges  westwards  towards  the  Irratvaddy. 
The  bulk  of  them  are  now  Chinese  subjects,  but  there  are  many  of 
them  in  Namhkam  and  Sfelan  and  all  along  our  Northern  Shan 
States  frontier. 

This  frontier  line  undoubtedly  practically  bisects  the  old  Mao 
Shan  Kingdom  and  the  various  capitals  of  that  kingdom  appear  to 
have  been  generally  situated  close  to  the  frontier  line,  which  for  some 
distance  is  the  Nam  Mao,  a  river  better  known  as  the  Shweli.  The 
majority  of  them  would  seem  to  have  been  on  the  British  side,  but 
curiously  enough  the  name  of  Ko-shan-pyi  or  Kawsampi  has  clung 
with  the  greatest  tenacity  to  the  Chinese  States,  and  the  late  Mr. 
Pilcher  struggled  unsuccessfully  to  identify  them.  There  is  very  little 
doubt  that  they  are  the  true  lai  Long  or  Great  Tai,  and  that  with 
them  (though  they  are  not  called  Shan-Chinese)  should  be  classed 
the  Shans  of  Hsen  \V1  and  Hsi  Paw,  in  fact  of  our  Northern  Shan 
States  together  with  what  Shans  there  are  in  Mong  Mit.  Geo- 
graphically Mong  Lcng  (Mohlaing)  would  also  be  included,  but, 
as  has  been  stated,  the  population  of  that  extinct  State  is  as 
completely  Burmanized  as  the  Shans  west  of  the  Irrawaddy.  There 
is  indisputably  a  dialectic  difference  between  the  Shan  spoken  in 
the  Northern  and  of  the  Southern  Shan  States  more  distinguish- 
able than  that  between  the  Shans  of  Hsen  Wi  and  the  true  Tai 
HVh  or  Shan-Chinese.  Ethnologicaliy,  as  well  as  historically,  there- 
fore these  Tai  would  seem  to  fall  into  the  same  class.  The  whole 
country  formerly  often  changed  hands  between  the  Chinese  and 
Burmese  and  the  present  frontier  line  fairly  represents  the  measure 
of  their  respective  success  after  the  Tai  themselves  ceased  to  be 
the  predommating  power.  Nevertheless  there  is  very  little  that  is 
Chinese  about  the  Shan-Chinamen,  and  their  written  character 
has  no  sort  of  resemblance  either  in  form  or  complexity  to  that 
of  China.  Undoubtedly  they  got  it  from  the  Burmese,  and  it  is 
merely  an  angular  and  crabbed  form  of  the  character  which  rightly 
or  wrongly  (most  probably  wrongly)  we  look  upon  as  the  typical 
Tai  character.  The  dress  of  the  Shan-Chinamen  is  certainly  dis- 
tinctive, but  it  is  so  rather  in  colour  than  in  fashion  or  type.  The 
British  Shan  dresses  almost  invariably  in  white  ;  the  Chinese  Shan 
in  indigo  blue.  The  women's  dress  is  even  more  distinctive,  but  it 
is  so  only  in  pattern,  a  panel  variation  in  adornment  of  the  identical 
seductive  garment  which  doubtless  was  invented  by  the  Burmese 
coquette.  None  of  the  Tai-hkfe  women  wear  the  crurum  non  enar- 
rabile  iegmen  oi  the  celestial  belle.  Apart  from  mere  differences 
of  colour  and  pattern,  which  are  common  enough  locally,  but  are 

CHAP.  VI.]  THF.    SHAN    STATES    AND   THE   TAI. 


mere  fashionable  whims,  the  chief  difference  is  in  the  turhan.  That 
worn  by  the  women  of  the  Southern  Shan  "States  is  ordinarily  tJie 
Burmese  women's  scarf  worn  round  the  head  as  a  turban.  The 
Shan-Chinese  women  oftenest  wear  dark-blue  turbans,  and  these 
are  very  large,  approaching  the  size  o(  that  worn  by  the  Sikh. 
In  Nantien,  Slong  Wan,  Kan-ngai,  and  the  neighbouring  Slates  it 
broadens  to  the  top  and  stands  a  foot  high.  East  of  the  Salween 
it  broadens  to  the  sides  and  has  the  ends  standing  up  like  horns. 
East  of  the  M^khong  it  becomes  merely  round  again  and  is  not  so 
bulky.  Very  broad  silver  bracelets  in  various  patterns  are  also 
characteristic.  The  Shan-Chinese  Chiefs  all  speak  Chinese,  but 
the  mass  of  the  population  remains  distinctively  Tai.  There  has 
been  no  such  assimilation  as  exists  west  of  the  Irrawaddy  or  in  the 
Shan  States  of  the  south  nearest  to  Burma, 

The  Eastern  Tai  is  that  section  of  the  race  which  is  most  directly 
known  to  us  as  the  Shan  race  ;  whence  the  name  Shan  came  is  an 
unsolved  riddle.  We  have  seen  that  the  Burmese  almost  certainly 
first  knew  the  Tai  as  Taroks  or  Tarcts.  Is  it  possible  that  when 
afterwards  they  heard  of  the  'Han  Jen,  the  Chinese  name  for  them- 
selves, they  transferred  'Han  into  Shan,  and  made  a  further  ethno- 
logical error?  The  idea  is  a  mere  conjecture^  but  no  other  expla- 
nation of  the  name  so  far  as  appears  is  obtainable. 

The  name  Siam  is  no  help,  for  whether  it  is  "a  barbarous  Angli- 
"  cism  derived  from  the  Portuguese  or  Italian  word  Sctam,"  or  is 
derived  from  the  Malay  Sayam,  which  means  brown,  it  can  hardly 
be  said  to  be  a  national  wordj  though  it  is  still  used  in  official  docu- 
ments and  treaties.  No  doubt  it  came  to  appear  there  through  the 
foreign  contracting  parties  and  not  because  it  was  ever  used  in  the 
country  itself,  which  seems  always  to  have  been  called  MongThai. 
It  is  quite  as  much  a  puzzle  as  the  fact  that  the  Siamese  and  Lao 
call  the  British  Shans  Ngio.  Mr.  Taw  Sein  Ko  thinks  it  is  derived 
from  Chiampa,  Champanagara,  y.rf.,  the  country  of  the  Chams  or 

Pilcher  grouped  together  as  Eastern  Shans  all  those  between  the 
Irrawaddy  and  the  M^khong.  This  is  convenient  from  a  political 
and  geographical  point  of  view,  but  it  is  not  so  satisfactory  as  far  as 
racial  or  rather  dialectical  affinities  are  concerned.  As  far  east  as 
the  Salween  the  various  States  have  been  under  more  or  less  active 
Burmese  suzerainty  for  very  many  years  and  perhaps  centuries.  And 
the  influence  exerted,  though  very  far  from  being  anything  like  so 
great  as  west  of  the  Irrawaddy,  except  in  the  States  on  the  edge  of 
the  plateau,  has  been  very  considerable.  Beyond  the  Salween  Bur- 
man  control,  though  it  was  maintained,  was  very  much  less  continu- 



ously  or  vigorously  exerted.     Conseqiiently   both  in  rftalecl  and  in 
ttriuen  character  ihe  difference  between  the  Tai  east  and  west  of  the 
Salween  is  very  marked,  much  more  so  ihan  between  the  Southern 
and  the  Northern  Shans  of  the  Irrawaddy  basin.     When,  if  ever, 
a  clearer  history  of  the  original  independent  Shan  States  is  ob- 
tained, it  may  be  possible  to  determine  which  of  the  present  sec- 
tions of  the  Tai  race  has  been  least  affected  by  outside  influences. 
!f  the  theory  of  the  independent  Tai  Kingdom  of  Ta-h  be  correct, 
then  the  Hkiin  and  the  Lu  of  Kcng  Tung  and  Keng  Hung  should 
occupy  that  position.     In  dialect  and  written  character   they  are 
nearer  to  the  Lao  than  the  Tai  west  of  the  Salween,  but  unlike  the 
Lao  they  have  been  very  little,  if  at  all,  affected  by  Khmer  or  Cam- 
bodian   influence,   either  directly   or   through   the   Siamese.     The 
traces  left   by   Burmese  supremacy  are  so  slight  as  to  be  hardly 
noticeable.     The  Chinese  have  affected  them  just  as  little.     The 
Hkiin  appear  to  be  much  less  numerous  than  was  at  one  time  sup- 
posed and,  so  far  from  being  the  inhabitants  of  the  whole  great 
State  of  Keng  Tong,  seem  to  be  merely  the  inhabitants  of  the  Targe 
plain  in  which  the  capital  is  situated.     The  rest  of  the  Tai   popu- 
lation calls  itself   Lii.     The  Hkiin  dialect  appears  to  have  been  a 
good  deal  Influenced  by  the  Lawa  or  Wa,  who  were  at  onetime  the 
owners  of  the  whole  country  down  to  Chiengmai,  where  in   Mc- 
Leod's  lime  there  were  "  about  six  villages  of  them  to  tiic  northward, 
"  besides  those  near  MuangNiong.     The  rest  have  fled  to  the  moun- 
"  tains  round  Klang  Tung,  which  country,  however,  is  said  also  for- 
"  merly  to  have  belonged  to  them."     This  is  remembered  in  the 
curious  coronation  ceremonies  at  Keng  Tong  (y.  v.)  in  which  two 
(f^fl  always  figure.     The  Hkiin  may  therefore  be  looked  upon  as 
merely  a  branch  of  the  Lu,  and  the  fact  that  Keng  Tung  annals 
supply  practically  no  hints  whatever  as  to  Tai  history  and  have  no 
connection   with    other    Tai  chronicles,  is  the  less  disappointing. 
We  are  therefore  thrown  back  on  the  Lii,  but  unfortunately  no  Lii 
chronicles  are  yet  available.     The  Lii  differ  so  considerably  from 
the  Tai  L6ng  type  and  also,  though  in  a  less  degree,  from  the  Cis- 
Salween  Shans,  that  it  seems  that  it  is  there  we  must  seek  for  the 
true  history  of  the  race.     They  seem  to  be  nearer  to  the  Pai-i  and 
Min-ch'iang  and  what  not  of  Yiinnan  and  to  the  Moi,  Do,  and  Muong 
of  Tongking  and  Kwangsi,  so  far  as  information  is  available  about 
these  Tai  types,  than  to  the  Shans  on  the  hither  side  of  the  Sal- 
ween.    Yet  they  disown  all  connection  with  the  Tai,  as  they  call  the 
people  west  of  the  Salween,  and  with  the  Tai  Hk6,  Chinese-Shans, 
many  of  whom  are  settled  among  them,  live  in  distinct  villages,  and 
also   disown   all  relationship.     It  is  precisely  these  intermediate 
groups,  as  Dr.  Gushing  calls  them,  wno  insist  most  firmly  on  their 



local  names  of  Lii,  Hkiin,  and  Lern  and  apply  ihe  name  Tai  only 
to  those  of  the  race  whom  we  know  to  have  been  most  affected  by 
the  Burmese.  The  Lem,  according  to  their  tradilioiiSj  are  un- 
doubtedly fugitives  or  emigrants  from  the  Nam  Mao  region.  They 
use  the  "  diamond  "  or  Mao  Shan  character  perhaps  most  frequent- 
ly, though  the  Lii  alphabet  is  also  used.  There  is  also  not  a  little 
confusion  caused  by  the  fact  that  some  considerable  Lao  settlements 
have  been  made  in  iheir  midst,  and  retain  in  their  religious  books 
the  Lao,  or  Siamese  Shan  character,  though  Siamese  armies  never 
came  near  either  Keng  Hung  or  Mong  Lem.  It  is  precisely  because 
these  Tai  are  intermediate  or  rather  central,  removed  from  Chi- 
nese, Cambodian,  and  Barman  influence,  that  they  might  be  expect- 
ed to  retain  the  original  race  name.  It  is  characteristic  of  the 
puzzle  that  it  is  they  who  disown  it  most  stoutly. 

W  ho  were  the  first  inhabitants  of  the  country  which  we  now  call 
the  Southern  Shan  Stales  is  very  uncertain,  but  it  is  indisputable 
that  the  Tai  came  there  much  later  than  they  did  to  the  northern 
portion.  The  Burmese  also  extended  their  influence  here  very 
much  earlier,  and  it  would  almost  seem  as  if  the  Tai  first  came  only 
after  the  disruption  of  the  Kingdom  of  Nan  Chao,  that  is  to  say, 
about  tfie  same  time  that  the  Kingdom  of  Siani  came  into  exis- 
tence. The  chronicles  of  Lawk  Sawk  and  Lai  Hka  are  the  only 
Southern  Shan  histories  of  any  length  which  it  has  been  possible  to 
obtain.  They  are  written  entirely  from  a  Burman  point  of  view, 
yet  they  seem  to  show  that  the  Southern  States  only  became  im- 
portant and  began  to  have  a  history  when  the  Mao  bhans  became 
prominent  and  overran  northern  Burma. 

Of  the  southern  group  it  is  not  necessary  10  say  much.  From 
an  abstract  point  of  view  it  would  probably  be  better  to  class  the 
Lao  or  Siamese  Shans  with  the  Lii  and  likiin,  but  politically 
the  two  sections  are  not  and  never  have  been  connected.  Whe- 
ther the  Lao  are  the  ancestors  of  the  Siamese,  and  have  yielded 
to  them  as  the  wealthier  and  more  powerful  possessors  of  the 
Mtjnam  valley,  or  whether,  as  more  likely,  the  Siamese  established 
themselves  separately  and,  when  they  gained  strength  and  prosperity 
on  the  sea-board,  began  to  extend  their  authority  backwards  on 
their  line  ol  immigration,  is  a  question  of  some  interest,  but  it  does 
not  concern  a  Gazetteer  of  British  possessions.  The  identity  of  the 
Siamese  with  the  Lao  as  a  race  is  undoubted,  though  they  differ 
from  them  and  the  others  more  than  the  latter  do  from  each  other. 

The  Pai-y,  the  Tho,  thePhou-tay,  Moi,  and  the  Muoiig  may  con- 
tribute something  to  the  history  of  the  race,  but  so  far  we  have  little 
information  about  them.  About  Ssu-mao  the  whole  country  is  re* 
ally  governed  by  Tai  Chiefs.     The  Chinese  are  found  only  in  the 



towns  and  only  in  the  chief  of  these.  They  divide  the  Tai  into  the 
Han  Pai-y,  those  who  live  on  firm  ground  or  uplands ;  and  the  Shui 
Pai-y,  riverain  or  wet-bottom  Tai,  accordingly  as  they  live  on  the 
hills  or  in  the  valleys.  They  also  drag  herrings  across  the  trail  by 
speaking  of '  H6  Pai-y,  black  Shans,  and  Hoa  Pai-y,  streaky,  parti- 
coloured, or  speckled  Shans,  which  names  arise  from  differences  of 
dress.  Frenchmen  have  recorded  that  the  Pai-y  of  Ssu-mao  under- 
stand the  Tho  dialect  of  Lung-chao.  It  is  also  certam  that  they 
understand  the  Lu  of  Keng  Hong.  They  have  a  written  charac- 
ter, but  whether  this  resembles  more  the  Lu  or  the  Mao,  or  is  again 
different,  there  is  nothing  on  record  to  determine.  Neither,  so  far  as 
the  compiler  knows,  has  any  one  made  known  what  character  the 
Tho  and  Muong  use.  In  a  note  on  the  Tho  of  the  province  of 
Hung  Hao  in  Tongking,  we  are  told  incidentally  that  they  have 
36  letters  in  their  alphabet  and  that  "  /fs  /nots  composes  de  sylla- 
"  bes  s'ecn'veni  comme  Ckriture  europSenne  mats  verticaUmenf  de 
haul  en  bas."  At  the  same  time  the  few  words  given  are  undoubt- 
edly Tai,  approximating  to  the  Lao  form,  thus: — 

Bo-my  =  Parents. 

Kin  ngai  =  To  eat  rice. 

Kin  nam  =  To  drink  water. 

Aft  dau  mi  pha  bo  mi  phau  =  There  is  betel  and  arecanut, 
but  no  lime. 

Mi  p hue  mi  i>ha  bo  micaunon  —  There  are  mats  and  blan- 
kets, but  tnere  is  no  one  sleeping. 

We  have  thus  obtained  a  view  of  the  Tai  race  as  a  whole  and 
may  proceed  to  a  consideration  of  their  histories  and  traditions  as 
shown  in  such  of  their  chronicles  as  are  available.  Before  doing 
90,  however,  it  will  be  well  to  consider  their  system  of  counting 
time,  which  is  indeed  not  a  little  significant  as  to  their  origin. 

The  Shans  of  British  territory  have  adopted  the  Burmese  era, 
both  religious  and  civil,  but  this  was  not  always 
^SUn  cycle  nr  Hpfc  the  case.  Formerly,  like  the  Chinese  Cam- 
bodians, Annamese,  and,  to  a  certain  extent,  the 
Siamese  of  the  present  day,  they  counted  their  time  by  cycles. 
Of  these  there  are  two :  the  small  cycle  and  the  great  cycle.  The 
former  includes  twelve  years  and  the  great  cycle  is  made  up  of 
five  small  cycles  and  covers  sixty  years.  Though  this  system  has 
fallen  out  of  general  use  and  is  quite  unknown  by  many  Shans,  still 
it  is  frequently  made  use  of  in  historical  documents,  and  tho  con- 
fusing of  it  with  the  era  adopted  from  Burma  leads  to  (he  errors 
in  dates,  which  are  conspicuous  in  what  Shan  histories  are  avail- 

HAP.  VI.]         THE  SHAN   STATES  AND  THE  TAl. 

The  Shans  and  the  other  Indo-Chinese  races  may  be  assumed 
to  have  learnt  the  system  from  the  Chinese,  who  date  the  com- 
inencemenl  of  the  sexagenary  cycle  from  B.  C.  2637  in  the  sixty- 
first  year  of  Hwang-ti's  reign.  This  Luh-shih-liwa  Kia  Tsu  seems 
to  have  been  perfectly  arbitrary  in  every  way,  for  no  explanation 
now  exists  of  the  reasons  which  induced  its  inventor,  Hwang-ti, 
or  his  minister,  Nao  the  Great,  to  select  this  number.  Dr.  Williams 
in  his  book  the  Middle  Kingdom  thinks  that  it  was  not  derived  from 
the  cycle  of  Jupiter  of  tlie  Hindus,  but  that  both  Hindus  and  Chi- 
nese got  it  from  the  Chaldeans.  The  similarities  are  so  striking  as 
to  indicate  a  common  origin,  but  this  is  so  remote  that  its  genesis  is 
a  complete  mystery,  particularly  since  Prinsep  (Indian  Antiquities 
II,  Useful  Tables,  page  159  et  seg)  thinks  that  the  introduction  of 
the  system  into  India  is  of  comparatively  recent  date,  or  about 
the  year  965  A.  D.  In  the  Chmcse  scheme  there  are  ten  so- 
called  "  stems  "  {Shih  kan)  and  twelve  *'  branches  "  (Shih-erh  chi), 
which  are  five  times  repeated.  The  twelve  branches  have  the  names 
of  as  many  animals  and  the  stems  are  combined  in  couplets  to  form 
multipliers  to  these.  These  two  sets  of  horary  characters  are  also 
applied  to  minutes  and  seconds,  hours,  days,  and  months,  signs  of 
the  zodiac,  points  of  the  compass,  and  are  also  made  to  play  an 
important  part  in  divination  and  astrology.  In  the  Cambodian,  Lao, 
Annamese,  and  Siamese  schemes  the  twelve  branches  are  named, 
according  to  Gamier  (\'oyage  d' Exploration,  I,  page  93  and  page 
466),  after  animals  in  the  same  way  as  the  Chinese,  but  the  animals 
are  not  all  precisely  the  same,  nor  do  they  come  in  the  same  order. 
A  comparative  list  stands  thus: — 



Lno  and 




Hii.  Rat 



Rat,  Ch'uat. 

Kwai  wo    ... 

Niu,  Ox 


Tiger        ... 

Ox.  Ch'alu. 


Wei,  Tieer 



Tiger,  KSn. 

Pang-tai    ... 

Fang,  Hare 


Dragon  .'... 

Hare,  Tao, 




Kioh,  Dr.-igon          ... 
Yih.  Snake 
Sing,  Horse 

Dragun    ... 





Grcal  dragon,  Marfing. 
LiUle  dragon.  Maseng. 
Horse,  Mamia. 



Kwei,  Goal            ... 
Tsui,  Monkey 
Mao,  Cock 


Monkey    ,., 

Monkey   ... 



Goal,  Marai. 
Monkey,  Wawk. 
Cock,  Rika. 


Sang  mu  ...,  Dog 
Shih,  Bear 




Dog.  Chao. 
Pig.  Kun. 




But  Gamier  does  not  show  \n  what  way  the  twelve  names  are 
classified  or  multiplied  in  order  to  form  a  cycle  with  each  of  the 
sixty  years  bearing  a  separate  name.  Sir  John  Bowring,  however, 
speaks  of  the  Siamese  cycle  as  composed  of  a  fivefold  repetition 
of  the  twelve  names  arranged  in  decades,  the  first  commencing  with 
the  rat  and  ending  with  the  cocJ^,  the  second  beginning  with  the 
dog  and  ending  with  the  goal,  and  so  on  regularly  to  the  sixth 

This  is  shown  in  the  following  syn 

optical  table 

: — 

Year  of  the  rat  ... 







Year  of  the  ox 
Year  of  the  tiger 










a  u 



Year  of  the  hare 













Year  of  the  great  dragon    ... 









Year  of  the  little  dragon     ... 











Year  of  ihe  horse 







Year  of  the  goal 








Year  of  the  monkey 
Year  of  the  cock 
Year  of  the  dog 


k-o  ^ 














■ « 





Year  of  the  pig 







The  present  year  1897  is  the  year  of  the  cock,  the  fortieth  year 
of  the  fortieth  cycle  of  the  P'uti'a  Sakarat,  the  sacred  era,  and  the 
fifty-eighth  year  of  the  twentieth  cycle  of  the  Chula  Sakarat,  the 
civl]  era.  It  may  be  added  that  ihe  modern  Siamese  use  the 
Bangkok  era,  in  which  1897  is  the  year  115. 

The  Chinese  date  for  the  same  year  is  the  thirty-third  year  of  the 
seventy-sixth  cycle,  or  the  four  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty- 
third  since  its  institution.  Ney  Elias,  in  his  Sketch  0/  the  History 
of  t  e  Shans,  gives  the  following  table,  but  omits  to  say  whether 
it  was  supplied  to  him  in  this  form.  He  says:  "it  is  noteworthy 
"  also  that  the  names  used  for  the  animals  are  nearly  entirely  the 
'*  Laotian  names  and  not  those  of  their  own  (the  Northern  Shan) 
"  language."  He  does  not  give  his  authority  for  this  statement, 
which  as  a  matter  of  fact  is  incorrect.  The  names  given  are,  with 
allowances  for  double  interpretation  and  running  the  ordeal  of  two 
ears,  practically  identical  with  those  of  the  table  commonly  used 
in  the  Shan  States,  which  is  given  below. 



Table ybr  naming  the  years  of  the  Shan  cycle  when  the  number  is  given, 
or  numbering  them  when  the  name  is  given. 



















1 1 
























>5    1 








































'*  The  system,"  Ney  Elias  continues,  "  is  doubtless  the  same  as  the 
Indian  cycle  of  sixty  or  the  '  Jovian  cycle,'  though  this  is  not 
arranged  in  twelves  and  tens,  but  in  a  continuous  list  of  sixty 
single  appellations.  Under  the  name  of  Vrihaspati  Chakra  this 
has  been  discussed  and  tabulated  by  Prinsep  in  the  second  volume 
of  Indian  Antiquities.  Though  he  points  out,  what  is  obvious, 
that  the  small  cycle  of  twelve — the  so-called  '  branches'  of  the 
Chinese — is  in  fact  the  true  cycle  of  Jupiter  (one  revolution  of 
Jupiter  is  really  only  about  eleven  years  and  ten  months),  he  gives 
no  explanation  of  the  origin  of  ten  '  stems'  or  multipliers.  In 
his  comparative  table,  the  first  year  of  the  Indian  list  corresponds 
with  the  fourth  of  the  Chinese,. and  this  Prinsep  believes  goes  far 
to  disprove  the  connection  of  the  two  systems  ;  but  it  is  curious 
that  some  Brahmin  astrologers  at  Mandalay,  who  were  applied  to 
for  an  explanation  of  the  above  Shan  scheme,  at  once  connected 
it  with  the  Indian  cycle  by  producing  the  following  table,  or 
transfer  of  the  Shan  into  the  Hindu  cycle  in  every  day  use  in 
India."     The  Sanskrit  names  as  transliterated  for  Elias  are  almost 



identical  with  those  given  by  Prinsep.     The  Shan  names  are  not 
those  of  Ney  Elias.  but  of  the  common  Shan  table. 




Hindu  name. 


Kap  Sau 




Lap  Pao 


. . . 



Hai  Yi 





M6ng  Mao 


•  .. 



P5k  Hsi 





Kat  Hsad 





Hkat  Hsa-Dga 


.  •  - 



Hfing  Mat 




Tao  Hsan 










Kap  Mit 





Lap  Kau 





Hai  Sau 

•  •• 




M5ng  Pao 










Kat  Mao 





HkQt  Hsi 





Hdng  Hsaii 

■ .. 




Tao  Hsa-nga 


..  ■ 




■  •. 




Kap  Hsan 





Lap  Hao 





Hai  Mtt 




Mdng  Kau 





P6k  Sau 


•  •■ 



Kat  Pao 

. .  ■ 




HkQt  Yi 





HOng  Mao 





Tao  Hsi 

•  .• 




Ka  Hsaii 





Kap  Hsa-nga 





Lap  Mot 

■  t. 




Hai  Hsan 





Mdng  Hao 

■  •  • 

• .  • 



F5k  Mit 





Kat  Kad 


•  * . 



HkQt  Sad 

>  >. 




Hang  Pao 


■  • . 



Tao  Yi 

•  *. 

.  •  ■ 



Ka  Mao 

.*  • 




Kap  Hsi 





Lap  Hsau 





Hai  Hsa-nga 




^m          CHAP.  Vt.]           THE    SHAN    STATES    AND    THF    TAl.                         213               I 


Shan  name. 

Hindu  name.                       ^^H 

Mong  Mut 
Pok  Hsan 
Kat  Haa 
Hkot  Mit 
Hung  Kau 
Tao  tJau 

Ka  Pao 
Kap  Yi 
Lap  Mao 

Hai  Hsi 
M5ng  Hsaii 
Pok  Hsa-nga 
Kat  Mut 
Hkut  Hsan 
Hong  Hao 
Tar>  Mit 
Ka  Kau 

Sadharona.                                            ^^^M 
Virudhi-Krita.                                       ^^^| 
Paridharbi.                                            ^^H 
Promnrthi.                                             ^^H 
Anangda.                                               ^^H 
Rak-Kliyosa.                                      ^^H 

Pinga)a.                                                 ^^^^ 
Kalyukla.                                              ^^H 
Sidharthi.                                              ^^M 
Rudra.                                                ^H 

Dundhubhi.                                           ^^H 
Rudhirud'Gari.                                     ^^H 
Kaktak-kha.                                         ^^H 
Krudhana.                                         ^^H 
Akhyaya.                                              ^^^| 

^1              No  trace  of  a  serial  numbering  of  the  sexagenary  periods  seems 
^M           to  have  been  found  in  Chinese  writings  any  more  than  a  reason  why 
^B          the  period  of  sixty  years  was  selected.     U  is  therefore  toe  much  to 
^M          expect  that  the  Shan  books  should  be  more  methodical.     If  the 
^H           number  of  the  cycle  and  the  name  of  any  particular  year  were  given, 
^M           it  would  be  an  easy  matter  10  identify  the  date,  but  the  omission  of 
^B           both  leaves  a  wide  margin  for  conjecture  and  has  led  to  the  errors 
^M           in  chronology  and  the  repetition  ol  the  same  historical  fact  in  suc- 
^H           cessive  centuries  which   Mr.   Parker   has   detected   in  Sir  Arthur 
^H           Phayre's  History  of  Burma.     Before  a  date  can  be  (ixed  from  the 
^B           Shan  annals  it  is  necessary  to  determine  some  starting:  point  which 
^H           will  fit  the  cycle  chronology  into  our  calendar.     Fortunately  this  is 
^B           possible  in  several  instances.     The  particular  event  chosen  by  Ney 
^H           tlias  as  sufficiently  well-marked  for  his  purpose  is  singularly  enough 
^B           the  very  story  seized  upon  by  Mr.  Parker  to  prove  that  "the  Mani- 
^H            "  pur  chronicle  is  exactly  a  century  wrong,"  and  that  Sir  Arthur 
^H           Pnayre  repeats  the  same  story  at  intervals  of  a  century,  the  later 
^H           date  being  correct.     This  is  the  flight  of  the  Chau  Ngan-phaKing 
^H            of   Mong  Mao  according  to  Ney  Elias;   Tho-ngan-bwa,   Sawbiva 
^B           of  Mogaung  according  to  Sir  Arthur  Phayre  ;  Sz-jt-n-fah,  Sawbwa 
^H            of  Luh-ch'wan  according  to  Mr.  Parker.     The  Shan  form  would  be 
^B            Sao  Ngan  Hpa.     This  chieftain  fought   with  the  Chinese  and  was 
^H           defeated.     He  then  fled  to  Ava  and  was  followed  by  the  Chinese, 
^H            who  demanded  his  surrender  from  the  King  of  Burma.     Before  he 
^H            could  be  given  up^  the  SawOwa  poisoned  himself  and  his  body  was 



given  to  the  Chinese  General,  who  dried  it  in  the  sun  and  carried 
it  back  to  Yunnan.  Now  this  story  is  told  first  in  Elias'  Shan 
History  of  Mong  Mao,  where  the  date  of  Chau-ngan-pha*s  death 
is  placed  in  a  certain  year  of  a  certain  unnamed  and  unnumbered 
cycle  ;  secondly,  the  Burmese  annals  chronicle  the  circumstance 
under  the  year  1 444  A  D. ;  thirdly,  in  Dcmailla's  History  of  China 
precisely  the  same  event  is  recorded  as  having  occurred  in  1448 
A.  D.  i  and  finally  Mr.  Parker  translates  it  from  the  Momien  annals, 
but  does  not  give  any  definite  year  farther  than  that  "  the  whole 
story  belongs  to  the  period  1432 — M5*^*" 

From  this  coincidence  of  independent  annals  it  is  possible  to  fix 
the  cycle  of  the  Shan  year  named  and  the  number  in  that  cycle. 
Thus  a  starting  point  is  obtained.  It  is  not  a  little  singular  that 
the  same  incident  should  furnish  us  with  the  means  of  comparing 
Chinese  and  Burmese  forms  of  transliterating  Shan  names  and 
should  also  demonstrate  that  the  term  "  Kingdom  of  Pong,"  which 
has  been  so  long  an  unsolved  riddle,  is  apparently  a  generic  rather 
than  a  particular  name  and  was  applied,  or  was  applicable,  to 
whatever  Shan  principality  happened  for  the  time  to  be  most  power- 
ful or  most  prominent,  no  matter  what  its  special  name  might  be. 

Ney  EHas  confirms  this  determination  of  date  by  reference  to 
the  conquest  of  Wehsali,  or  Upper  Assam,  by  the  Samlung-pha 
mentioned  in  his  histories  of  Mong  Mao  and  Mogaung.  This 
person  is  the  Hkun  Sam  Long  of  the  Hsen  Wi  chronicle,  and  was 
brother  of  the  Sawbwa  Hso  Hkan  Hpa,  who  is  Elias'  Chau-kwam- 
pha  and  Pemberton's  Soogampha.  The  cycle  date  for  Sara  LOng's 
conquest  of  Assam  is  given  in  the  Shan  chronicles.  P'our  or  five 
years  later  a  relative  named  Chau-ka-pha  (Sao  Ka)  was  Establish- 
ed as  first  Sawbzaa  of  the  newly  conquered  territory.  "  And  we 
"  know  from  independent  modern  .'\ssamese  sources  that  the  date  of 
"  Chau-ka-pha's  accession  is  1 229  A,l).j  and  that  it  is  probably  cor- 
"rect  or  nearly  so  to  within  a  year  or  two.  The  event  is  not  only 
'*  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  in  the  history  of  Mong  Mao  and  of  its 
"  dependency,  Mogaung,  but  with  the  Assamese  it  holds  a  corre- 
"  sponding  position  to  the  Norman  conquest  in  the  History  o(  Eng- 
"  land,  and  serves  the  purely  Ahom  race  m  Assam  as  a  starting  point 
"  from  which  to  date  their  entire  history  ;  for  these  people  first  mi- 
"  grated  to  that  country  at  the  time  of  Sam-lung- pha's  invasion. 
"  (The  fact  that  they  have  since  entirely  disappeared  or  have 
"  coalesced  with  the  conquered  Hindu  population  does  not  affect  the 
'*  history.)  Until  the  reign  of  King  Gaurinath  Singh{  1  780  to  1 795) 
"  the  Assamese  annals  had  been  very  impei  fectly  kept,  but  that  king 
"  caused  a  commission  of  Nora  astronomers  and  other  learned  per- 
"  sons  to  be  deputed  to  Mogaung  to  examine  the  histories  of  their 

CHAK  VI.]         THE   SHAf^TATES  AND  THE  TAI. 

"race  in  possession  of  the  Shan  Buddhist  priests  of  that  place,  and 
"  to  verify  the  books  (or  traditions)  brought  into  the  country  by 
"  Chau-ka-pha.  The  examination  completed,  this  commission  re- 
"wToie  the  Ahom  history  in  Assamese,  and  extended  it  backwards 
"from  Sam-lung-pha's  conquest  of  Assam  to  the  founding  of  the 
"  first  Shan  capital  on  ihe  Shweli  river,  and,  in  doing  so,  happily 
"  made  two  statements,  either  of  which,  like  the  above  story  of  Chau- 
"  ngan-pha,  would  in  itself  be  sufficient  to  identify  a  cycle  as  a  start- 
"  ing  point.  The  first  statement  is  that  they,  the  astronomers  and 
"  others,  having  calculated  (he  dales,  &c.,  fmd  that  eleven  TaoNso' 
"  ngas  (so  the  cycle  is  called)  elapsed  between  the  descent  from 
"  heaven  of  the  founders  of  the  city  on  the  Shweli  to  the  accession 
"  of  Chau-ka-pha  as  King  of  Upper  Assam ;  the  second  is  an  inci- 
"  dental  remark  that  ihe  Burmese  commenced  their  national  era  with 
"  the  reign  of  the  Mao  King  Ai-dyep-that-pha  Now,  if  eleven 
"  Tiiohsa-ngas,  or  six  hundred  and  sixty  years,  be  subtracted  from 
"  the  date,  r2  29  A. D..  the  year  of  Chau-ka-pha*s  accession,  we  arrive 
"at  569  A. D.,  or  within  one  year  of  the  dale  that  would  be  shown  by 
"subtracting  theaggregate  of  the  reigns  from  the  date  of  Chau- 
"  ngan-pha's  death.  Again,  the  reign  of  Ai-dyep-that-pha  is  stated 
"  by  the  Shans  to  have  commenced  in  the  seventieth  year  after  the 
"  foundation  of  Mung-ri-niunT-ram  (the  Mong  Hi  and  Mong  Ham 
"  on  the  M^khong  of  the  Hsen  \Vi  Chronicle),  which  would  give  56S 
"  -f  70  or  638  A.D.  as  the  year  usually  assumed  for  the  commence- 
"  ment  of  the  Burmese  national  era." 

When  the  starting  point  U  thus  obtained,  the  dales  can  easily  be 
fixed,  for  the  length  of  each  Sawbtva's  reign  is  carefully  preserved 
and  forms  the  main  basis  for  reckoning  the  dates.  Comparison  wiih 
the  Burmese  calendar  is  also  an  assistance,  as  are  the  Chinese 
dates,  though  the  former  is  uncertain  owing  to  the  interference 
with  the  calendar  of  various  kings  for  superstitious  or  ambitious 
reasons  ;  and  the  latter  because  of  the  arrogant  Chinese  fashion  of 
ignoring  Burmese  and  Shan  titles  and  using  surnames  which  they 
mangled,  or  inventing  family  names  such  as  never  have  existed 
either  among  Burmans  or  Shans.  The  Chinese  Emperors,  whose 
real  names  were  also  tabooed,  and  who  used  reign  styles  just  as  the 
Popes  do,  always  affected  to  believe  that  the  writers  of  letters  from 
tributary  States — and  they  considered  all  the  world  tributaries — 
used  only  their  family  and  personal  names.  When  they  knew 
these  they  used  them.  Thus  Sin-byu-shln  is  known  as  Miing  Yiin, 
that  is  to  say,  Maung  Waing,  and  Tharrawaddi  is  referred  to  as 
Meng  K'eng,  Maung  Hkin.  When  they  did  not  know  tliem,  they 
devised  wild  travesties  which  stood  for  "  family  names," 



The  Tat  cycle  calendar,  or  Hp^  IVan,  is  no  longer  used  in  any 
part  of  the  British  Shan  States.  It  appears  in  old  histories  of 
Hsen  \Vi  and  the  Northern  Shan  Stales,  but  is  never  used  in  the 
southern  chronicles.  The  Shan-Chinese  may  use  it,  but  this  is  not 
known  for  a  fact.  As  a  means  of  calculating  lucky  days,  working 
out  horo-copes,  and  divination  generally,  it  is,  however,  the  text- 
book of  Shan  diviners,  as  it  is  ^^•ith  the  Chinese.  Details  of  it  in 
this  form  are  given  in  a  later  chapter. 

The  late  Mr.  Ney  Ellas,  in  his  Introductory  Sketch  of  the 
J.  History  of  the  Shans,  was  the  first  to  gather 

'^  °^'  together   details  about  the  country  which  is 

now  definitely  known  as  the  Shan  States.  He  had  the  advantage 
of  visiting  the  northern  part  of  the  country,  that  of  the  Tai  Lung,  the 
great  Shans,  before  the  perpetual  civil  war  of  the  latter  days  of 
Burmese  rule  had  destroyed  practically  every  ancient  record  in 
every  part  of  the  British  Shan  States.  He  compared  the  manu- 
scripts he  obtained  wiih  what  earlier  information  was  available  from 
Major  Boileau  Pcmberion's  account  of  the  Kingdom  of  Pong  de- 
rived front  a  Manipur  Shan  Chronicle  {Report  on  the  Eastern  Fron- 
tier of  British  India,  Calcutta,  1835)  and  with  this  he  collated 
details  noted  by  Dr.  Richardson,  Colonel  Hannay,  Dr.  Anderson, 
and  others  in  various  scattered  journals  and  papers. 

Unfortunately  Elias's  notes  were  collected  for  him  by  "a  well- 
read  Hindu  moonshee,"  whose  capacity  for  catching  Shan  names 
and  committing  them  to  paper  afterwards  was  not  on  the  same  level 
with  his  reading.  It  does  not  appear  that  Ellas  obtained  actual 
possession  of  the  manuscripts,  but  in  any  case  what  he  gives  in  his 
pamphlet  is  compiled  from  the  moonshee 's  notes.  He  describes 
the  process  as  follows  : — 

"I  engaged  him  to  give  me  verbal  rxtracis  of  historical  notes  con- 
cerning the  Shaos  id  Englisli,  omitting  the  fabulous  portions,  and  also  to 
fill  up  the  many  voids  they  then  contained,  hy  cousuhing  the  Shan  priests 
resident  at  Mandalay  and  others  who  had  a  knowledge  of  ih^ir  books.  In 
this  way  not  only  were  several  Shan  histories  put  under  contribution,  but 
a  number  of  Byrmese  translations  of  Siian  books  were  examined  and  their 
contents  made  available  either  as  criginal  material,  or  as  Lhc  means  of 
rectifying  uncertain  [joints  derived  from  the  more  direct  sources,  while 
native  Burmese  and  Assamrse  works  were  also  utilized  for  reconciling 
doubtful  dales,  or  events  with  well-ascertained  historical  facts  in  the  an- 
nals of  those  conntries.  Thus  the  story  is  not  a  translatiou  of  any  par- 
ticular work,  but  an  outline  sketched  from  a  variety  of  sources," 

It  is  greatly  to  be  regretted  that  Elias  did  not  give  the  trans- 
lations separately,  so  that  the  different  sources  of  information  might 
be  ascertained,     h  Is  ai  any  rale  certain  that  the  various  names 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES  AKD  THE  TAI. 


were  a  good  deal  tortured  from  the  Shan  form  both  by  the  Bur- 
mese translators  and  by  the  moonshee.  In  the  following  extract 
therefore  the  names  have  been  restored,  wherever  it  is  possible,  to 
their  Shan  form.  In  what  Ellas  calls  "  the  story  of  Mung-mau  "  he 
believes  that  he  has  identified  that  now-a-days  insignificant  Shan- 
Chlnese  State  with  Kawsampi  and  the  Kingdom  of  P6ng.  As  we 
have  seen,  this  appears  more  than  doubtful. 

Though  the  Mao  Shans  trace  their  existence  as  a  nation  to 
the  fabulous  and  comparatively  recent  source  of  the  heaven- 
descended  Kings  Hkun  Lu  and  Hkun  Lai,  as  will  be  seen  below,  still 
as  a  race  they  appear  from  the  Burmese  books  to  have  a  legend 
assigning  their  origin  to  the  earliest  period  of  Burmese  history  and 
indeed  to  a  common  parentage  with  the  latter  people.  That  this 
is  not  an  original  tradition  of  their  race,  but  one  imported  in  the 
course  of  Buddhist  teachings,  there  can  be  little  doubt ;  but  it  is  re- 
markable that  no  other  appears  to  exist  either  in  their  own  or  Burmese 
writings  (the  researches  of  Mr.  E.  H.  Parker  given  below  supply 
much  from  the  Chinese).  The  legend  is  probably  the  one  briefly 
referred  to  in  the  opening  lines  of  Cap.  II  of  Vule's  Afission  to  Ava 
and  of  which  the  author  jusUy  remarks  that  it  is  one  *'  of  equal 
'*  value  and  like  invention  to  that  which  deduced  the  Romans  from 
"  the  migrations  of  the  pious  JEneas,  the  ancient  Britons  from  Brut, 
"  the  Trojan,  and  the  Gael  from  Scota,  daughter  of  Pharoah." 

The  following  epitome  is  from  the  Burmese  Tagaung  Yasa* 

"About  three  hundred  years  before  the  birth  of  Gautama,  or  923  B.C., 
and  1491  years  before  the  descent  of  Hkun  Lu  and  Hkun  Lai,  a  Sakya 
prince  called  A!'hi  Rajah  arrived  from  Kapilavastu  by  way  of  Arakan 
and  foundt:d  the  city  of  Pagan,  called  Chindwe  in  some  accounts,  on  the 
left  bank  of  the  Irrawaddy.  He  had  two  sons  whose  Burmese  names  are 
Kangyi  and  Kanng6,  and  at  his  death  the  forriier  retired  to  Arakan  and 
became  king  of  that  country,  whilst  Kanngfe  succeeded  his  father  at  Pagan, 
and  in  his  turn  was  succeeded  by  thirty-one  of  his  lineal  descendants, 
whose  names  are  given  in  the  Burmese  record,  but  no  dates.  The  last  of 
these,  nr  the  thirty^-third  from  Abhi  kaia,  was  one  Beinaka  (the  Shan 
Peng  Naka  of  the  Ong  Pawcig  Hsi  Paw  Chronicle,  given  elsewhere  in  this 
work)  which  may  be  consulted  as  a  variant),  who  reigned  roughly  speaking 
about  the  commencement  of  the  religious  era,  or  partly  during  Gaudama's 
lifetime.  In  the  course  of  Beioaka's  reign  a  Chinese  army  (as  we  have 
seen.  It  seems  practically  certain  that  this  army  was  Tai,  not  Chinese) 
invaded  his  country,  captured  Pagan,  destroyed  it,  and  obliged  him  to  take 
refuge  at  Male  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Irrawaddy  and  nearly  opposite 
the  present  ruins  of  Lower  Sabiinago  (Champa  Nagara).  Here  hcshortly 
afterwards  died  and  his  people  became  broken  up  into  three  divisions. 
One  of  these  remained  at  Male  under  Beioaka's  Queen,  Naga  S£ng,  a 
second  wandered  towards  the  south  and  was  absorbed  by  the  Pyu,  a  sec- 



tion  of  the  Burmese  proper  (the  name  is  of  Chinese  origin),  while  the  third 
migrated  eastward  and  became  Shans,  forming  the  nineteen  original  Shan 
districts  or  States. 

*'  Of  these  districts  or  States,  no  names  are  given,  and  probably  the 
number  is  an  imaginative  one;  but  it  is  remarkable  that  the  legend  of 
the  Pwons  (of  whom  some,  under  the  name  of  Hp6n,  still  live  in  the  third 
or  upper  defile  of  the  Irrawaddy),  derived  from  an  eniirely  different  and 
original  source,  carries  us  back  to  this  same  evcnt^ — the  first  fall  of  Old 
Pagan.  These  people  pretend  that  they  arc  desceudauts  of  the  elephant 
drivers,  whom  the  Chinese  (?  Tai)  conquerors  pressed  into  their  service  to 
conduct  the  elephants  captured  In  the  city  back  to  China  ;  that  they  escap- 
ed thence  and  wandered  westward  to  the  third  defile  {Kyaukdmn)  of  the 
Irrawaddy,  where  they  are  still  settled. 

"  After  the  Chinese  had  retired  from  Pagan,  one  Dhaja  Raja,  another 
prince  of  Kapilavastu,  came  from  India,  married  the  widow  Naga  Seng,  and 
rebuilt  the  capital  immediately  beyond  the  north  wail  of  the  old  city.  This 
was  the  Tagaung  of  the  Burmese  and  the  lungKungof  the  Shans,  and 
the  date  of  Us  foundation  given  by  the  Burmese  is  the  twentieth  year  of 
the  year  of  religion  (523  B.C.)  and  by  the  Shans  the  twenty-fourth  year 
(519  B.C).  After  this  there  are  no  dates,  or  numbers  of  generations,  re- 
corded with  any  certainty,  but  Uhaja  Raja's  dynasty  appears  to  have 
ruled  at  Tagaung  until  Hkun  Lu  displaced  it  and  put  his  son  Ai  llkun  Lu 
on  the  throne  at  some  date  probably  within  one  generation  posterior  to  the 
year  568A.D,,  if  indeed  it  occurred  at  all." 

It  seems  very  probable  that  all  this  has  been  taken  by  the 
Shan  chronicle  from  the  Burmese  Afaha  Yasawi^i.  Elias  con- 
tinues : — 

"  It  is,  however,  with  the  Mao  Shans  rather  than  with  Tagaung  thit 
we  are  concerned,  so  let  ns  pass  on  at  once  to  their  earliest  national 
legend,  which  is  told  in  alt  the  Shan  histories  with  apparently  little  vari- 
ation, thus — 

"In  the  year  of  Religion  1 1 1 1,  or  568A.D,,  two  sons  of  the  gods,  named 
Hkun  Lu  and  Hkun  Lai,  descended  from  heaven  by  a  golden  ladder  and 
alighted  in  the  valley  of  the  Shweli  river.  They  were  accompanied  by 
two  ministers  Hkun  Tun  and  Hkun  Hpun,  one  of  whom  was  descended 
from  the  sun  and  the  other  from  the  moon  ;  they  were  also  attended  by  an 
astrologer  descended  from  the  family  of  Jupiter  and  by  a  number  of 
other  mythical  personages.  On  arriving  at  the  earth  they  found  men 
who  immediately  submitted  to  them  as  rulers  sent  from  the  gods,  while 
one  of  the  mortals  callea  Laun-gu  (this  suggests  the  Chinese  name 
Laongu  or  Lao  Wu)  or  Sao  Tikan  offered  to  become  the  servant  of  the  two 
brothers.  Before  leaving  heaven,  the  god  Tiing  Hkam  had  given  tlicm  a 
cock  and  a  knife  and  had  enjoined  them,  immediately  on  arriving  on  the 
earth,  to  kill  the  cock  with  the  knife  and  to  offer  up  prayers  to  him  at  the 
same  time ;  when  the  ceremony  %vas  over,  they  were  to  eat  the  head  of  the 
bird  themselves  and  give  the  body  to  their  ministers  and  attendants.  It 
was  found,  however,  that  by  some  mistake  the  cnck  and  the  knife  had  beea 
left  behind  and  Laun-gu  was  sent  to  heaven  to  bring  them  down.  He  went 
and  returned  with  both,  but  reported  that  the  god  Tijng  Hkam,  being  augry 



with  the  brothers  for  their  carelessness  in  leaving  these  things  behind, 
had  sent  a  message  that  after  duly  sacrificing  the  cock,  the  brothers  were 
to  eat  a  portion  of  the  body  only  and  give  the  rest  to  their  attendants. 
In  this  way  Laun-gu  managed  to  secure  for  himself  the  head.  He  then 
asked  the  brothers  to  confer  upon  him  some  reward  for  the  service  he  had 
rendered  in  regaining  the  sacrificial  objects  from  heaven,  and  they  gave 
him  the  country  of  Mithila  to  govern.  (This  is  the  Pali  or  classical  name 
for  Mong  Hk&,  which  is  properly  speaking  Yimnati  only  and  not  all  China. 
VVideharit  or  Vidcha,  a  name  alsi?  given  to  Yunnan,  is  another  title  for  the 
ancient  Mithila  or  Mcitilla.)  Having  eaten  the  head  of  the  cock,  he  became 
a  wise  and  powerful  Chinese  ruler>  while  the  heaven-descended  brothers, 
having  eaten  of  the  body,  remained  ignorant  Mao  Shans. 

"  Laun-gu,  on  arriving  in  Mithila.  founded  the  capital  Mting  Ky& 
(this  is  no  doubt  Miing  S&  LAng,  which  is  the  name  by  which  the  Shans 
know  Yunnan-sen,  thf.  residence  of  the  modern  viceroy,  or  Governor- 
General  of  Yiin-kuei,  t,e.,  the  two  provinces  of  Yilnnan  and  Kuei-chao)  and 
commenced  his  rule  in  568A.D.  He  died  after  sixty  years  reign  in  628  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sao  Pu,  wlio  also  reigned  sixty  years  and  was 
followed  in  his  turn  by  his  son  Hsak-ka  in  688  (the  term  of  sixty  years 
appears  so  often  in  these  traditionary  writings  that  it  suggests  the  idea  of 
being  merely  indicative  of  a  considerable  length  of  time  and  of  meaning 
about  a  cycle).  This  last  with  his  lineal  descendants,  it  is  stated,  ruled 
for  two  hundred  years,  when  a  relation  (of  the  same  race}  named  Fwei-No- 
Ngan-Maing  (it  is  difhcult  to  make  anything  of  tins  name)  succeeded  to 
the  throne  and.  together  with  his  descendants,  retained  it  for  one  hundred 
and  fifty  years,  or  to  A.  D.  1038.  Farther  than  this  the  Shan  records  do 
not  follow  Laun-gti  rth'as  Sao  Ti  Kan.  (It  may  be  noted  that  this  is  roughly 
speaking  the  time  of  .\nawra-hta,  the  conquering  king  of  Pagan.) 

*' Shortly  after  their  descent  to  earth  Hkun  I^u  and  Hkun  Lai  qaarrelled 
on  the  subject  of  precedence  and  the  former  determined  to  abandon  his 
claim  to  the  kingdom  in  the  Shweli  valley  and  to  found  a  new  one  for  him- 
self. With  this  view  he  packed  the  two  images  of  his  ancestors,  one  male 
called  Sung  and  one  female  called  Seng,  into  a  box,  and  started  towards 
the  west,  carrying  the  box  upon  his  htad.  He  crossed  the  Irrawaddy  and 
shortly  afterwards  arrived  at  a  place  near  the  Uyu  river,  a  tributary  of  the 
Chindwin,  where  he  established  himself  and  founded  a  city  called  Mdng 
KOiig  Moug-Yawiig  (this  is  no  doubt  the  disLrict  of,  and  round  about,  the 
present  Singkaling  Hk:unti)  whence  he  sent  forth  his  sons  or. relations  to 
become  rulers  of  neighbouring  States.  Of  these  there  appear  to  have  been 
seven,  but  whether  sons  or  not  is  uncertain  :  however,  it  is  of  little  impor- 
tance, as  from  the  following  list  it  will  be  seen  that  this  part  of  the  record 
has  hardly  yet  emerged  from  the  domain  of  fable.  (With  this  may  be 
compared  the  story  of  the  Hsen  Wi  chronicle,  which  i?  given  below,  of  the 
five  brothers  who  came  from  the  Mfehkong  from  Mflng  Hi,  M6ng  Ham, 
which  appear  to  be  Elias's  Mung-ri  Mung-ram.) 

Distribution  of  Hkun  Lu's  posterity  {i.e.,  his  seven  sons  or  descendants). 

I.     Ai  Hkun  Lung       ...  King  of  Tung  Kung  or  Tagaung. 
3.     Hkun  Hpa  ...  King  of  Mong  Yar.g  (Mohnyin).     He  paid  a  tribute 

of  a  large  number  ('*  ten  lakhs")  of  horses. 



3,  Hkun  Ngu  ,,.  King  of  Lamung-Tai,  i.e.,  La  B6Qg  near  Chicng- 

niai.  He  paid  a  yearly  tribute  of  three  hund- 
red elephants 

4.  Hkun  Kawt  Hpa  ...  King  of  Vnn    LAn   or   Mting   Yawng   (probably 

Garnier's  MSng  Yong,  the  former  capital  of  Keog 
Cheng,  the  Cis-jM&khong  portion  of  which  is  now 
annexed    to    Keng   Tung).     Yearly    tribute,   a 
(juantity  of  gold, 
g.     Hkun  La  ...  King  of  Mong  Kala  or  Kale  on  the  right  bank  of 

(he  Chindwin  above  Mingin.  Tribute,  water 
from  the  Chindwin  river. 

6.  Hkun  Hsa  ...  King  of    Ava    [sic),  but   probably  Mfing   Mit   is 

meant,  since  a  ruby  mine  is  said  to  have  exist- 
ed at  his  capital.  Tribute  2  viss  (about  7  pounds 
weight)  of  rubies  yearly. 

7.  Hkun  Su  ...  King  of   MOng  Yawng  on  or  near  the  Uyu  river, 

where  bis  father  Hkun  Lu  had  also  reigned. 

Hkun  Su  reigned  for  25  ycirs  from  6o3  to  633  A.  D. 
Sao  Hsen  Sau,  .1  son,  reigrvcd  for  ig  years  from  633  to  652  A.  D. 
Sao  Hkun  Kyaw,  a  «>n,  reig^ned  for  15  jears  ironi  653  to  667  A.  D. 
Sao  Hkun  Kyun.  a  son,  reigned  for  1 1  years  from  667  to  6;8  A.  D. 

"  During  the  reign  of  this  last,  his  son  Hkam  Pdng  Hpa  went  to  reside 
at  Mong  Ri  NfSng  Ram,  and  afterwards  reigned  there  as  king  of  Mcing 
Mao.  [The  M^'Jng  Ham,  wliich  this  would  appear  to  be,  is  still  one  of  the 
XII  Fauna  of  Keng  Hung  (ChSIi.)] 

"Thus  Hkun  Lu  and  his  posterity  reigned  at  Mong  K6ng  MBng  Yawng 
for  one  hundred  and  ten  years,  and  meanwhile  Hkun  Lai  had  founded  a 
capital  called  Mong  Ri  Mong  Ram  at  a  short  distance  from  the  left  bank 
of  the  Shwcli,  and  supposed  to  be  some  8  or  9  miles  to  the  eastward  of 
the  present  city  of  Mcing  Mao,  [Here  Ney  Elias  was  probably  misled. 
See  the  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle  below.]  Here  lie  reigned  for  seventy  years 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Ai  Hlep  Htat  Hpa,  who  ruled  for  forty 
years,  but  who  died  without  issue  in  67S  A.  D.  and  consequently  in  the 
fortieth  year  of  the  Burmese  era.  The  son  of  Sao  Hkun  Kyun,  mentioned 
in  the  above  list,  was  then  created  king,  and  in  his  person  Hkun  Lu's  line 
became  supreme  among  the  Mao.  The  length  of  his  reign  is  not  known, 
hut  he  was  followed  by  his  son,  during  whose  rule  the  capitil  Miing  Ri  Mong 
Ram  declined  and  became  of  secondary  importance  to  the  town  of  Ma- 
Kao  Mong  LAng,  which  was  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  river  and 
believed  to  be  some  6  or  7  miles  west  of  the  capital.  This  king  was 
succeeded  by  hJs  younger  brother,  Hkam  Hsip  Hpa,  who  ascended  the 
throne  in  703  A.  D.  and  established  his  court  at  Ma-kao  M5ng  L6ng,  thus 
finally  abandoning  Mong  Ri  Mong  Ram.  [Un  this  Elias  has  the  following 
note: — *'  See  Hannay  {Sketch  0/  Singphos,  &.C.,  1847,  page  54),  where  the 
name  of  Kai  Khao  Mau  Loung,  the  great  and  splendid  city,  is  given  as  the 
capital  of  the  PAng  kingdom  on  the  Shweli.  The  name  Mau  is  significant, 
though  my  informants  make  it  Mung.  At  page  55  Hannav  gives  Moong 
Khao  Loung  as  the  old  name  for  the  present  Mogaung ;  in  both  these  khao 
probably  means  city."  Want  of  knowledge  of  Shan  led  to  this  error.  Ktto 
means  old ;  M.  Kao,  M.  L6ng  means  simply  "  the  old  (or  former)  city,  the 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES   AND  THE  TAI. 


great  city."  U  is  unwise  to  make  definite  assertions,  but  it  may  be  sug- 
gested that  "  the  old  capital "  may  be  either  the  Hsen  S6  Man  S6  of  the 
Hscn  Wi  Chronicle  or  Ta-H  Fu,  the  capital  of  Nanchao^ 

"  During  the.  next  Ihrec  hundred  and  thirty-two  years  Hkam  Hsip  Hpa 
and  his  descendants  appear  to  have  reigned  in  regular  succession,  while 
nothing  worth  recording  is  to  be  found  during  the  whole  of  this  period. 
The  succession,  however,  was  broken  at  the  death  of  Sao  I,ep  Hpa  in  1035, 
and  a  relation  of  the  race  of  Tai  F6ng  of  Y6n  L6n  [vide  suprn)  was  placed 
on  the  throne  in  that  year.  He  was  called  Hktin  Kawt  Hpa  and  signalized 
the  change  in  the  accession  by  establisliing  a  new  capital,  called  Cheila 
(the  modern  S&  Lan),  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Shweli  and  immediately  op- 
posite '  Ma-kau  Mong  L6ng.'  He  is  also  said  to  have  incorporated  Bhaino 
with  his  dominions. 

"  At  this  time  the  dominant  power  in  all  these  regions  was  that  of  the 
king  of  New  Pagan,  Anawra-hta,  and  in  the  history  of  MOng  Mao  it  is 
recorded  that  Hkun  Kawt  Hpa's  son  and  successor  gave  his  daughter  in 
marriage  to  the  Pagan  monarch,  thus  almost  inipiying  that  he  acknowledged 
him  as  liege  lord,  though  it  is  also  stated  that  he  never  went  to  the  Pagan 
court  as  a  true  vassal  must  have  done.  But,  however  this  may  have  been 
during  Aiiawra-hta's  lifetimej  certainly  the  succeeding  kings  of  Mao  were 
entirely  independent,  and  they  appear  to  have  reigned  in  peace  and  on- 
broken  succession  until  the  death  of  (Pam)  Yao  PAag  in  A.  I).  1210,  when 
a  third  influx  of  Hkun  Lu's  posterity  occurred  in  the  person  of  Sao  (Ai- 
mo)  Hkam  N«--ng,  of  the  race  of  Hknn  Su  of  Miing  Kong  Mong  Yawng. 
And  it  is  remarkable  that  this  new  influx  took  place  while  Yao  Pong's 
younger  brother  was  actually  in  power  in  the  neighbouring  State  of  M6ng 
Mit,  where  he  had  just  previously  founded  the  capital  and  commenced  an 
almost  independent  reign. 

*'  Sao  Hkam  Neng  reigned  for  ten  years  and  had  two  sonSj  Sao  Hkan 
Hpa  (the  Sookampha  of  Pemberton)  and  Sam  l>6ng  Kycm-moiig,  or  Sam 
L6ng  Hpa,  the  latter  perhaps  the  most  remarkable  personage  in  the  Mao 
history.  The  first  succeeded  to  the  throne  oE  .Mong  Mao  at  the  death  of 
his  father  in  1220  A.  D.,  but  Sam  L6ng  Hpa  had  already  five  years  previ- 
ously become  Satvbva  of  Mftng  Kawng  or  Mogaung,  where  he  had  es- 
tablished a  city  on  the  banks  of  the  Nam  Kawng,  and  had  laid  the  foun- 
dation of  a  new  line  of  Sawhvsas,  tributary  only  to  the  kingvj  of  Mao.  He 
apptars  to  have  been  essentially  a  soldier  and  to  have  undertaken  a  series 
of  campaigns  under  his  brother's  direction,  or  perhaps  as  Commander-in- 
Chief  of  his  army  (this  is  the  position  given  hira  in  the  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle). 
The  first  of  these  campaigns  began  by  an  expedition  into  Mithila,  when  he 
conquered  Mong  Ti  (Nan  Tien),  Momien  iT^ng-Yiieh),  and  Wan  Chang 
(Yung-chang),  and  from  thence  extended  his  operations  towards  the  south, 
Kong  Ma,  Mong  Mting,  Keng  Hung  (Chclij,  Keng  Tung,  and  other  smaller 
States,  each  in  turn  falling  under  the  Mao  yoke.  With  Hsen  Wi  an  amic- 
able arrangement  was  come  to,  in  virtue  of  which  the  Sawdwa  of  that  State 
became  so  far  a  vassal  as  to  engage  to  send  a  princess  periodically  to  the 
harem  of  the  Mao  king. 

"  Immediately  on  Sam  L6ng  Hpa's  return  to  Mong  Mao  he  was  ordered 
away  on  a  second  expedition  to  the  west,  and  on  this  occasion  crossed  the 
Cbindwia  river  and  overran  a  great  portion  of  Arakan,  laying  the  capital 



in  ruins  and  establishing  his  brother's  supremacy  in  a  number  of  towns  on 
and  beyond  the  right  bank  of  the  Chtndwtn. 

'*A  third  expedition  was  then  undertaken  to  Manipur  with  similar  suc- 
cess to  the  two  last,  and  ai;ain  a  fourth  to   Upper  Assam,   where  he  con- 
2uercd  the  greater  portion  of  the  territory  then    under  the  sway  of  the 
'hutya  or  Sutya  kings. 

"  While  on  his  return  frnm  this  rxpedition  Sao  Hkan  Hpa,  being  jealous 
or  fearful  of  his  brother's  influence,  decided  to  put  him  to  death,  and  with 
this  end  in  view  left  his  capital  on  the  Shweli  and  proceeded  to  meet  him 
at  Mong  Pel  Hkam  on  the  Taping  river  (which  Elias  identities  with 
Mentha  near  Old  Hhamo].  A  great  ovation  was  given  to  the  successful 
general,  but  after  the  lapse  of  some  time,  according  to  the  most  trust- 
worthy account,  liis  brother  succeeded  in  poisoning  him,  or,  according  to 
another  account,  he  failed  in  the  attempt,  and  San  Long  Hpa  made  good 
his  escape  to  China. 

"  This  was  probably  the  period  of  greatest  extension  reached  by  the 
Mao  Kingdom,  and  certainly,  if  their  own  account  be  accepted,  their 
country  now  formed  a  very  respectable  dominion.     The  following  is  the  list 

fiven  by  the  Shan  hisloriaus  of  the  States  under  the  sovereignty  of  the 
lao  Kings  immediately  subsequent  to  Sam  Long  Hpa's  conquests,  but  a 
mere  glance  at  the  name  of  some  of  them,  such  as  Arakaii,  Tali,  &c.,  will 
show  it  to  be  greatly  exaggerated,  though  it  is  possible  that  at  one  time  or 
another  some  portion  of  all  the  places  named  may  have  fallen  under  their 
power :— - 

(i)  M5Dg  Mit,  comprising  seven  mongs,  namely,  Bhamo,  MoUi, 
(this  suggests  the  Mol6  river,  or  it  may  be  Mdng  Lai),  Mong 
L6ng,  Ong  Pawng  llsipaw  [these  are  the  same  place),  Hsum 
Hsai,  Sung-ko  (Singu),  fagaung. 

Mong  Kawng  or  NIogaung,  comprising  ninety-nine  Mdngs, 
among  which  the  following  were  the  most  important,— Mdng 
L6ng  (Assam),  Kahse  (Manipur).  part  of  Arakan,  the  Yaw 
country,  Kale,  Hsawng  Hsup,  Mong  Kong  M5ng  Yawng; 
MQng  Kawn  (in  the  Hukawng  valley),  Singkaling  Hkamti, 
M5ng  Li  (Hkamli  Long),  Mong  Yang  (Mohnyin),  M6t  Sho 
Bo  (Shwebo),  Kunung-Kumun  (the  Mishmi  country),  Hkang 
S6  (the  Naga  country),  &c. 
Hsen  Wi  comprising  forty-nine  mongs. 

(4}  Miing  Nai. 

(5)  Kfing  Ma. 

(6)  Keng  Hsen,  the  present  Siamese  province  of  Chicng  Hsen  on 
the  AU-kbong. 

(7)  Lan  Sang  (the  Burmese  Linzin).  This  is  no  doubt  the  princi- 
pal ity  which  had  at  different  periods  Wing  Chan  (Viengchan)  and 
Luang  Prabang  for  its  capital :  the  Chinese  Lan-tsiang. 


YAn  (Chiengmai  and  neighbouring  States). 

(10)  Keng  Lfing,  probably  Keng  Hung,  the  XII  Panna,  called  by  the 
Chinese  Ch'fih. 

(11)  Keng  Lawng,  said  to  be  the  country  north  of  Ayuthia,  where 
there  are  many  ruined  capitals. 






(12)  Mdng  Lem. 

(13)  Tai  Lai,  possibly  Ta-H  Fu. 
(141  Wan  Chang  (Yung-cbang). 
(15)  The  Palaunjj  country  Tawng  Peng  Loi  Ldng. 
(lO)  Sang-Iipo  (the  Kachin  country). 
(r;)  The  Karen  country. 

(18)  Lawaik. 

(19)  Lapyit. 

(20)  Lamu,  which  are  not  easily  to  be  identified. 

(21)  Lahkeng  (Arakan,  meaning   probably  that  portion  not  under 
Mong  Kawng,  Mogaung). 

(22)  Lang-sap  (?). 

(23)  Ayuthia  (Siam). 
{24)  Htawc  (Tavoy). 

■  {25)  Yunsaleng. 

[This  may  be  compared  with  the  list  in  the  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle,  where 
the  claims  are  even  more  extensive]. 

"  During  the  two  reigns  following  that  of  Sao  Hkan  Hpa,  the  capital  of 
Mong  Mao  remained  ai  Sfe  Lan,  or  at  the  opposite  town  of  *  Ma-kau  Mung 
Lung'  {vide  suf>ra),  hut  \n  i285one  Sao  Wak  Hpa  became  king  and,  though 
apparently  of  unbroken  lineal  descent,  a  new  capital  was  founded  called 
simply  by  the  name  of  the  country  Mong  Mao  and  situated,  so  far  as  can 
be  ascertained,  on  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  MOng  Mao — certainly 
this  is  the  last  chang»".  of  capital  recorded. 

"  Sao  Wak  Hpa  died  after  a  reign  of  thirty  years  in  131 5,  and  for  nine 
years  subsequently  the  throne  of  MOng  Mao  was  vacant.  Eventually,  how- 
ever, a  natural  son  named  Ai  Puk  was  elected  to  fill  it,  but  he  proved  pro- 
fligate and  incompetent  to  discharge  the  duties  of  a  ruler,  and  after  six 
years  was  deposed  by  the  mintsterb,  when  a  second  period  of  nine  years 
eusued,  during  which  no  king  could  be  found  to  assume  the  direction  of 
aJTairs.  (The  Hscn  Wi  Chronicle  covers  thr  same  ground  and  gives  a  clearer 
idea  of  the  transitory  nature  of  the  hegemony  of  any  single  Shan  State.) 

"Eventually  in  1339  a  relative  of  Sao  Wak  Hpa  named  Sao  Ki  Hpa, 
otherwise  known  as  Tai  r*6ng  (there  is  almost  certainly  some  confusion 
here,  which  cannot  be  unravelled  since  Eiias  does  not  discriminate  Bur- 
mese details  from  Stian,  or  manuscript  information  from  that  obtained  by 
word  of  mouth)  was  crowned,  and  with  him  an  era  of  wars  with  China  ap- 
pears to  have  commenced,  which  was  destined  finally  to  end  in  the  fall  of  the 
Mao  Kings  as  independent  sovereigns  (the  Chinese  had  now  consolidated 
their  power  in  Ta-H  and  were  pressing  westwards). 

"The  first  record  of  Chinese  invasion  is  an  unimportant  one  and  merely 
states  that  in  the  fifth  year  of  Sao  Ki  Hpa's  reign  {Pok  Hsa-nga  55  =  705 
B.  E.  =  1343A.  D.)  au  army  arrived  in  Mao  territory  from  Mithila  for  the 
purpose  of  reconuoitring,  but  that  no  fighting  ensued.  The  next  occasion 
was  just  fifty  years  subsequently,  during  the  reign  of  Sao  Ki  Hpa's  son  Tai 
Long,  when  a  Chinese  force  appeared  and  attempted  the  conquest  of  the 
country  ;  it  was  defeated,  however,  by  the  Sbaus  and  returued  after  suffer- 
ing great  losses. 

"  Tai  LAng,  after  a  reign  of  fifty,  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Sao  Tit 
Hpa,  or  Tao  Loi^  as  be  was  also  called^  who  appears  to  have  carried  od 



certain  negotiations  with  the  Chinese  during  the  early  part  of  his  reign,  and 
in  the  sixteeuth  year  of  it  {Hai-yi  3  =  773B.  E.  =  141 1  A.  D.)  to  have 
gone  on  a  visit  to  the  fiovernor  of  Yunnan.  The  Shan  history  indeed 
chronicles  that  he  went  to  Mong  Hke,  the  capita)  of  Mithila,  to  consult  with 
the  Emperor  and  that  during  au  interview  with  the  latter,  Jn  which  he  was 
accompanied  by  his  son  Sao  Xgan  Hpa,  he  was  given  a  cup  of  spirit  to 
drink,  which  so  completely  intoxicated  him  that  the  Emperor,  at  the  insti- 
gation of  a  minister  named  Maw  Pi,  obtained  from  him  the  royal  seal  and 
thus  rendered  his  country  tributary.  (The  capital  referred  to  was  no  doubt 
yiinnan-SFn  and  the  \V6ng  Ti.  the  Governor*General  of  che  Province,  not 
the  Emperor,  who  then  lived  in  Nan-King.)  in  Piik-hsi  ^,ot  two  ye.irs 
after  this  event.  S-io  Tit  Hpa  returned  to  Mong  Mao,  and  in  the  next  year 
a  party  of  130  mules  came  down  from  China.  Each  mule  was  loaded  with 
silver  cut  into  small  pieces,  and  on  arriving  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
capital,  those  in  charge  led  them  into  the  bamboo  jungle  that  surrounded 
the  city,  and  scattered  the  silver  among  the  trues.  The  party  then  return- 
ed to  China,  and  the  inhabitants  of  Mciag  Mao  cut  down  the  jungle  10  order 
to  find  the  silver.  The  sequel  of  this  story  is  not  given,  but  the  inference 
is  that  the  ruse  was  practised  by  the  Chinese  to  clear  the  environs  of  the 
city  of  the  jungle  in  order  to  attack  it  tlie  more  easily. 

"  In  the  following  year  Sao  Tit  Hpa  died  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son 
Sao  Ngan  Hpa,  the  events  attending  the  latter  part  of  whose  reign  are  well 
known  from  Burmese  history.  He  bad  two  brothers  named  Sao  Hsi  Hpa 
and  Sao  Hung  Hpa,  with  whose  assistance  he  invaded  and  subdued  the 
Shan  States  to  the  cast  aud  south-east  of  his  country  and  then  marched  on 
to  Tai  Lai,  which  State  he  also  conquered.  Here  he  was  reinforced  by 
the  armies  of  all  the  Chiefs  he  had  subdued  so  far  and  decided  with  this 
enormous  host  [it  was  tallied  by  each  man  dropping  ono.  ywe  seed  {Abrus 
precatorius)  into  a  basket  and  four  baskets  full  were  gathered  up]  to  at- 
tempt the  conquest  of  Mithila.  He  started  accojdingly  from  Tai  Lai,  but 
was  met  by  a  Chinese  force  under  the  walls  of  the  capital,  MongSfe  (Yunnan- 
sen),  and  was  defeated;  he  then  fell  back  first  on  Tai  Lai,  afterwards  on 
Wan-Chang  (Yung-chan^),  aud  eventually  retired  into  Mao  territory,  fol- 
lowed by  the  inhabitants  of  all  the  places  he  had  subdued,  who  preferred 
to  cast  in  their  lot  with  his,  rather  than  endure  the  vengeance  of  the 
Cbineae.  Ou  arriving  near  his  capital,  he  found  the  inhabitants  panic- 
stricken  and  flying  to  Ayuthia  and  in  many  other  directions;  his  army 
broke  up  and  joined  in  the  flight,  wliilst  he  himself,  accompanied  by  his 
brother  Sao  Hsi  Hpa  (Sao  Hiing  Hpa  had  died  just  previously)  sought 
an  asylum  at  Ava.  'J'he  Chinese  tollowcd,  however,  took  up  a  position 
north  of  the  city  of  Ava,  and  demanded  the  surrender  of  Sao  Ngan  Hpa  from 
the  Burmese  King.  The  latter  replied  that  one  of  his  nobles  called  Min 
Ngfe  Kyaw  Dwin  was  in  rebellion  at  Yamfithin  and  thai,  if  the  Chinese 
commander  would  first  subdue  aud  bring  this  rebellious  noble  to  the  capital, 
he  would  deliver  to  him  the  Mao  King.  The  Chinese  general  consented 
and  despatched  a  portion  of  his  army  to  Yamelhiti.  'I  he  place  was  sur- 
rounded and  Min  Ngfi  Kyaw  Du-in  captured  and  brought  into  Ava,  but  on 
hearing  of  his  arrival  Sao  Ngan  Hpa,  finding  his  end  inevitable,  took  poi- 
son and  died.  His  body  nevertheless  was  given  up  to  the  Chinese  Com- 
mander, who  had  it  disembowelled  and  dried  in  the  sun,  and  immediately 
afterwards  returned  with  it  to  Yunnan  (B.  E.  807  =  1445  A.  D.).  [This  story 
is  discussed  later  id  the  tight  of  Mr.  Parker's  Chinese  researches.] 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES  AND  THE  TAI, 


"  Sao  Hsi  Hpa  was  then  placed  on  the  throne  of  Miing  Kawng  and  Sao 
Ngan  Hpa's  qneen  went  at  the  same  time  tn  Hkamti  with  her  two  child- 
ren, Sao  Hung  aged  ten  and  Sao  Hup  aged  two.  On  arriva!  there  a  third, 
named  Sao  Put,  was  born,  and  one  of  these  three  became  Saicbwa  of  Hkara- 

"For  three  years  after  Sao  Ngan  Hpa's  death  Mong  Mao  was  again 
without  a  king,  but  at  the  end  of  that  time  an  uncle,  or  the  descendant  of 
an  uncle  of  Sao  VVak  Hpa,  called  Sao  Lam  KAn  Hkani  Hpa,  and  nearest 
remaining  relative  to  Sao  Ngan  Hpa,  was  placed  on  the  throne  [Hai-saii 
40=1448).  In  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign  a  large  force  from  China  in- 
vaded his  country,  defeated  his  troopn*  and  compelled  him  to  take  flight  or 
seek  a  refuge  with  the  Burmese  at  Ava.  After  five  years  of  exile  he  re- 
turned  to  his  country  and  died  in  Hai-kii  53  =  1461  A.  D.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded ID  the  same  year  by  his  son  Sao  H6ni  Hpa,  who  was  assailed  almost 
immediately  on  his  accession  by  a  Chinese  army  of  great  strength,  which, 
however,  he  defeated  and  drove  back  within  the  border  of  their  country 
after  18  days  of  continued  fighting.  But  al  a  later  period  of  his  reign 
(about  1479  '^'  ^■)  'he  Chinese  returned  and  this  time  routed  the  Mao 
Shans,  and  Sao  Horn  Hpa,  like  his  predecessor,  fled  to  Ava  for  protection. 
After  four  years  he  returned  to  his  capital  and  seven  years  later  died  there. 
His  death,  however,  did  not  terminate  the  wars  with  China,  for  in  the  sixth 
year  of  the  reign  of  his  son  and  successor  Sao  Ka  Hpa  (1495  A.  D.)  the 
enemy  again  came  down  in  force  and  invaded  the  Mao  territory.  Some 
fighting  occurred,  of  which  no  particulars  are  given  further  than  that  it 
proved  adverse  to  the  Shans,  though  not  absolutely  disastrous,  but  still 
sufficiently  humiliating  to  the  pride  of  Sao  Ka  Hpa  to  cause  him  to  abdi- 
cate and  make  over  the  government  to  his  son  Sao  Pem  Hpa,  while  he 
himself  retired  to  Ai  Hkam,  the  northern  division  of  Hkamti,  and  after- 
wards to  Mogaung,  of  which  State  he  became  Sawbwa. 

•'  Sao  Pem  Hpa  appears  to  have  been  permitted  by  the  Chinese  to  re- 
main in  peace  for  20  ycars^  when  a  force  from  Yunnan  under  a  general 
named  Li  Sang  Pa  attempted  an  invasion  of  the  country,  but  was  repulsed. 
Li  Sang  Pa  (the  name  cannot  be  traced  in  Mr.  Parker's  translations),  how- 
ever, retired  only  to  a  short  distance  within  his  own  border,  and  shortly 
afterwards  conceived  the  idea  of  taking  Mong  Mao  by  means  of  a  ruse. 
He  constructed  a  number  of  rafts,  placed  a  goat  on  each,  and  set  them 
floating  down  the  Shweli  ;  the  Shans,  on  seeing  the  goats  approaching  from 
the  side  of  China,  exclaimed  iike  Pot  Pe  Afa^  '  the  Chinese  arc  sending 
goats  down,  '  a  cry  that  quickly  spread  through  the  town  as  *  the  Chinese 
are  coming  floating  down  '  and  caused  a  general  panic.  The  citizens,  to- 
gether with  the  army,  fled  in  all  directions  and  Sao  Pem  Hpa,  who  was  ill 
at  the  time  and  unable  to  move,  died  as  the  enemy  entered  his  city. 

"The  causes  of  these  wars  are  never  mentconed,  and  it  is  almost  impos- 
sible to  believe  that  the  Chinese  were  always  the  aggressors,  unless  some 
provocation  had  been  previously  given  by  the  Shans.  Still  the  next  and 
last  two  Chinese  wars  are  described  by  the  Shan  chroniclers  to  be,  like 
all  the  previous  ones,  purely  unprovoked  movements  on  the  part  of  the 
enemy.  Before  these  took  place,  however,  the  Maos  were  destined  to  ex- 
perience what  1  believe  was  their  first  and  only  war  with  the  Burmese.'* 
[Elias  thinks  that  the  previous  wars  with  the  Burmese  did  not  extend 




beyond  Mong  Yang  and  Mong  Kawng — Mohnyin  and  )l<^&nng,  which, 
however,  outlasted  the  Eastern  5han  States.] 

•'SaoPpin  Hpa  was  followed  in  1516  by  his  son  Sao  Horn  HpA,  who  reigned 
for  the  extraordinary  period  of  88  years  and  administered  his  country  so 
successfully  that  it  enjoyed  a  state  of  prosperity  it  bad  never  before  at- 
tained. Whether  it  was  that  this  contUtion  of  pmsperity  excited  the  cu- 
pidity of  the  Peg-u  King,  or  w  helher  he  attacked  Mdnc;  Mao  in  the  course  of 
a  general  plan  of  conquest  of  the  Shan  States,  it  is  inipossiblc  to  say.  bat 
probably  some  cause  oiherthan  that  assigned  by  the  Burmese  chroniclers 
IS  to  be  looked  for.  These  pretend  that  shortly  before  1560  the  Maos  had 
seized  some  villages  within  the  borders  of  Mong  .Mit,  and  that  the  Savhwa 
of  the  latter  place  bad  appealed  to  the  Burmese  for  aid,  but  as  MOng  Mit 
bad  up  to  within  a  year  or  two  of  this  time  been  a  part  of  the  dominion  of 
the  Mao  KiDgii,  and  the  Burmese  had  been  steadily  advancing  their  con- 
quest of  the  Shan  States  from  south  to  north,  it  is  scarcely  necessary  to 
look  for  any  special  cause  for  quarrel.  In  any  case,  during  the  year 
9J4  B.  E.  =  l56i  A.  0.,  the  King  of  Pegu  is  reported  to  have  sent  an 
army  to  Mdog  Mao,  numbering  two  hundred  thousand  men,  under  the 
command  of  his  son,  the  heir- apparent,  and  three  of  his  younger  brotlicrs, 
rulers  respectively  of  l^rome.  Toungoo,  and  Ava.  They  appear  to  have 
commenced  the  campaign  with  an  incursion  into  the  Northern  Saahva- 
ships  and  to  have  burned  Santa,  M5ng  La,  and  other  neighbouring  towns, 
and  afterwards  to  have  descended  on  the  capital,  where  alter  Utile  or  no 
fighting  they  compelled  Sao  H6m  Hpa  to  acknowledge  himself  a  vassal 
of  tiie  Pegu  King,  and  to  send  him  a  princess  in  t^ken  of  homage.  When 
the  Burmese  army  retired  the  city  was  spared,  and  teachers  of  Buddhism 
were  left  there  to  in.struct  the  Shan  priests  in  ihe  worship  of  Gaudama 
and  to  convert  the  rulers  and  people. 

"Some  twenty  years  after  these  events  (namely,  in  i/tf«£/^ww'*  34=944 
B.  £.=  1582  A.  D.)  and  apparently  during  a  time  of  peace  between 
Chl<-a  and  Burma,  the  Maos  were  again  attacked  by  a  Chinese  army  num- 
bered, in  the  usual  inflated  style,  at  three  hundred  thousand  men.  Three 
great  battles  were  fought,  none  of  which  were  decided  in  favour  of  either 
party,  but  eventually  the  Chinese  sued  for  p<  ace,  and,  when  this  was  ac- 
corded by  Sao  H6m  Hpa.  their  army  retired  to  Yiinnan.  Aiiolhef  twenty 
years  of  tranquillity  ihen  ensued,  but  in  Kai  Mao  i'*>  =  g66  B.  £.=  1604 
A.  D.  a  Chinese  general  name  Wang  Sang-su  with  a  considerable  force 
made  a  descent  on  the  borders  of  Mong  Mao.  and  Sao  H6m  Hpa  being 
old  and  feeble  decided  to  make  over  the  government  of  his  country 
to  his  son  Sao  Borgng.  then  the  reigning  Sawbwa  of  Hsen  VVi.  He  had 
scarcely  done  so  when  he  died,  and  at  the  same  time  the  Chinese  army 
commented  its  march  on  the  capital.  The  Shaiis  appear  to  have  made  but 
a  feeble  resistance,  if  indeed  any  at  all,  for  Sao  Boreng,  a  few  days  after 
his  accession  to  the  throne,  abdicated  and  Red,  on  the  Chinese  being  rc- 
purted  to  have  arrived  at  the  crossing  of  a  certain  tributary  of  the  Shweli, 
a  few  miles  above  the  capital.  He  made  for  Mogaung  with  a  party  of 
Chinese  pursuing  him,  and  reached  Kat  Kyo  Wing  Maw,  on  the  left  bank 
of  the  Nam  Kio  (the  Irrawaddy),  where  his  followers  mutinied,  and  in 
despair  he  drowned  himself  in  the  river.  The  Kat  Kyo  Wing  Maw  Paw 
Mvtig  recovered  his  body  and  buried  it,  subdued  the  mutinous  followers, 
and  sent    them  to  Ava,  where    they  petitioned  the  king  to  grant  the 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES  AND  THE  TAI. 




Wi  Chroiii- 

gramlson  and  oniy  remaining  descendant  of  Sao  H6m  Hpo  a  territory  to 
reign  over,  as  Mung  M;io  was  now  in  llie  permanent  occupation  of  the 
Chinese.  Tliia  prince  was  called  Sao  Tit  Hpa  and  he  was  relegated  to 
Mogaung,  where  a  certain  line  of  Sawdwas  had  just  then  btcomc  ex- 

With  this  summary  by  Mr.  Ney  Ellas  may  be  compared  the  follow- 
ing history  of  Hsen  Wi  now  first  translated.  It  is  pieced  together 
from  two  manuscripts,  one  furnished  by  the  Northern  Hsen  Wi 
State,  the  other  by  the  Southern,  a  division  which  dates  from  the 
British  occupation.     Both  chronicles  are  modem  compilations. 

The  chronological  history  of  the  ancient  governors  (Mahathama- 
da  Min)  of  the  Shan  States  from  the  beginning  of 
the  four  cycles  of  time  when  fire,  water,  and  wind 
separated  and  formed  the  earth  and  the  four 
Dais]  from  the  coming  into  existence  of  this  world  called  Badda ; 
from  the  commencement  of  the  reign  of  Hkun  Lu  and  Hkun  La 
(called  in  Mr.  Elias'  history  Kun  Lai)  to  the  present  day. 

In  former  days  the  golden  town  of  Hsen-sfe  Man-sfe  Mfe-mong, 
mother  of  countries,  had  no  fifovernors  and  was  administered  by 
four  Pare  Mongs  or  elders.     These  were — 

Htao-Mong  Htao-Ltk  of  Ho-tu 
Htao-Mong  Htao-kang  of  Mong  Ton 
Htao-Mong  Htao-Kang-Hawp  of  Hsen-sfe 
Htao-Mong  Htao-Kang-Hawp  of  Htu-mo. 

These  elders  ruled  over  the  country  in  harmony  with  one  another 
and  laid  the  foundations  of  the  history  of  the  Shan  States. 

The  Hsen  Wi  Hsi-hso^  Hsen  Wi  Hso-pa-tu,  Hsu-an-hpu,  Hs6- 
an-wu,  Hso-mo  (That  is  to  say,  the  "  Four  Tiger  country."  What 
difference  there  is  between  Pa-tu,  An-hpu,  An-wu,  and  Mo  tigers 
is  a  refinement  which  appears  to  have  been  now  lost.),  Kawsampi, 
the  country  of  white  blossoms,  may  be  briefly  described  as  follows. 

The  country  of  while  blossoms  and  large  leaves  was  the  name 
given  to  Mong  Kawsampi,  the  country  which  lies  near  the  golden 
Hpaw-di  (the  Ficus  religiosa)  in  the  Myltsima  country,  where  the 
Buddha  was  bom. 

In  Mong  Kawsampi  there  lived  a  queen  named  Ekka-Mahehsi 
Dewi,  who  was  great  with  child,  and  one  day  she  lay  wrapped  in  a 
red  shawl  in  the  sunshine  on  the  terrace  of  the  palace.  There  a 
monstrous  bird,  the  Tilanka,  saw  her  and  took  the  red  shawl  for  a 
piece  of  raw  flesh.  He  stooped  down  and  carried  her  off  beyond  the 
reach  of  mortals  into  the  depths  of  the  Hema  Wunta,  the  centre  of 
the  3,000  forests.  There  he  settled  on  a  great  Mai  Nyu  tree  and 
would  have  devoured  her,  but  the  Dewi  cried  aloud  and  the  Tilan- 



ka  was  afraid  and  flew  au-ay.  The  queen  was  then  delivered  of  a 
male  child  on  the  tree  and  ihe  cries  of  (he  infant  attracted  the  at- 
tention of  a  Rafhi,  a  holy  man  who  lived  in  the  wilds  and  was  at 
the  lime  repealing  his  doxologies.  He  came  to  the  tree  ;  the 
queen  told  how  she  had  been  carried  of  from  Mong  Kawsampi  and 
he  made  a  ladder  for  her  and  helped  her  down  and  she  and  the  child 
went  and  lived  with  him  in  his  retreat. 

When  the  boy  was  1 4  or  15  years  of  age  the  Thagyas  came  down 
from  the  skies  and  presented  nim  with  a  harp,  whose  strains  sub- 
dued all  the  elephants  of  the  forests,  and  the  boy  was  then  known 
by  the  name  of  Hkun  HsCng  U  Ting  from  the  word  ting  a  harp. 

Then  Hkun  HsOng  U  Ting  gathered  together  all  the  elephants 
of  the  forests  ^vith  the  sounds  of  his  harp  and  marched  to  the 
country  ol  Kawsampi.  There  he  found  that  his  father,  the  king, 
was  dead,  and  he  succeeded  him  on  the  throne  and  went  back  to 
the  place  where  his  mother  was,  and  there  he  built  a  city  called  U 
Ting,  afterwards  known  as  Mong  Ting,  on  the  spot  where  the  Tka- 
gyas  gave  him  the  harp.  The  spot  where  the  queen  had  lain  in 
the  sun  and  had  felt  the  wind  raised  by  the  wings  of  the  Tiianka 
was  called  Mong  Mao  from  the  word  moo  (to  be  dizzy),  and  it  re- 
tains that  name  to  the  present  day,  and  the  country  of  the  3,000 
forests,  the  Hema  Wunta,  was  known  from  the  time  of  the  ancient 
monarchs  as  Hsen  Wi  Hsi-hs6,  the  Hso-pa-tu,  the  Hs6-an-wu, 
the  Hso-an-hpu,  the  Hs6-mo,  also  called  the  country  of  white 
blossoms,  the  province  of  Siri-wilata  Maha  Kambawsa  Scngni  Kaw- 
sampi, even  to  the  present  day. 

In  the  year  1274  after  Buddha's  nirvana,  corresponding  to  92 
B.  E.  (A.  D.  730),  there  lived  in  Man  S6,  a  country  near  Mong  Mao, 
an  aged  couple  on  the  banks  of  a  lake  called  Nawng  Put,  They 
had  a  son  named  Hkun  Ai,  who  used  to  go  out  diuly  with  the 
others  to  guard  the  cattle  as  they  grazed  near  the  Nawng  Put  lake 
to  the  north  of  the  town  of  Man  S^.  Hkun  Ai  was  16  years  of 
age,  and  one  day  a  Naga  Princess  came  to  him  in  the  shape  of  a 
human  being  and  entered  into  conversation  with  him.  The  conv«-- 
sation  ended  in  love  and  they  went  together  to  the  country  of  the 
naga  dragons.  The  princess  made  Hkun  Ai  stay  outside  the  town 
till  she  had  explained  the  situation  to  her  father,  the  King  of  the 
Dragons.  In  consideration  of  his  son-in-law's  feelings,  the  king 
ordered  all  the  nagas  to  assume  human  form  and  the  princess  and 
her  husband  then  lived  very  happily  together  in  the  palace  which 
the  Dragon  King  assigned  to  them.  In  eight  or  nine  months'  time, 
however,  came  the  annual  water  festival  of  the  nagas  and  the 
king  bade  his  daughter  tell  Hkun  Ai  that  the  naga  must  then  as- 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES  AND  THE  TAI. 


sume  their  kraken  form  and  disport  themselves  in  the  lakes  of  the 
country.  She  told  her  husband  to  stay  at  home  during  the  festi- 
val days  and  she  hfrsoU  went  and  joined  the  rest  of  the  itagas  in 
their  festive  gambols.  Hkun  Ai  climbed  on  to  the  roof  of  the  pa- 
lace and  was  disconiposnd  to  find  the  whole  of  the  country  and  the 
lakes  round  filled  with  hu^e  sportive  riaga  dragons.  In  the  even- 
ing they  all  assumed  human  form  and  went  home  again.  The 
princess  found  Hkun  Ai  very  downcast  when  she  came  back  and 
abruptly  asked  him  what  was  the  matter  with  him.  He  replied 
that  he  was  home-sick  and  wanted  to  see  his  old  father  and  mother 
again.  Accordingly  they  went  back  to  the  country  of  men  and 
arrived  at  the  Kawng  Put  lake.  There  the  A^aga  Princess  told  him 
she  would  lay  an  egg  from  which  a  child  would  be  hatched, 
and  this  he  was  to  feed  with  the  milk  which  would  ooze  from  his 
little  finger  whenever  he  thougl^t  of  her.  If  ever  he  or  the  child 
were  in  danger,  he  was  to  strike  the  ground  three  times  with  his 
hand  and  she  would  come  to  his  aid.  Then  she  laid  the  egg  and 
went  home  to  the  country  of  the  nagas.  Hkun  Ai  covered  over 
the  egg  with  hay  and  dead  leaves  on  the  brink  of  the  Nawng  Put 
lake  and  then  went  home  to  his  parents,  to  whom  he  related  all  his 
adventures,  but  told  them  nothing  about  the  egg,  of  which  he  was 
very  much  ashamed.  They  were  in  great  joy  at  his  return,  but 
they  noticed  that  every  day  after  his  meals  he  went  away  to  the 
lake.  So  one  day  they  followed  him  secretly  and  found  him  nurs- 
ing a  child  in  his  lap  on  the  brink  of  the  lake.  Then  he  told  them 
that  this  was  his  son  by  the  naga  Princess  and  how  he  had  hatch- 
ed the  egg  under  dry  leaves  (fiing).  So  they  called  the  child 
Hkun  Tung  Hkam  and  took  him  home  with  them  and  brought  him 
up.  From  the  day  when  the  child  entered  their  house  they  throve 
and  prospered  and  they  became  great  people  in  Man  Sh, 

When  Hkun  Tiing  Hkam  was  15  or  i6^ears  old,  Sao  Wong-Ti 
was  King  of  Meiktila  [Mithila  is  the  classical  name  for  Mong  Ch6, 
which  to  the  Shan  means  rather  Yunnan  than  the  whole  of  China. 
The  Meiktila  here  referred  to,  notwithstanding  the  title  Sao  WOng- 
Ti  (Hwang-ti,  the  Emperor  of  China),  is  evidently  Yunnan-sen  and 
not  either  Peking  or  the  Meiktila  of  Upper  Burma],  and  he  had  a 
daughter,  the  Princess  Pappawadi,  of  14  or  15  years  of  age,  who 
was  very  famous  for  her  beauty.  There  were  so  many  suitors  for 
her  hand  from  all  the  countries  of  the  earth  that  the  king  had  a 
golden  palace  built  for  her  in  the  middle  of  the  lake  near  the  town 
and  hung  up  in  it  a  gong.  He  then  announced  that  whoever  get  to 
the  palace  dry-shod  without  the  use  of  bridges,  boats,  or  rafts  and 
struck  the  signal  gong  should  have  the  princess  to  wife.  Hkun 
Tiing  Hkam  heard  the  news  and  marched  from  Mong  Mao  with  a 



large  following.  He  found  the  lake  surrounded  with  the  camps  of 
kings  and  princes  who  had  come  to  sue  for  Princess  Pappawadi  and 
were  holding  jjjreat  revelry,  but  had  not  devised  means  of  gelling  lo 
the  golden  palace  Hkun  J  iing  Hkam  went  to  the  edge  of  the  lake 
in  the  evening  and.  struck  ihe  ground  three  times  with  his  hand. 
His  mother,  the  naga  Princess,  appeared  and  made  a  bridge  across 
the  lake  with  her  body,  over  which  he  walked  and  appeared  before 
the  princess  Pappawadi.  She  was  greatly  struck  with  his  bearing 
and  they  immediately  fell  in  love  nith  one  another  and  struck  the 
signal  gong.  Sao  Wcng-Ti  had  ihem  brought  to  his  own  palace 
and  there  asked  Hkun  Tung  Hkam  who  he  was  and  whence  he 
came.  When  he  was  told  that  the  mother  of  the  suitor  was  a 
daughter  of  the  King  of  nagas  and  his  father  a  descendant  of  the 
ruling  house  of  Hsen  VVi  Kawsampi,  the  countr\-  of  white  blossoms, 
he  was  much  gratified  and  the  marriage  ceremony  was  carried  out 

Then  Sao  Wong-Ti,  with  all  his  ministers,  marched  back  with 
the  newly  married  couple  and  built  a  great  palace  for  them  to  live  in 
in  Mong  Mao,  and  the  town  where  the  palace  was  built  was  called 
Tiing  Hkaw.  In  the  year  125  B.  E.  (763  A.  D.)  Hkun  Tung  Hkaoi 
and  the  Princess  Pappawadi  became  governors  of  the  country  and 
they  had  a  son  named  Hkun  Lu,  who  was  elected  king  (Thamada 
Min)  upon  the  death  of  his  father,  Hkun  Tung  Kham,  in  the  year 
197B.  E.,  after  a  reign  of  72  years.  Hkun  Lu  reigned  80  years  and 
was  succeeded  by  his  son  Hkun  Lai  as  Thamada  Min  in  the  year 
»77B.  E.  (915A.  D.).  Hkun  Lai  reigned  for  36  years  and  died  at  the 
age  of  87  in  the  year  313B.  E.  (951  A.  D.). 

The  name  Hsen  \Vi  is  derived  from  w«,  the  bunches  of  plantains 
grown  in  the  garden  of  the  two  aged  cultivators  of  Man  Se  near 
the  Nawng  Put,  the  parents  of  Tiing  Hkam,  and  has  been  in  use 
ever  since  in  the  form  Hsen  VVi  Hsi  Hs6,  Hsen  Wi  Hs6-an-wu,  Hs6- 
an-hpu,  Hsopatu,  Hsomo,  Kawsampi,  the  country  of  white  blossoms 
in  the  province  of  .Siriwilaia  Maha  Kambawsa  SCngni  Kawsampi 

After  the  death  of  Hkun  Lai  the  country  was  left  without  a  ruler 
for  five  or  six  years  and  all  the  eight  Slian  Slates  agreed  to  be 
bound  and  governed  by  the  decisions  of  the  ciders  of  the  ruling 
family  who  remained.  These  were  the  four  iltao-rn'Ongs :  Hiao* 
mijng  Htao  Lek  of  Ho  Tu,  who  was  elder  brother  of  I/tao-mdng 
Htao-kang  of  Mong  Ton  and  Hiao-mong  Kang-hawp  of  Hsen  Sfe, 
who  was  uncie-of  Iltao-inong  Kang-hawp  of  Wing  Tu. 

To  these  four  the  people  rendered  their  homage  with  presents  of 
gold  and  silver  and  other  precious  articles  every  two  or  three  years. 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE  SHAN    STATES   AND  THE  TAl.  231 

The  names  of  these  eight  Shan  States  under  the  four  HtaO' 

mongs  were  :— 

On  the  East, 

Mong  Mao. 

MOng  Na. 

Mong  Hon. 

Mong  Hkattra  Sfe  Hpang. 

On  the  West. 

Mong  Leng.  I 

Mong  Kiing  Kwai. 

Mung  Kawng.  I 

Mong  Wan. 
Miing  Ti. 
Mong  Yang. 
Mong  Kawn. 

Mong  Yantare. 
Lam  pal  am. 
Man  Maw- 

On  the  South, 

Mong  Hsi  Paw. 
Lai  Hka. 
Keng  Hkam. 
Mawk  Mai. 
Mong  Pawn, 
Yawng  Hwe. 
Sam  Ka. 

Mong  Kung. 
KSng  Tawng. 
Mong  Nai. 
Mong  Sit. 
Nawng  VVawn. 
Hsi  Kip. 
Mong  Pai, 

On  the  North. 

Mong  Ting.  Kiing  Ma. 

Mong  Ching.  Mong  Mcing. 

Mong  Leni.  Mong  Him. 

Mong  Lon. 
All  these  States  rendered  homage  to  the  four  Htaomdngs. 

In  the  time  of  the  first  Maha  Thamadamins,  Hkun  Lu  and  Hkun 
Lai,  ihe  boundaries  extended  to  Mong  La,  Mong  Hi,  and  Mong 
Ham  on  the  banks  of  the  Mfekhong.  There  was  there  a  chief 
named  Hkun  Lu  Hkam,  who  had  many  sons  who  governed  under 
him  in  the  province  of  Keng  Mai. 

The  four  Htao-ynongs  found  the  burden  of  affairs  very  great  and 
therefore,  on  the  eighth  waning  of  the  fourth  month  (March),  in 
the  year  316  B.E.  (954  A.D.),  they  went,  with  representatives  of  the 
people,  to  the  Chief  of  Mong  Hi  and  Mong  Ham,  on  the  frontier 
of  Mong  La  In  the  province  of  Keng  Mai,  on  the  banks  of  the 
Mfekhong,  with  presents  of  twenty-one  viss  of  silver  and  three  viss 
of  gold  and  other  valuable  articles,  to  ask  Hkun  Lu  Hkam  to  give 
them  his  sons  for  their  governors.  The  Chief  consented  and  gave 
his  five  sons,  Hkun  Tai  Hkam,  Ai  Hawm,  Hkun  Hkam  Sen,  Tao 
Hkun  Wen,  and  Hkun  Hkam  Haen,  together  with  eight  others  of 
different  parents,  Hkun  Hkam  Pawng  Hpa,  Hkun  Hsfing  Pawng, 



Hkun  Tao  Hseng  Hkara,  Hkun  Tao  Ao  Kwa,  Hkun  Tao  Nga  Rung, 
Hkun  lIpaWunTon,  Ilkun  Tao  Lu  Lo,  and  Hkun  Pan  Hso  L6ng, 
all  of  them  descendants  gf  the  house  of  Hkun  Lu  and  Hkun  Lai, 
to  go  with  the  Htao-mongs  and  to  be  rulers  over  the  Cis-Salween 
States.  Accordingly  they  all  returned  together  and  arrived  at  Mong 
Tu  in  Hsen  Wi  on  the  day  of  the  full  moon  of  the  seventh  month 
(June)  of  317  B.E.  (955A.D.). 

In  the  following  year  the  four  Hiao-mongs  summoned  all  the 
people  together  to  receive  their  respective  rulers  and  then  they  and 
Sao  Hkun  Tai  Hkam  appointed  them  as  follows : — 

Hkun  Tao  Ao  Kwa  was  appointed  Sa-wbwa  of  Mong  Nai, 
Keng  Hkam,  Keng  Tawng,  and  Mawkmai,  as  far  as  the 
Siamese  borders. 

Hkun  Tao  Hseng  Hkam  was  appointed  Sawbwa  of  Yawng 
HwCj  Mong  Pawn,  Hsi  Hkip,  Hsa  Tflng,  Maw  La 
Myeng,  Nawng  VVawn,  Lai  Sak  Sam  Ka,  Van  Kung, 
and  Miing  Pai. 

Hkun  Tao  Nga  Rung  received  Miing  Mao,  Mong  Na,  Sfe 
Hpang,  Mong  Wan,  Mong  Ti,  Mong  Hko,  and  Mong 

Hkun  Hpa  Wun  TOn  received  Mijng  Ting,  Miing  Ching, 
Kiing  Ma,  and  Miing  Mong. 

Hkun  Tao  Lu  Li>  received  Mong  Ham,  Mong  Yawng,  and 

Mong  Hkattra. 
Hkun  Pawng  Hpa  received  Wing  Hso. 

Hkun  Hseng  Pawng  received  Mong  Kun  Kwoi  and  Lam- 

Hkun  Pan  Psii  Long  received  Mong  Kut,  Mong  L6ng,  and 
Hsum  Hsai. 

Hkun  Hkam  Hsen  received  Keng  Lao,  Man  Maw,  Keng 
Leng,  Mong  Yang,  and  Miing  Kawng. 

Tao  Hkun  Wen  became  Sawhwa  of  Mong  Yuk,  Mong  Yin, 
Miing  Maw,  Mong  Tai,  and  Miing  Ham. 
In  the  year  319  BE.  (957  A.D.)  Sao  Hkun  Mai  Hkam  appoint- 
ed his  son  Hkun  Ai  Hawm  to  be  the  governor  of  Mong  Tu,  with 
his  headquarters  in  Hsen  Wi  town,  and  in  the  same  year  Sao  Hkun 
Tai  Hkam  and  his  son  Sao  Hkun  Hkam  Hsen  Hpa  proceeded  to 
establish  the  city  of  Hsnn  Sii,  which  was  lo  be  the  capitalof  all  the 
Shan  States,  where  State  affairs  were  to  be  settled. 

The  newly  appointed  chiefs  then  left  Hsen  Wi  Hsi-hso,  Hsen 
W'i  Hs6-an-wu,  Hso-an-pu,  Hs6-pa-tu,  Hsii-mo,  the  country  of  white 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES   AND  THE   TAI. 


blossoms,  in  the  province  of  Siriwilata  Maha  Kambawsa  Kawsampi 
and  went  to  their  respective  States,  where  they  built  towns  and 

Mong  Sang, 
Mong  Lon, 
Mong  Mong, 
Mong  Kiing, 
Lai  Hka, 

Mong  Hsi  Paw, 
Mong  Hko, 
Mong  Lao, 
Lawk  Sawk, 
Mong  Nawng, 

Mong  Peng, 
Mong  Hsu, 
Mong  Hu,  and 
Mong  Pat 

were  declared  to  be  under  the  direct  control   of  Sao  Hkun  Tai 
Hkain  of  Hscn  Se. 

Man  Sfe  Mfemong, 
Mong  Yaw, 
Mong  Htara, 
Mong  Ya, 

Mong  Hka, 
Ko  Kang, 
Mong  Paw, 
Mong  Lawng 

Mong  Ko, 
Mong  Wan, 
Mong  Kek, 
Mong  Si, 

were  placed  under  the  direct  control  of  Hkun  Ai  Hawm  of  Mong 
Tu  in  Hsen  Wi. 

Mong  Yuk,  Mong  Tat,  Mong  Mao,  and  Mong  Noi  were  placed 
under  the  direct  control  of  Tao  Hkun  Wen  of  Wing  Nan  Mong  Yin. 

Tao  Hkun  Wen  of  Mong  Yin  had  a  son  nanied  Hkun  Tao  Pa 
Pawng  and  Hkun  Tao  Pa  Pawng  had  a  son  named  Hkun  Tai  Pawng. 
Hkun  Tao  Pa  Pawng  died  during  the  reign  of  his  father. 

The  history  of  Mong  Mir,  Keng  Lao,  is  as  follows: — The  Saw 
bwa  Hkun  Hkam  Hken  Hpa  had  three  sons  Ta  Ka,  Hkun  Yi  Awng, 
and  Hkun  Sam  Hso.  Hkun  Hkam  Hken  Hpa  appointed  the  middle 
son  to  be  governor  of  Mong  Yang  (Mohnyin),  Mong  Kawng  {Mo- 
gaung),  and  Man  Maw  (Bhamo). 

Hkun  Hkam  Pawng  Hpa  of  Kare  Wing  Hso  died  without  issue 
and  consequently  his  ministers  applied  to  Sao  Hkun  Tai  Hkam  of 
HsenSfefora  ruler  and  Hkun  Sam  Hso,  the  youngest  son  of  Sao 
Hkun  Hkam  Hken  Hpa,  was  appointed. 

Hkun  Sam  Hso  also  died,  but  left  a  son  Hkun  Ting,  who  suc- 
ceeded him. 

In  the  year  429  B.E.  (1068  A.D.)  "Hkun  Hkam  Hken  Hpa  of 
Mong  Mit  and  Keng  Lao  died  and  his  eldest  son  Sao  Hkun  Ta  Ra 
succeeded  him  as  Sa-wbwa  and  in  the  following  year  removed  his 
capital  from  Keng-lao  to  Sung  Ko  (Singu).  He  had  a  son,  Hkun 
Kom,  who  succeeded  him  on  his  death  in  547  B.E.  (1185A.D.). 
Hkun  Kom  had  one  hundred  wives,  but  none  of  them  bore  him  a 
child.  He  therefore  ordered  them  to  pray  (.0  the  naisior  the  gift  of 
a  son.  One  night  a  ?iat  appeared  to  him  and  told  him  to  hold  pm^s 
for  seven  days  and  seven  nights  on  the  banks  of  the  Nam  Kiu  (the 
Irrawaddy)  with  all  his  wives  and  all  his  people.     Gold  dust  would 




come  floating  down  the  river  and,  if  one  of  the  queens  swallowed  this, 
she  would  bear  a  son.  Hkun  K6m  told  his  dream  and  made 
arrangements  for  the  holding  of  the  seven  days  feast.  But  a  very 
violent  storm  burst  and  the  river  rose  in  flood  and  Hkun  Kom  and 
his  queens  returned  to  the  town  without  seeing  any  £;old  dust.  One 
queen  with  a  few  attendants  remained  behind  and  kept  a  careful 
watch.  Her  servants  found  a  strange  fruit  floating  on  the  river  and 
she  ate  it  and  went  back  to  the  palace.  In  a  few  months  time  she 
was  delivered  of  a  child,  but  the  other  queens  were  jealous  and 
dropped  the  baby  over  the  palace  wall  and  told  the  mother  that  it 
was  still-born.  The  baby  did  not  die  of  the  fall,  so  the  queens  had 
it  placed  In  the  middle  of  the  road  where  the  cattle  were  daily 
driven  past.  Next  day  when  the  cattle  were  lei  out,  a  large  spotted 
cow  protected  the  child,  took  it  up  in  her  mouth,  and  carried  it  with 
her  to  the  grazing-ground,  where  she  fed  it  with  her  own  milk  and 
look  it  back  with  her  every  night  to  the  cattle-pen.  This  went  on 
for  eighteen  months  and  then  the  queens  discovered  that  the  child 
was  not  dead,  but  went  to  the  fields  every  day  and  when  any  man 
came  near,  hid  itself  in  the  mouth  of  a  large  spotted  cow.  They 
therefore  resolved  to  have  all  the  spotted  cows  in  the  country  kill- 
ed and  persuaded  the  doctors  to  tell  the  Sa^vbwa  that  it  was  neces- 
sary to  sacrifice  them  to  the  nats,  in  order  that  he  might  have  a  son. 
The  spotted  cows  were  all  slaughtered,  but  the  protector  of  the 
little  prince  had  handed  him  over  to  the  care  of  a  cow  buffalo,  with 
whom  he  now  stayed.  When  the  queens  heard  this  they  determined 
to  kill  all  the  cow-buffaloes,  but  the  one  who  watched  over  the 
prince  fled  to  Kare  Wong  Hs6  and  joined  the  herd  that  belonged 
to  the  Princess  I  Pawm,  the  daughter  of  the  Sa-mbwa  of  Kare  Wong 
Hso.  The  princess  heard  of  it,  questioned  the  boy,  and  was  told 
everything.  She  went  and  told  her  father,  .Sao  Hkun  Ting,  who 
said  that  the  Sawbtoa  of  Sung  Ko  (Singu)  was  of  the  true  line  of 
the  Maha  Thamadamin  and  that  therefore,  since  the  little  prince 
had  come  riding  on  a  buffalo,  he  must  be  called  Hkun  Yi  Kwai 
Hkam  and  must  come  and  stay  in  the  Ha-so  with  him. 

The  news  soon  came  to  the  ears  of  Sao  Hkun  K6m  of  Sung  Ko 
and  he  sent  his  ministers  to  bring  back  his  son,  whom  he  received 
with  great  delight  and  acknowledged  as  his  heir.  Soon  after  the 
Golden  Buffalo  Prince  married  the  I^incess  1  Pawm  and  the  Thagyas 
came  down  from  the  skies  and  presented  him  with  a  double-edged 

Tales  about  the  prince  spread  abroad  and  reached  the  ears  of 
Sao  W6ng-ti  {^Htvang-ti  is  the  title  of  the  Emperor  of  China,  as 
used  in  Treaties  and  in  reference  to  deceased  sovereigns,  like  the 
Latin /?«?«5),  who  sent  an  Embassy  to  invite  him  to  the  Gem  Palace 



in  China.  Therefore  the  prince  went  there  with  a  great  retinue  in 
the  year  663B.E.  (1302A.D.).  The  Emperor  received  HkunYiKwai 
Hkani  with  great  honour  and  proposed  that  he  should  go  as  an 
emissary  to  Hsihapadi,  the  King  01  Pukam  Pawk  Kan  (Pagan),  to 
demand  the  payment  of  the  tribute  of  four  elephants,  eight  viss  of 
gold,  and  eighty  %'iss  of  silver  which  had  been  paid  by  his  ancestors 
every  three  years  or  every  nine  years.  One  hundred  Chinese  there- 
fore accompanied  Hkun  Yi  Kwai  Hkam  on  his  return.  Fifty  of 
these  stayed  with  him  in  Sung  Ko  and  fifty  went  on  to  King  Hsiha- 
padi  of  Pukam  Pawk  Kan.  The  King  of  Pagan  refused  to  pay  the 
tribute,  put  forty  of  the  Chinamen  to  death,  and  sent  back  the  re- 
maining ten  to  tell  the  Sao  W6ng-ti  that  he  was  prepared  for  war. 
Upon  this  the  Emperor  of  China  sent  an  army  and  asked  for  sup- 
port from  Sung  Ko  under  the  command  of  Hkun  Yi  Kwai  Hkam. 
Contingents  came  from  S^  Hpang,  Mong  Hko,  Mong  Hkam,  Mong 
Yang,  Mijng  Na,  Santa,  MongTi,  and  Mong  Wan,  and  all  the  other 
Shan  States  under  the  chief  Sawhwa,  Sao  Tai  POng,  and  placed 
themselves  under  the  leadership  of  Hkun  Yi  Kwai  Hkam.  It  was 
in  639  B.E.  (1277  A.D.;  there  is  a  mistake  of  twenty-one  years) 
that  Sao  W6ng-ti  declared  war  against  Hsihapadi,  King  of  Pu  Kam 
Pawk  Kan.  The  Chinese  forces  with  the  Shan  army  invaded  Pagan 
and  drove  the  King  and  his  son  Hsiri  Kyawzwa  to  Pyama  Mong 
Myen.  {Ser  Marco  Polo's  Kingdom  of  Mien.  Male  was  the  place, 
according  to  the  Burmese  histories.)  This  was  in  the  year  641  B.E. 
(1279  A.D.)  and  in  thefoUowing  year  Hkun  Yi  Kwai  Hkam  carried 
the  head  of  Hsiri  Kyawzwa  to  the  Chinese  Emperor,  and  the  troops 
returned  to  their  own  country. 

In  those  days  Sao  Tai  P6ng  governed  the  whole  of  the  Shan 
States  except  Mong  MJt,  Mong  Yang  (Mohnyin)j  Kare  Wong  Hs6, 
Mong  Kiing  Kwai  Lam,  Mong  Kawng  (Mogaung),  and  Man  Maw 
(Bhamo),  which  were  independent  of  him  and  were  governed  by 
Sao  Hkun  Kdm  of  Sung  Ko. 

In  the  year  318  B.E.  Sao  Tao  Nga  Run  left  Hsen  Wi  and  began 
to  develope  Mong  Nam  and  Mong  No  and  lived  in  the  town  of 
Wing  M6n  of  Mong  Mao  as  the  Sawbtva  of  these  States.  Sao 
Nga  Run  had  a  son  named  Hkun  Tum,  who  was  chosen  by  the 
people  as  their  Sawbwa  after  the  death  of  his  father  and  subse- 
quently took  the  name  of  Sao  H6m-mong.  He  had  a  daughter 
named  Sao  Mon  La  and  a  son  named  Sao  Kaw  Leng.  In  the  year 
419B.E.  (1057A.D.)  the  King  Nawrahta  Mangsaw  of  Pagan  went 
up  to  Mong  Wong  in  search  of  the  five  relics  of  Buddha,  and  on  his 
way  back  he  stayed  at  Mong  Mao  and  Mong  Nan  and  met  the 
Sao  H6m-ni6ng  there  and  married  his  daughter  Sao  M6n  La. 



The  descendants  of  Sao  Hkun  Nga  Run  failed  in  457B.E.  (1095 
A.D.)  and  Mong   Mao  was  left  without  a  ruler  for  some  time,  but 
the  ministers  went  to  the  Saivifp^a,  Sao  Tai  Pong  of  Hsen  Sb,  and 
asked  him   to  appoint  some  one.     He  accordin^^ly  sent  them   his 
youngest   son,  Hkun   Hpang  Hkam,   who  left  Hsen  \Vi  in  458B.E- 
(1096A.D.)  and  went  to  Mong  Mao,  where  he  built  himself  a  capital 
at  the  town  of  Wing  Wai.     Ir  was  during  his  reign  that  one  of  the 
younger  daughters  of  the  Sao  Wong-li  of  the  Gem  Palace  in  China 
was  killed  in  her  own  chamber  by  a  huge  tiger.    The  Chinese  follow- 
ed up  the  tiger's  tracks  and  sent  notices  to  the  Sawhwas  of  the  Shan 
country  on  both   banks  of  the   Nam   K6ng.     The  tiger  measured 
twelve  cubits  high    and  travelled  so  fast   that  he  passed  through 
three   vinngs    in    the   day   and    seven    nidngs   in  the   night.     He 
crossed    the    Chinese    frontier  and    came    to    Mo   Kang    Hs6    in 
Mong  Lon  territory.     The  Saivbwa  of  Mong  Lon  then  ordered  the 
people  of  Hsen  Lem,  Mong  Keng,  Man  Niu,  Pang  Kwang,  Sonmu, 
Kang  Hsd,  M6t   Hai,    Maw   H pa,  and    Hsai   Mong  to  hang  iron 
chain  traps  along  the  banks  of  the  Nam  Kiu  (the  Irrawaddy ;  evi- 
dently the   Salween  is   meant).     The  tiger  was  thus  caught  in  an 
attempt  to  jump  across  the  river  at  a  place  which  has  ever  since 
been  known  as  Ta  Wut  Kiu-hso-wen,  from  the  tiger's  leap.     The 
people  took  the  tiger  (in  the  South  Hsenwi  Chronicle  it  is  said  to 
be  a  white  tiger)  to  the  Sawbwa  of  Samparalit  in  Mong  Lon,  and 
he  sent  it  across  the    Nam  Kiu  to  his  cousin,  the  Sawiwa  Hkun 
Hpang  Hkam.     They  went  by  way  of   Man  Kat,   Mong  Pat,  Ho 
Ya,  and  Mong  Sit  and  called  at  Kalo,  Man  Sh,  La  Ilseo,  Ho  Pok, 
and  Loi   Kyu  and  so  arrived  at  Mong  Li  (these  places  are  all  in 
Hsen  \Vi,  so  that  the  Nam  Kong,  the  Salween,  and  not  the  Nam  Kiu, 
the   Irrawaddy,  is  meant).     Hkun  Hpang  Hkam  had  heard  of  the 
coming  of  the  tiger  and  sent  his  ministers  to  meet  it  at  Mong  Li 
and   bring  it  to  Wing   Wai.     Hkun   Hpang  Hkam  took  it  himself 
from  his  capital  to  the  Sao  W6ng-ti,  who  was  greatly  pleased  and 
presented  Flkun  Hpang  Hkam  with  a  State  Seal  and  also  with  a 
Passport  Seal,  which  authorized  him  to  tax  all  who  passed  through 
his  country,  and  he  also  conferred  on  Hkun  Hpang  Hkam  the  title 
of  Governor  of  Mo  Pong  Hsfe  Pong  (this  is  no  doubt  the  name  Mu 
Pang  by  which   Hsen  Wi  is  known  to  the  Chinese  and  an  allusion 
to  the  Chinese  Seal,  which  was  used  by  the  Sa^i'b-xas  of  Hsen  Wi). 
The  South  Hsen  Wi  version  says  that  nine  Hsat-hte  (publicans) 
came  with  the  seals  and  established  nine  loUs  at  different  places  in 
Hsen  Wi  and   collected  duties,  a  portion  of  which  were  sent  to  the 
Sawbwa  of  Mang  Lon  because  he  caught  the  tiger.     Hkun  Hpang 
Hkam,  on  his  return  from  China  in47oB.E.  (1108  A.D.),  moved  his 
_  capital  from  Wing  Wai  to  Nani  Paw,  south  of  Hpang  Hkam  in  the 





country  of  Mong  Mao,  and  there  he  built  a  large  town  and  made  it 
the  capital  of  all  his  Slates  (this  is  no  doubt  the  ruined  city  of  Hpang 
Hkam  near  Si  Lan  on  the  Nam  Haw).  Hkun  Hpang  Hkam  ruled 
over  Mong  Mao,  MOng  Wan,  Mong  Na,  San  Ta,  Mong  Ti,  Mong 
Ham^  Si:  Hpang,  Mong  Kwan,  Mong  Ya,  and  MOng  Hkat-ta-ra. 
He  had  four  daughters  named  Nang  Ye  Hkam  Long,  Nang  Ye  Hkam 
Leng,  Nang  Ye  Hseng,  and  Nang  Am  Aw,  but  he  was  growing  old 
and  he  had  no  son  to  succeed  him.  He  therefore  prayed  daily  to 
the  Y6k-ka-so  nat  that  he  might  have  a  son.  One  day  he  entered 
the  chamber  of  his  youngest  queen,  who  was  so  discomposed  by 
his  sudden  arrival  that  his  suspicions  were  aroused.  Accordingly 
a  watch  was  set  on  the  queen's  chambers  and  one  night  the  guard 
announced  that  the  Y6k-ka-so  nal  was  with  her.  An  attempt 
was  made  to  capture  him,  but  the  h/z/  settled  on  the  palace  roof 
and  told  the  Sawbioa  that  he  was  the  spirit  of  the  last  Sawbwa,  Sao 
Hom-mong,  and  would  give  Hpang  Hkam  a  son,  but  only  if  he 
fell  down  and  worshipped  him  in  the  shape  of  the  shoe  which  he 
threw  down.  Instead  of  worshipping  the  shoe,  Hkun  Hpang  Hkam 
turned  the  queen  out  of  the  palace  and  she  wandered  about  begging 
her  food  from  door  to  door  until  one  day  she  gave  birth  to  uiree 
sons  on  the  banks  of  the  Nam  Paw,  at  the  foot  of  a  hill. 

They  were  named  Hkun  Ai  Ngam  Mong,  Hkun  Yi  Kang  Hkam, 
and  Hkun  Sam  Long.  The  first  of  these  died  in  his  infancy  and, 
when  the  Sawhwa  died,  Hkun  Yi  Kang  Hkam  was  too  young  to 
succeed.  There  was  some  doubt  as  to  the  appointment  of  a  suc- 
cessor, but  a  vision  appeared  to  the  Chief  Minister  in  the  night  and 
revealed  to  him  that  the  second  Princess  should  be  chosen,  since 
her  elder  sister  was  betrothed  to  Sao  Wong  Kiang,  who  lived  at 
Keng  La  O  in  China.  Accordingly  in  the  year  489  H.  K.  (1127 
A.  D.)  Princess  Ye  Hkam  Leng  was  appointed  ruler  and  built  a  city, 
which  was  called  Wing  Nam  I  Mi  of  Nam  Paw,  the  Paw  river. 

Meanwhile  in  Sung  Ko  the  Sa-ivhwa  San  Hkun  Kom  was  dead 
and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Hkun  Yi  Kwai  Hkam,  who  died 
leaving  no  issue  in  the  year  670  B.  E.  (1308  A.  D.).  The  ministers 
therefore  went  to  Hsen  Si  to  ask  for  a  ruler  and  the  Sawb'ioa  Sao 
Long  Tai  L6ng  gave  them  Sao  Hkun  Hpy  Hsang  Kang  to  rule 
over  Mong  Mit  Sung  Ko.  He  had  four  sons  Hkun  Tai  Hkon, 
Hkun  Tai  Hkai,  Hkun  Tai  Tao,  and  Hkun  Sam  Awn.  Sao  Hpo 
Hsang  Kang  only  reigned  two  years  and  Hkun  Tai  Hk6n  was 
elected  by  the  people  as  his  successor.  He  had  a  daughter  and  a 
son  named  Nang  Ye  Hkon  and  Ai  Pu  Hkam. 

When  Sao  Long  Tai  Pong,  the  Sawbioa  of  Hsen  Si,  had  appoint- 
ed Hkun  Hpang  Hkam,  his  youngest  soHj  to  be  Saivb-wa  of  Mong 
Mao  in  458  B.  E.  (1096  A.  D.),  he  himself  gave  up  the  Sawb-wa- 



ship  to  his  second  son  Sao  Hkun  Tai  Long  and  went  into  retire- 
ment. He  lived  sometimes  in  MongMit  Sung  Ko.  sometimes  with 
his  son  Hkun  Hpang  Hkam  in  Mong  Mao,  and  sometimes  with  Sao 
Hkun  Tai  Long  in  Hsen  Se.  He  died  in  Mong  Mit  Sung  Ko  at 
the  age  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  in  468  B.  E.  (i  106  A.  D.). 

During  the  reign  of  Sao  Hkun  Tai  Long,  Mong  Nan,  and  Mong 
Yin  were  annexed  to  the  State  of  Hsen  St*,  which  was  then  the 
chief  of  all  the  eight  Shan  States.     These  were  at  this  time — 

Hsen  Wi.  Mong  Nai.  Yawng  Hwe. 

Tung  Lao.  Mong  Him.  Sam  Ka. 

Lai  Hka.  Kung  Ma.  Van  K6ng, 

Keng  Hkam.  MOng  Mong.  Pu  Kam. 

Wang  Kawk.  Hsi  Paw.  Mong  Lijn, 

Nawng  Wawn.  Mong  Kiing.  Mong  Ting. 

Hsi  Hklp.  Keng  Tawng.  Mong  Ching. 

Hsa  Tung.  Hpa-hsa  Tawng. 

Maw  La  Myeng.  Mawk  Mai. 

Sao  Long  Tai  Long  appointed  Sao  Tai  Paw  to  the  charge  of 
Wing  Nan  and  MOng  Yin.  Tai  Paw  had  three  sons,  Tao  Noi 
Chii,  Tao  Noi  Myen,  and  Sau  Pan  Noi. 

Sao  Hkun  Tai  L6ng  reigned  for  one  hundred  and  twenty-three 
years  and  died  In  the  year  670  B.  E.  {1308  A.  D.). 

His  grandson  Tao  Noi  Chfe  was  chosen  as  his  successor  by  the 
people  and  reigned  for  forty-two  years  and  died  at  the  age  of  seven- 
ty-three. Sao  Hkun  Loi  Hsan  Hpa,  a  son  of  Sao  Pan  Noi,  was 
then  elected  by  the  people  to  be  Sawbiua  of  Hsen  S^. 

In  Mong  Mao,  while  Princess  Yi^  Hkam  Leng  was  ruler  of  the 
State,  the  two  children  Hkun  Yi  Kang  Hkam  and  Hkun  Sam  Long 
lived  with  their  mother  at  a  village  Kai  Maw  at  the  foot  of  Loi 
Lao  and  grew  up  as  cultivators.  One  night  the  Y6k-ka-so  nat 
appeared  to  Hkun  Yi  Kang  Hkam  and  told  him  that,  if  he  wished 
to  prosper,  he  should  go  and  remove  a  large  stone  which  he  would 
find  to  the  north  of  his  farm.  Below  it  there  was  a  seal  which  he 
was  to  take  home  with  him  and  treat  with  reverence.  Hkun  Yi 
Kang  Hkam  told  his  brother,  and  the  next  day  they  went  and  found 
the  seal,  which  they  took  home  with  them  and  gave  it  to  their 
mother  for  safe  keeping.  From  that  day  they  prospered  and  be- 
came wealthy. 

Nang  Ye  Hkam  Leng  reigned  for  sixteen  years  and  died  in  514 
B.  E.  (i  152  A.  D.)  and  the  ministers  then  chose  Hkun  Yi  Kang 
Hkam  to  be  Sawbwa  of  the  Mong  Mao  country.  He  assumed 
the  title  of  Hso  Hkan  Hpa  because  one  day  a  tiger  had  tried  to 
bite  him,  but  was  driven  away  by  the  sound  of  his  voice.     He  first 



built  the  town  of  Wing  S^  Hai,  but  in  516  B.  E.  (1154  A.  D.)  he 
moved  from  ihere  and  buiU  the  town  of  Sb  Ran  (no  doubt  the  pre- 
sent S^  Lan,  the  Cheila  of  Mr.  Elias)  and  fortified  it  with  strong 
walls  and  deep  moats.  When  he  had  established  himself  there  he 
summoned  Hkun  Tai  Paw  of  Mong  Yin,  Tao  Noi  Chi^  of  Hsen  Si:, 
and  all  the  rulers  of  the  Hsen  \Vi  States  to  make  their  submission 
to  him.  They  flatly  refused,  so  he  gathered  together  an  army  and 
invaded  Wing  Nan,  Mong  Yin,  and  drove  out  Hkun  Tai  Paw  and 
his  three  sons.  They  fled  to  Wing  Ta  Pck  in  Hsi  Paw  and  from 
there  made  terms  with  Hs6  Hkan  Hpa  and  gave  him  the  Princess 
Nang  Ai  Hkam  Hpawng  in  marriage. 

In  517  B.  E.  (1155  A.  D.)  flkun  Kang  Hkam  Hs6  Hkan  Hpa 
summoned  the  brothers  Sao  Tai  Hkbn,  Sao  Tai  Hkai,  Sao  Tai 
Tao,  Sao  Tai  Ting,  and  Sao  Hkam  Awn  of  Mong  Mit,  Keng  Lao, 
and  Sung  Ko  to  submit,  but  they  killed  seven  of  his  messengers 
and  sent  back  the  other  three  to  bid  him  defiance.  Hs5  Hkan 
Hpa  therefore  attacked  them  with  a  large  army  and  defeated  them. 
Sao  Tai  Hk6n  refused  to  surrender  and  was  executed  at  Sung  Ko. 
The  others  submitted  and  Sao  Tao  Hkal  was  appointed  Saivbwa  by 
Hso  Hkan  Hpa,  first  of  Sung  Ko  and  afterwards  of  Mong  Mit  also. 

Hso  Hkam  Hpa  carried  off  Sao  Tai  Hkdn's  wife  Nang  Am 
Hkawng,  with  her  daughter  Nang  Ye  Hkung  and  her  son  Ai  Pu 
Hkanij  to  Mong  Mao  and  proposed  to  marry  her,  but  his  mother 
forbade  it,  because  they  were  cousins.  Hs6  Hkan  Hpa  therefore 
gave  her  to  a  Paw  Mong,  Tao  KangMon,  who  had  been  prominent 
in  the  war. 

In  the  year  530  B.  E.  (1 158  A.  D.)  Sao  Hso  Hkan  Hpa  gather- 
ed a  large  army  and  marched  against  the  Sfe  Sung-Tu  of  China. 
(The  South  Hsenwi  Chronicle  says  that  the  Chinese  had  attacked 
Sfe  Ran,  but  were  driven  back.)  While  he  was  away  his  ministers 
invaded  Kiing  Ma,  where  they  captured  the  Satobwa  and  put  him  to 
death  at  Tima.  Hso  Hkan  Hpa  conquered  the  Sfe  Sung-Tu  and 
advanced  to  Mong  St;  Long  (this  is  the  Shan  name  of  Yunnan- 
sen  :  Sung-tu  is  no  doubt  the  Tsung-tuh  or  Governor-General 
of  Yun-Kuei)  with  a  force  of  four  hundred  thousand  men.  There- 
upon the  Sao  W6ng  Ti  enquired  what  he  wanted  and  surrendered 
Mong  Sfe  Yung,  Sang  Mu,  and  Aw  Pu  Kat,  and  this  ended  the  war 
with  China  in  521  B.  E.  (i  159  A.  D.).  As  soon  as  he  reached  S6 
Ran  the  Sawb^va  raised  another  army  and  invaded  Lan  Sang,  Keng 
Hsen,  Keng  Hung,  Keng  TOng,  La  S6ng,  La  Pong,  La  Hkong. 
Mong  Hawng,  and  Hpahsa  Tawng,  east  of  Keng  Mai,  and  conquered 
them  all,  and  demanded  an  annual  tribute  of  twenty-four  viss  ol  gold, 
three-hundred  viss  of  silver,  and  twenty-two  elephants,  which  was 
agreed  to.     He  then  marched  up  to  the  Hsip   Hsawng  Panna  of 



Mong  Yon,  which  submlued  without  resistance,  and  then  he  return- 
ed to  Mong  Mao,  where  he  heard  that  his  Chief  Minister  Tao  Kang 
Mon  was  dead.  He  appointed  Hkun  Pu  Hkam  in  his  place  and 
gave  him  the  llllc  of  Tao  Kang  Mong  and  made  him  Sawbioa  of 
Mong  Tu.  About  the  same  time  the  Sa-wbua  Sao  Tai  Paw  sent 
a  present  of  gold  and  silver  and  asked  for  the  hand  of  Nang  Ye 
Hkon  for  his  son  Hkun  Saii  Pan  Noi.  They  were  married  and  had 
a  son  and  daughter  named  Noi  Hsan  Hpa  and  Nang  Horn  Mong. 

After  this  Hso  Hkan  Hpa  ordered  an  army  of  nine  hundred 
thousand  men  to  march  against  Mong  Wehsali  I-6ng  (Assam) 
under  the  command  of  his  brother  Hkun  Sam  Long  (this  is  the  Sam- 
I.ung  Pha  of  Elias  )and  the  ministers  Tao  Hso  Han  Kai  and  Tao 
Hso  Y6n.  When  they  reached  Wehsali  Long,  some  cowherds  re- 
ported the  arrival  of  the  army  from  Kawsampi,  the  country  of  white 
blossoms  and  large  leaves,  and  the  ministers  submitted  without 
resistance  and  promised  to  make  annual  payment  of  twenty-five 
ponies,  seven  elephants,  twenty-four  viss  of  gold,  and  two  hundred 
viss  of  silver  every  three  years.  Hkun  Sam  Long  accepted  these 
terms  and  commenced  his  march  back.  The  two  other  generals, 
Tao  Hso  Yen  and  Tao  Hso  Han  Kai,  sent  on  messengers  to  Hso 
Hkan  Hpa  with  a  story  that  Hkun  Sam  Long  had  obtained  the 
easy  submission  of  Wehsali  L6ng  by  conspiring  with  the  King  of  that 
place  to  dethrone  Hso  Hkan  Hpa,  The  Snwhca  believed  the 
story  and  sent  poisoned  food  to  his  brother,  which  Hkun  Sam  Long 
ate  at  Mong  Kong  (Mogaun^),  where  he  died  and  was  transformed 
into  a  nai. 

About  the  same  time  Nang  Hkan  Hkam  Hsaii,  the  wife  of  Hso 
Hkan  Hpa  and  daughter  of  the  Sav}b-ii:a  of  Mong  Leng,  left  him 
owing  to  some  quarrel  and  went  to  China,  where  she  gave  birth  to 
a  son  named  Ai  Pu  Hkam,  who  married  and  had  a  son  named  Ai 

In  562  B.  E.  (1200  A.D.)  Hso  Hkan  Hpa  ordered  another  ex- 
pedition against  Mi'mg  Man  (Burma)  and  gave  the  command  to  his 
two  sons  Sao  Saii  Pyem  Hpa  and  Sao  Ngok  Ky 0  H  pa,  together  with 
the  generals  Tao  Hso  Yen,  Tao  Hso  Han  Kai,  and  Tao  Hpa  Prao. 
They  invaded  the  country  and  first  of  all  captured  Wing  Takawrg 
(Tagaung).  The  ruler  of  Takawng  fled  to  Wing  Hsaching  (Sa- 
gaing)  and  put  himself  under  the  protection  of  Sao  Yun,  who  was 
called  also  Hsato  Ming-Pyu.     The   Shan  army  advanced  on  Sa- 

faing  and  Hsato  Min-Pyu  fled  immediately  and  was  followed  by 
ao  Hsihapadi  of  Takawng,  whom  he  put  to  death.  The  Shan 
troops  then  crossed  the  Nam  Kiu  (the  Irrawaddy)  and  took  Pin 
Ya  and  its  ruler  called  Nalasu,  whom  they  carried  off  prisoner  10 
Mong  Mao,  where  he  was  afterwards  called  Mawpaming.     It  was 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE    SHAN    STATES   AND   THE   TAI. 


in  the  year  563  B.E.  (1201  A.D.)  that  Hs6  Hkan  Hpa's  army  con- 
quered Burma.     (The  dates  and  facts  are  hopelessly  wrong  here.) 

Two  years  after  this  a  Chinese  fortune-teller  came  and  settled 
in  Wing  Sferan  and  became  notorious,  Hso  Hkan  Hpa  sent  for 
him  and  asked  him  to  show  his  wisdom.  The  fortune-teller  said 
the  capital  was  to  be  moved  from  S^ran  to  a  place  about  three 
miles  north  of  the  Nam  Mao  (the  Shweli),  where  a  capital  would  be 
found  built  on  gold  and  silver  fields.  Accordingly  Hso  Hkan  Hpa 
began  building;  a  new  capital  at  a  place -called  Ta  Hsup-u  in  the 
year  566  B.E.  (1204  A.D,),  and  whiU;  it  was  being  built  many 
gold  and  silver  pots  were  found  therCj  where  they  had  been  placed 
by  the  fortune-teller. 

[This  new  capital  was  no  doubt  the  present  Mong  Mao.  The 
manuscript  is  not  at  all  clear,  but  the  meaning  seems  to  be  that  the 
desire  was  to  persuade  the  Sawhwa  to  move  tne  capital  to  the  Chi- 
nese side  of  the  river.  According  to  Ney  Elias's  version  the 
Chinese  sent  down  a  party  of  130  mules  loaded  with  silver.  This 
was  scattered  about  among  trees  which  surrounded  the  site  of  Mong 
Mao.  The  sequel  of  the  story  is  not  given  in  this  case  cither,  but 
the  inference  is  that  the  Chinese  wanted  the  people  to  cut  down 
the  jungles  round  Mong  Mao,  so  that  they  might  attack  it  the  more 

Sao  Hs6  Hkan  Hpa  was  a  very  powerful  ruler  and  he  obtained 
the  submission  of  the  following  States  and  received  tribute  from 
them  to  the  end  of  his  days : — 

Mong  Se-yung,  Hsang  Mu-kwa  Hsi-pa  Tu-hso  (query  :  the 
Chinese  I'u-ssu),  Mong  Hkon,  Meung  Yawn,  Kawi  Yotara,  Hpa- 
hsa  Tawng,  Labon,  Lakawn,  Lang  Sang  [this  is  what  the  Burmese 
called  Leng  Zeng  and  is  no  doubt  I  he  Chinese  ;  it  was 
probably  Wing-chanij^  (Vienchan)  or  Luang  Prabang,  whichever  was 
for  the  time  the  dominant  State  of  the  Lao.  Luang  Prabang  has 
outlasted  Wir.g  Chang  as  capital],  Wang  Kawk,  Mawk  Mai,  Hsip 
Hsawng  Panna,  Keng  Hung,  Chieng  Hai,  Chieng  Hsen,  Chieng  Mai, 
Pai-ko  fPegu),  Pang-ya  (Pinya),  Eng-wa  lAva),  HsaTung,  Yan- 
kong,  Maw  Lamyeng,  besides  Hsa-ching  (Sagaing),  and  Wehsali 
L6ng  (which  is  almost  certainly  Assam,  whose  Buddhisiical  name 
is  Welsali).  He  reigned  for  fifty-ihrte  years  and  died  at  the  age 
of  seventy-three  in  the  year  567  B.E.  (1205  A,D.)  and  was  suc- 
ceeded by  his  son  Sao  Pern  Hpa,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Sao 
Hso  Pern  H  pa  and  reigned  for  two  years  and  was  succeeded  by  his 
son  Hkun  Tai  Pern  Hpa,  who  assumed  the  title  of  Sao  Hso  Wan 
Hpa.  He  was  a  tyrant  and  was  put  to  death  by  his  people  for  his 
cruelty  and  oppression. 




Hkun  Ng6k  Chyo  Hpa  was  then  brought,  up  from  M6ng  Ang-wa 
(Ava)  and  became  Sawhwa  under  the  title  of  Sao  Hso  Sung  Hpa, 
but  died  Insane  in  about  six  months'  time,  in  the  year  571  B.E. 
(1209  A.D.). 

The  country  then  remained  for  a  time  under  the  administration 
of  the  ministers  Tao  HsO  Yen,  Tao  Hpa  Prao,  and  Tao  Hs6  Han 
Kai,  while  enquiry  was  made  as  to  what  had  become  of  Nang  Kang 
Hkam  Hsaii,  Hso  Hkan  Hpa's  queen,  who  had  quarrelled  WMth  him 
and  gone  to  live  in  China;  while  great  with  child.  The  deputation 
reached  Mong  Sfc  Yung-song  (probably  Yung  Ch'angi  and  found 
that  the  queen  was  dead,  but  had  left  a  son  named  Hkun  Pu 
Hkam,  who  had  a  son  Hkun  Pu  Kaw  (called  Ai  Pu  above). 
Hkun  Pu  Hkam  was  offered  the  SawbwasWip,  but  he  refused  it  and 
suggested  his  son  Hkun  Pu  Kaw,  who  was  accordingly  elected  and 
on  his  accession  in  the  yt-ar  636  B.E.  (1274  A.O^)  assumed  the 
name  of  Sao  Hso  H6m  Hpa  and  took  up  his  abode  at  Wing  Ta 
Hsup  U  (the  modern  Mong  Mao). 

In  the  following  year  the  new  Sa-wbwa  summoned  all  the  tributary 
chiefs  to  his  capital,  but  they  refused  to  come.  An  army  therefore 
was  despatched  under  the  command  of  Tao  Hso  Yen,  Tao  Hpa 
Prao,  and  Tao  Hso  Han  Kai  and  it  overcame  the  States  of  Man 
Maw,  Mong  Yang,  Mong  Hkong,  Mong  Kung  Kwai,  Lampalam, 
Kare  Wong  Hso,  and  Mong  Yang.  A  garrison  under  Tao  Hpa 
Prao  was  established  at  Mong  Yang  and  another  under  Tao  Hso 
Han  Kai  at  Mong  Hkong. 

While  these  things  were  happening,  Sao  Hso  H6m  Hpa,  the 
SaTi'bwa,  ravished  several  women  in  the  town  and  seduced  the  wife 
of  the  minister  Tao  Hpa  Prao.  Upon  this  the  Smvbzva  Tao  Kang 
Mong  of  Mong  Tu,  with  a  force  under  the  command  of  Tao  Hpa 
Prao,  marched  on  Wing  Ta  Hsup  U  and  drove  Sao  Hso  H6m  Hpa 
out  of  the  country  and  he  fled  10  Mong  Nan  in  Mong  Sfe  (Yun- 
nan) and  put  himself  under  the  protection  of  the  Sao  Wong  Ti- 
This  was  in  the  year  638  B.E.  (1276  A.D.),  and  at  (he  same  time 
the  Smvbwa  Tao  Kang  Mong  appointed  his  son  Sao  Hso  Yep  Hpa 
to  be  Sawbwa  of  Mdng  Mao. 

At  this  time  (it  was  really  more  than  two  centuries  earlier) 
Nawrahta  Mong  Saw  of  Pu  Hkam  went  to  China  in  search  of  the  five 
relics  of  the  Buddha,  and  on  his  return  journey  he  visited  the  S6ng- 
Tu  of  Mong  St  (the  Governor-General  of  Yunnan).  By  the  ad- 
vice of  the  S6ng-Tu,  Sao  Hso  H6m  Hpa  told  his  story  to  Naw 
rahta  and  was  referred  to  the  Emperer  of  China.  Accordingly  he 
went  to  the  Sao  W6ng-Ti  with  a  present  of  four  elephants,  tour- 
viss  of  gold,  and  forty  viss  of  silver,  and  petitioned  to  be  reinstated 



in  Mong  Mao.  The  Emperor  thereupon  sent  five  hundred  thou- 
sand men,  with  reinforcements  of  tnree  hundred  thousand  from 
Mong  Sfe,  under  the  command  of  ihe  General  Wang  Song-ping  to 
reinstate  Sao  Hso  H6m  Hpa  in  Mong  Mao.  Tao  Kang  Mong 
offered  to  submit  and  made  a  present  of  eight  elephants,  eight  viss 
of  gold,  and  forty  viss  of  silver,  which  was  accepted,  but  shortly 
afterwards  Sao  Hsb  H6m  Hpa  with  a  party  of  Chinese  soldiers 
surprised  him  while  he  was  smoking  opium  and  put  him  to  death. 
Upon  this  his  son,  Sao  Hkuii  Hkam  Tep  Hpa,  with  all  his  men, 
fled  to  Man  Kang  in  Mong  Kyit  and  Hso  Horn  Hpa  became 
Sa-jL'b%'a  again  in  641  B.E,  (1279  A.D.).  Hkun  Ham  Tep  Hpa  re- 
treated before  the  Chinese  and  settled  at  KengPa  in  Keng  Tawng, 
near  the  mouth  of  the  Nam  Tcng,  which  is  a  tributary  of  the  Nam 
KOng  (the  Salween).  The  Chinese,  however,  pursued  him  here 
also,  so  he  collected  a  number  of  men  and  attacked  them  and 
drove  them  back  as  far  as  Mong  Tu,  where  there  was  considerable 
fighting.  The  Chinese  asked  for  reinforcements  and  the  Sao 
\V6ng-Ti  sent  them,  but  afterwards,  when  he  was  informed  that  the 
Nam  Mao  (the  Shweli)  was  the  boundary  between  Mong  Mao  and 
Hsen  Wi,  he  ordered  hostilities  to  be  stopped  and  in  645  B.E. 
(1283  A.D.)  recalled  the  General  Wang  SOng-ping  to  China.  Sao 
Hso  Horn  Hpa  remained  as  Sa-xbwa  in  Mong  Mao  and  Sao  Hkun 
Tep  Hpa  rcturiied  to  Hsen  Wi  and  removed  his  capital  in  the  year 
648  B.E  (1286  A.D.)  from  Hsen  Wi  to  Loi  Sang  Mong  Kiing, 
where  he  stayed  for  a  year  and  then  moved  to  Loi  Long  Pawng  Nang. 
In  650  B.E.  he  moved  again  to  Wing  Ta  Puk  in  Hsi  Paw  and  built 
a  large  town  there  and  assumed  authority  over  all  the  Shan  Stales, 
including  Hsa  Tung,  Van  K6ng,  Maw  La  Myeng,  Wang  Kawk, 
Hpa  Hsa  Tawng,  Hsip  Hsawng  Panna,  and  Mong  Pai.  His  queen 
was  a  daughter  of  the  Saivhva  Sao  Saii  Pan  Noi  and  of  Nang  Ye 
Hkfin  and  he  had  five  sons,  Hkun  Ai  Long,  Hkun  Hkam  Pern, 
Hkuu  Hkam  P6t,  Hkun  Hkam  Hom,  and  Hkun  Hkam  Wat  and  a 
daughter  Nang  Hpa  Long  Horn  Mong.  He  appointed  his  eldest 
son  Hkun  Ai  L6ng  to  be  Sa^wbT^:a  of  Mong  Yaw  during  his  life 
time,  and  after  a  reign  of  fifteen  years  died  in  the  year  765B.E. 
(1403A.D,),  His  son  Hkun  Hkam  Pern  Hpa  succeeded  him  as 
Saivbwa.  He  removed  to  Mong  Hko  and  remained  there  for  two 
years  and  then  shifted  his  capital  to  Mong  Kcng,  where  he  died  in 
the  year  767B.E.  (1405A.D.)  without  leaving  issue.  His  brother, 
Sao  Hkun  Hkam  Pot,  succeeded  him  as  Sa-wb-iva  of  Hsen  Wi.  He 
had  two  sons,  Hkun  Nkam  Hung  and  Hkun  Hkam  Wat,  and  died 
after  a  reign  of  two  years  and  was  succeeded,  by  his  elder  son,  who 
took  the  title  of  Sao  Long  Hkam  Hkai  Hpa,  and  in  the  year  770 
B.E.  (i4o8)A,D.)  moved  his  capital   from  Mong  Keng  to  Wing 



Hkam  Kai  north  of  Sh  U.  In  the  year  771B.  E.  (1409  A.  D.) 
Mong  Pu  Hkam  (the  king  of  Pagan)  raised  an  army  and  in- 
vaded Hsen  VVi.  In  the  same  year  Meng  Kyawzwa  became  the 
King  of  Ava  and  joined  Meng  Pu  Hkam  in  the  attack  on  Wing 
Hham  Hkai  Lai.  In  the  year  780B.E.  (141SA.D.)  the  two  coun- 
tries signed  a  treaty  and  the  Burmese  returned  to  their  own  territory. 
According  to  the  South  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle  this  is  the  date  of  the 
overthrow  of  Hsen  Wi.  Sao  L6ng  Hkam  Hkai  Hpa  had  three  sons — 
Hkam  Hawt,  Hkam  Yawt,  and  Hkam  I-at.  Hkam  Hawt  was  order- 
ed to  remain  in  the  capital  with  his  father,  but  was  appointed  Sam- 
bwa  of  Wing  Hkum.  Hkam  Lat  was  appointed  Sa-ahwa  of  Kiing 
Ma.  On  the  death  of  his  father,  the  second  son  Hkam  Yawt  be- 
came Sa-:viitva  and  moved  his  capital  to  Wing  Leng.  He  had  a  son 
and  a  daughter — Hkun  Wat  and  Nang  Han  Hkon  Saw — and  in  the 
year  8o6B,E.  (1444A.D.)  Hkun  Wat  succeeded  on  his  father's 
death  and  moved  the  capital  to  Hsup  Hio  S^  U,  on  the  banks  of 
the  Nam  Tu  (the  Myit-ngfe).  His  sister,  Nang  Han  Hkon  Sawr, 
was  carried  off  and  married  by  the  King  of  the  Nagas. 

Sao  Hkam  Wat  reigned  fifteen  years  and  was  succeeded  by  Sao 
L6ng  Hkam  Hep  Hpa  in  the  year  821  B.E.  (1459A.D.).  In  his 
time  the  Hsip  Hsawng  Panna  rebelled  against  his  brother,  who  was 
in  charge  and  Hkam  Wat  marched  there  and  restored  order  and 
also  visited  Mong  Yon,  Mong  Ping,  and  Keng  Mai,  where  he  dis- 
covered an  image  of  Buddha  and  carried  it  off  to  Wing  S6  U. 
(The  South  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle  says  that  the  expedition  against 
Chiengmai  was  made  under  orders  from  the  King  of  Burma  and  adds 
that  fikam  Hep  Hpa  captured  ihe  Chief  of  Chiengmai,  Saophra 
Kaw  Mong,  also  known  as  Tarahsi  Hcng-ka,  and  brought  him  a 
prisoner  to  Hsen  Wi).  Shortly  after  his  return  he  shifted  his  capi- 
tal to  Wing  Ai,  owing  to  a  famine  which  prevailed.  He  reigned 
sixty-three  years  and  in  the  year  884  B.  E.  (1518  A.  D.)  Sao  L6ng 
Hkam  Hsen  Hpa  Ahsen  Hpa  Kyi  of  Mong  Mit  became  SuToh-wa 
and  reigned  for  ten  years.  He  was  succeeded  by  Sao  L6ng  Hkam 
Hken  Hpa,  who  was  followed  in  five  years*  time  by  Sao  Long  Hkam 
Pak  Hpa.  In  the  year  903B.E.  (i54!A.D.)  Sao  Long  Hkam  Hsen 
Sung  became  Sawbwa  and  reigned  till  the  time  of  Mengtara  Rasa 
Meng  Saw.  When  that  king  became  ruler  of  Ava  he  appointed 
the  nephew  of  Sao  Long  Hkam  Hken  Hpa  of  Mong  Kb  to  be 
Sawbiva  of  all  the  Shan  States.  In  the  year  923B.E.  (1561A.D.) 
Sao  Long  Hkam  Hsen  Hpa  moved  his  capital  from  Wing  S^  U  to 
KQng  Ma  and  thence  to  Wing  Tawng  Kang  S6  Hak,  where  he 
reigned  for  twenty-four  years.  In  the  year  932B.E.  (1570A.D.) 
Sao  Long  Hkam  Hkong  Hpa  succeeded  and  moved  the  capital 
from  S6  Hak  to  Wing  Sfe  U  again. 



In'the  year953B.E.  (1593A.D.)  during  the  reii^n  of  Nyawng  Rap 
Meng  Kyi  Kyaw  in  Ava,  the  Satvb-wa  of  Hsi  Paw  Ong  Pawng,  rebel' 
led  and  consequently  the  Sawbwa  Hkam  Mken  Upa  sent  troops  to 
aid  the  king  in  subduing  the  revolt.  They  were  commanded  by 
Sao  Tap  Hsang  Hkam  and  he  took  6ng  Pawng  and  captured  the 
Stzwbwa  Sao  Kaw  Hpa. 

In  the  same  year  Mijng  I'ing,  Nam  Palu,  Yawng  liwe,  and  Nawng 
Mon  rebelled,  but  were  immedlateiy  suppressed. 

In  the  year  961  B.E.  (1599A.D.)  Hkam  H so  Hkam  Nan  rebelled 
and  seized  Wing  S6  U  and  held  it  for  a  year,  but  Hkam  Hkai  Noi 
Sao  Kyu,  who  at  first  took  refuge  in  Kawi  Yotara,  collected  men  in 
the  Hsip  Hsawng  Panna  and  in  Yotara  (Siam)  and  drove  out  Hkam 
Hso  Hkam  Nan. 

Intheyear967B.E.  (1605A.D.)  Sao  Kyuand  the  Hpaya  of  Mong 
Pawn  rebelled  against  Mengtara  Nawng  Sarap.  That  Prince  got 
reinforcements  from  Sao  Upa  Yasa  and  from  Sao  Hso  Horn  Hpa, 
the  Kyem-tnong  of  Mong  Mit,  and  invaded  i^ong  Pawn  and  Wing 
Se  U.  Sao  Kyu  Hkam  Hkai  Noi  had  to  fly.  first  to  Wing  Kc-ng  Hin 
in  China  and  from  there  he  was  driven  back  to  Kawi  Yotara. 
After  his  flight  the  people  sent  Sao  Tap  Hsawng  Hkam  with 
presents  to  tnc  King  Mengtara  Nawng  Sarap  and  he  accepted  the 
submission  of  the  couniry  and  assumed  the  administration.  This 
was  the  end  of  the  history  of  Hsen  Wi  Long,  the  country  of  white 
blossoms  and  large  leaves,  in  the  province  of  Siri  Wilata  Maha 
Karobawsa  Kawsampi.  It  had  twenty-five  rulers,  who  were  the 
descendants  of  the  generation  of  Sao  Hkun  Tai  Hkan  and  were  as 
follows  :  — 

Hkun  Tai  Hkan, 

Tai  P6ng, 

Tai  Long, 

Noi  Chfe. 

Noi  Myen, 

Noi  San  Hpa, 

Pang  Hkam, 

Kang  Hkam  Hs6  Hkan  Hpa, 

Hso  Pyem  Hpa, 

Hs5  Wat  Hpa. 

Hso  H6m  Hpa, 

Hs6  Yep  Hpa, 

Hkun  Tet  Hpa. 

Hkam  Hkai  Noi  Sao  Kyu. 

Hkun  Pyem  Hpa, 
Hkun  Put  Hpa, 
Hkam  Pak  Hpa, 
Hkam  Hkai  Hpa, 
Hkam  Hawt  Hpa, 
Hkam  Wat  Hpa, 
Hkam  Hep  Hpa, 
Hkam  Hsen  Hpa, 
A  Hsen  Hpa, 
Hkam  Hken  Hpa, 
Hkam  Hsen  Hsung  Hpa, 
Hkam  Ching  Hpa, 
Hkam  Nan  Hpa>  ^nd 



They  ruled  over  twenty  tributary   States  as  follows  (these  are 
really  the  names  of  the  various  capitals):  — 

Pu  Hkam, 

Nawng  Hpo  Mh, 

Keng  Hin, 

Keng  Lon, 

Wing  Hko, 

Wing  Keng  Hkam  Kai, 

Wing  Long, 

Wing  Ai, 

S^  Hak, 

a  period  of  six  hundred  and 

Hsen  Wi  Hsen  Sfe, 

Wing  Wai, 

U  Ting, 

Mong  Mao, 

S6  Hai, 

Wing  Nawng  I, 

Wing  Nang  Ukai  Hkam  Pawng, 

S6  Ran, 

L6ne  Kwai, 

Ta  Puk, 

and  maintained  their  sovereignty  for 
one  years. 

In  968B.E.  (1606A.D.)  after  the  flight  of  Sao  Hkam  Kyu,  Sao 
L6ng  Mengtara  Nawng  Sarap  and  Sao  Upa  Yasa  appointed  Sao 
Hs5  Hung  Hpa,  the  /Cyem-moug  oi  Mong  Mil,  to  be  the  ruler  of  Hsen 
Wi  Long.  He  was  the  son  of  Sao  Hso  H6m  Hpa,  the  Sawbwa  of 
Mong  Mit,  who  was  a  descendant  of  Sao  Long  Hkam  Hkcn  Hpa. 
(The  South  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle  places  the  accession  of  Sao  Hso 
Hung  Hpa  in  1651,  but  this  must  be  a  mistake  and  is  no  doubt  due 
to  a  miscomprehension  of  the  Shan  system  of  counting  by  cycles. 
This  is  hardly  understood  now  south  of  the  Nam  Mao,  or  Shweli 
river.  We  know  from  Burmese  history,  where  Mungtara  Nawng 
Sarap  is  called  Nyauiig  Ram  Meng  by  Sir  Arthur  Phayre,  that  the 
Northern  Shans  were  subdued  in  1604.  The  Shan  dale  given  here 
is  therefore  no  doubt  substantially  correct.) 

Thus  llsen  Wi  Long  became  a  dependent  State  of  MOng  Man 
Mong  Men  {i.e.,  Burma).  Wing  Se  U  was  the  capital  of  Sao  HQng 
Hpa  and  he  reigned  for  thirty-nint:  years.  He  had  four  sons  Sao 
Kyem-mong  Hs6  Hung.  Sao  Hpaya  Sao,  Sao  Hso  Hom-mong, 
and  Sao  Hs6m  Hpu.  The  Kyem-mong  died  in  Pai-ko  (Pegu  f) 
and  left  a  son  named  Hkam  Nawn  Nai  Hkam  Kaw  Hpa.  Sao 
Hpaya  Sao  died  in  Ava  and  Sao  Hs6m  Hpu  died  in  Mong  Kawng. 

In  the  year  1006B.E.  (1644A.D.)  Hkam  Nawn  was  appointed 
Sawbioa  with  the  title  of  Sao  Hso  Hsen  Hpa  and  lived  in  Wing  S6 
U.  He  lived  there  for  six  years  and  was  then  put  to  death  by  Sao 
L5ng  Mengtara  and  Sao  Hso  Hung  Hpa  was  appointed  Sawbwa. 
He  had  two  sons  Hso  Hung  and  Hkun  Awk  Hkam  and  a  daughter 
Nang  Han  Hpa  Hko  Hkam  Hijng. 

Hso  Hung  Hpa  collected  an  army  and  invaded  Mong  Mao,  Mong 
Wan,  Sd  Hpang,  Mong  Na,  San  Ta,  Mong  Kawn,  and  Mong  Ti, 
and  conquered  the  whole  of  the  States  near  the  Nam  Kong  which 



had  formerly  belonged  to  Sao  Hs6  Hkan  Hpa.  Wing  S?;U  remain- 
ed his  capita!  and  he  reigned  for  thirty-three  years.  He  was  suc- 
ceeded in  1046  B.  E.  (1684A.D.)  by  his  daughter  Nang  Han  Hpa 
Hko  Hkam  Hong,  who  reigned  for  four  years  and  died  in  Wing 
S6  U,  The  country  then  remained  for  nine  years  without  a  ruler 
and  then  in  1059B.E.  (1697A.D.)  Sao  Long  Hkam  Hsawng  Hpa 
was  named  Saisib-wa  and  lived  for  eleven  years  in  Wing  S6  U.  He 
then  removed  his  capital  to  a  place  called  Man  Kao  Hlwe  Mong. 
Pang  Pawng  and  built  Wing  Ting  Yit  there,  but  stayed  for  only  a 
twelvemonth  and  then  built  a  new  capital  Wing  Pang  Pawng,  also 
called  Wing  Hsup  Pang  Pawng. 

While  he  was  still  at  Wing  Sfe  U,  a  person  named  Ku  Ma  of 
Lan  Sang  Mong  Yotara  (Luang  Prabang)  came  with  his  family  to 
Hsen  Wi  Long  and  settled  at  Hsup  Nang  Pang  Pawng  Tu  and 
built  there  the  Wat  Sfe  Kvu,  which  was  afterwards  called  Hsung 
Pawng  S6  U  Long. 

'X\\QSa7obwa  Ilkam  Hsawng  Hpa  reigned  for  twenty-three  years, 
eleven  years  in  Wing  Sfe  U  and  eleven  years  in  Wing  Hsup  Pang 
Pawng,  besides  one  year  at  Wing  Ting  Yit. 

The  names  of  the  Sa-wbwas  of  Wing  Sfe  U  were — 

Hkam  Wat  Hpa. 

Hkam  Hsen  Hpa. 

Ahsen  Hpa  Kyi. 

Hkam  Pen  Hpa. 

Hkam  Hken  Hpa. 

Hkam  P.nk  Hpa. 

Hkam  Ching  Hpa. 

Hkam  Hs6  Hkam  Nan  Hpa 

Hkam  Hkai  Noi  Sao  Kyu. 
Hso  Horn  Hpa. 
Hs6  Kaw  Hpa. 
Hso  Hsiing  Hpa. 
Hkam  Pet  Hpa. 
Nang  l-lan  Hpa  Hko. 
Hkam  Hsawng  Hpa. 
Hkam  Hong. 

Wing  Sfe  U  remained  the  capital  for  a  period  of  101  years. 
Hkam  Hsawn^j  Hpa  had  four  sons — Hkam  Ho,  Hkan  HQng,  Hkam 
Leng,  and  Hkam  Kawt — and  a  daughler  named  Han  Hpa  Nang 
Naw  Hseng. 

Hkam  Ho,  who  was  born  of  a  minor  queen,  Nang  Awn,  died 
young,  but  left  a  son  named  Hkun  Li.  Hkam  Kawt  was  the  son 
of  the  Queen  Nang  Mong  Na,  and  died  in  Ava,  leaving  a  son  and 
a  daughter  named  Hkun  rising  Hpo  and  Nang  Hsoi  Hkam  Mong. 
The  daughter  Han  Hpa  Nang  Naw  Hsen  was  the  daughter  of  the 
Chief  Queen  Nang  L6ng  Han  Hpa  Meng  Hko  Hkam  Hiing. 

Sao  Hkun  Li  was  ordered  by  the  King  of  Ava  to  invade  Chieng 
Mai.  On  his  return  he  was  appointed  Sau^bwa  of  Hsen  Wi  and 
reigned  for  five  years,  when  he  was  murdered  by  dacoits  as  he  was 
on  his  way  to  worship  at  the  pagoda  in  Kfing  Tawng. 



Mkun  Hseng  Ilkain  Kawt,  a  son  of  Hkun  HsCng  Hpo,  who  was 
with  him  at  the  time,  was  also  murdered. 

At  the  same  time  the  Sawbwa  of  Mong  Kang  wished  to  marry 
Nang  Hsoi  Hkam  Mong,  but  she  fled  to  Mong  Ching, 

In  the  year  1076  B.  E.  (1714  A.  D.)  therefore  Sao  Hkun  Leng 
was  appointed  Sawbwa.  He  was  a  uterine  brother  of  Hkun  Ho 
and  took  the  title  of  Sao  Naw  Hpa.  In  the  fourth  year  of  his  reign 
Kung  Ma  rebelled  against  him,  and  at  the  same  time  his  son,  the 
Kyem-mOng t  Pu  Sao  Htawn  La,  also  rebelled.  He  was,  however, 
captured  immediately  and  put  to  death,  but  very  soon  afterwards, 
on  the  fourth  waxing  of  the  fourth  month,  his  daughter,  Nang  Hsum 
Naw  Hseng  Pan  rebelled  and  murdered  Sao  Naw  Hpa  in  his  palace 
in  the  middle  of  the  night. 

She  was  confirmed  in  charge  of  HsenWi  by  the  King  Mengtara 
Nanta  Yasa  and  reigned  for  12  years,  when  she  was  succeeded  in 
1090  B.  E.  P728  A.  D.)  by  her  brother  Sao  L6ng  Hkam  Hong 
Hpa.  He  married  Nang  Tu  Sum  of  Mong  Mao  and  had  four  sons 
and  five  daughters.  (He  is  apparently  the  Hseng  Hong  ol  the 
South  Hsen  \Vi  Chronicle,  which  states  that  he  received  his  appoint- 
ment order  in  Ava  and  returned  to  the  Shan  States  by  way  of 
Yawng  Hwe,  where  he  married  Nang  Hseng  Pu,  a  niece  of  the 

During  the  time  of  the  Sawhwa  Hkam  Hong  the  Kwi  M6ng,  the 
countr)'  of  the  Kwi  (this  is  the  country  of  the  Kwei-kia,  *'  the 
Gwfe  Shars'*  whom  Mr.  Parker  places  in  Madaya,  near  Mandalay), 
rebelled,  and  the  King  of  Rurma  ordered  Hkam  Hong  to  march 
against  them.  He  sent  his  son  Hkam  Wat  Hpa,  who  drove  the 
Kwi  as  far  as  O  Hpo  O  Meng  and  then  returned  to  Hsen  Wi. 
Shortly  after  his  arrival  the  Chinese  of  Maw  La-wu  rose  in  rebel- 
lion and  seized  Maw  Pang  Hp6k  and  from  there  threatened  to  in- 
vade Hsen  Wi.  Sao  Hkam  Wat,  however,  drove  them  from  Kyu 
Wing  Kak  back  lo  China.  But  disturbances  caused  by  the  Chinese 
contmued  in  the  Kwi  M^ng,  at  Maw  Pang  Yang,  and  at  Miing 
Pat  and  Ye  La,  and  Hkam  Hong  sent  another  army  against  them 
under  Sao  Mang  Ti,  who  drove  the  Chinese  rebels  as  far  as  Hsi 
Paw,  where  the  Burmese  troops  fell  upon  them  and  captured  the 
Saivbiva  of  Mong  Pat,  who  was,  however,  rescued  by  his  own  people 
as  he  was  being  carried  down  to  Ava.  Ko  Hseng  Hsi  Kang  Rasa 
W.1S  the  general  in  command  of  the  Burmese  iroops  in  the  Kwi 
M6ng  and  he  fell  in  battle  there  at  0  Hpo  O  Meng.  Upon  this 
Sao  Mang  Ti  went  to  the  assistance  of  the  Burmese  army  and 
fought  both  the  Kwi  and  the  Chinese.  While  he  was  still  there  Sao 
Long  Hkam  Hong  died  at  Pang  Pawng  after  a  reign  of  twenty-four 



years.  Sao  Mang  Ti,  his  brother,  returned  in  1115  B.  E.  (1753 
A.D.  ;  the  South  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle  gives  the  date  as  1 750)  and  was 
chosen  Saivbwa  by  the  people  at  MongMot,  when  he  took  the  title 
of  Hs6  Um  Hpa.  He  had  three  sons  named  Sao  Naw  U  Mong, 
Hkun  Hseng  Vi,  and  Hkun  Hsam  Hpo  and  two  daughters  Nang 
Hscng  Hkam  Mu  and  Nang  Hsoi  Hkam  Mong,  who  were  married 
to  Sao  Hkam  Ho  and  Sao  Hkam  Leng.  (The  South  Hsen  Wi 
Chronicle  says  that  Sao  Mang  Ti  confiscated  all  his  brother's  pro- 
perty and  consequently  the  dowager  Nang  Hscng  Pu  returned  to 
Yawng  Hwe  and  gave  birth  there  to  a  son  called  Hkun  Nu,  who 
aftenvards  became  Sawb-n^a  with  the  title  of  Sao  Hswe  Cheng. 
The  account  given  of  Sao  Mang  Ti's  reign  also  differs  consider- 
ably. The  Burmese  Government,  it  is  said,  persisted  in  demanding 
heavy  tribute  and  levies  of  fighting  men  from  Hsen  Wi.  Sao 
Mang  Ti  built  a  pagoda  and  dreamt  that,  if  its  spire  inclined  to» 
wards  Ava,  Hsen  Wi  was  to  be  always  under  Burmese  authority ; 
if  it  remained  upright,  the  State  was  to  be  independent,  but,  if  it  bent 
towards  China,  that  country  was  to  be  the  suzerain.  Next  morning 
he  found  the  top  of  the  pagoda  leant  towards  Burma.  He  there- 
fore abandoned  lisen  W'i  and  went  to  live  at  Mong  Ka  in  Chinese 
territory.  He  was  followed  there  by  his  son-in-law  Sao  Hkam  Hu, 
who  had  been  fighting  for  the  Burmese  in  Karenni.  The  king 
summoned  both  to  Ava,  Sao  Mang  Ti  refused  to  go  and  died 
shortly  afterwards  in  Mong  Ka.  Sao  Hkam  Hu  went  to  Ava  and 
died  immediately  after  his  arrival.  His  brother  Sao  Hkam  Leng 
remained  in  Chinese  service  and  was  active  in  invasions  of  Hsen 
Wi  and  held  the  town  for  three  years.  Hkun  Hseng  Awng  Tun 
also  commanded  a  Chinese  army  and  invaded  not  only  Hsen  Wi, 
but  also  Mong  Nai,  where  he  maintained  himself  for  17  years.) 

Maw  Pang  Yang  again  gave  trouble  and  occupied  Nawng  Mon 
La-hseo.  The  Burmese  sent  an  army  under  Bo  Hsang  Kang,  and 
Sao  Mang  Ti  gave  the  command  of  his  forces  to  Sao  Hkam  Leng 
and  they  drove  the  Chinese  out  of  Nawng  Mon  La-hseo  and  then 
marched  down  to  Ava.  In  11 18  B.  E.  (1756  A.  D.,  while  Sao 
Hkam  Leng  was  in  Ava,  his  wife,  the  Sawbwa^s  daughter,  took 
another  husband.  In  the  same  year  Prince  Hswe  Tawng  (Shwe- 
daung)  rebelled  and  had  to  take  refuge  in  Hsen  Wi  under  the  pro- 
tection of  Sao  Mang  Ti,  where  he  settled  in  Ting  Yit,  but  had  to 
remove  to  Kun  Long,  Sao  Mang  Ti  supported  the  Shwedaung 
Prince  in  his  rebellion  against  King  Awng  Zeya  (Alaungpaya)  in 
1 120  B-  E.  (1758  A.  D.)  and  was  driven  to  Kiing  Ma,  where  he 
built  a  pagoda,  and  shortly  afterwards  died. 

Awng  Zeya  died  in  1122  B.  E.  (1760)  and  was  succeeded  by  Sao 
Mengtara  Nawng  L6k  (Naungdawgyi),  and  in  the  same  year  the 




chief  of  Kwi  Mfing  again  rebelled  and  established  himself  in  Hsen 
Wi.  A  Burmese  army  under  Meng-kyi,  Kyaw  Ma  Ting  came  up 
and  invaded  Kami  Kang,  Mong  Pat,  and  Mdng  Hko  Mong  Ka- 
The  Kwi  M^ng  Sawbwa  fled  lo  Maw  Noi  Mong  Lem,  where  he 
put  the  Sawbioa  lo  death  and  settled  in  Mong  La. 

Shortly  after  this  the  Men^-kyi,  Kyaw  Ma  Ting,  came  and  es- 
tablished himself  in  Hsen  Wi.  He  recalled  Sao  Hkam  Pat  from 
Mong  Kawn  and  set  him  up  as  Sawbiva,  and,  having  brought  in 
Sao  Kham  Ho  from  Se  Hpang,  took  him  down  with  him  to  Ava. 

But  soon  afterwards  Kung  Ma  rebelled  and  the  Meng-kyi  re- 
turned and  drove  the  Chinese  back  to  Kyu  Hsin  and  built  a 
bridge  over  the  Nam  Kong  (Salween.) 

In  the  year  1 125  B.  E,  (1763)  Sao  Hsam  Kyap  Me  Tu  (Sin- 
byushin)  became  King  of  Ava,  and  on  the  fourth  day  of  the  eleventh 
month  of  that  year  he  appointed  Sao  Kham  Leng  to  be  Saw/fwa 
of  Hsen  Wi  and  he  established  himself  under  the  name  of  Sao 
Long  Hkam  Hsawng  Hpa.  In  1127  B.  E.  (1765  A.  D.)  troops 
from  Ava  came  up  under  the  command  of  Teng  Kyaw  Bo  Myawk 
Wang  and  Bo  Mang  Kawng  and  with  reinforcements  from  Hsen 
Wi  under  the  command  of  Sao  Hkun  Hseng  Awng  Hion  marched 
to  Mong  Lem  and  the  Hsip  Hsawng  Mong  (Keng  Hung.)  The 
Sawbwas  of  these  States  fled  to  the  Sao  Wong  Ti,  who  sent  an  army 
from  China,  which  drove  the  Burmans  and  Shans  back  to  Hsen  Wi. 
The  Chinese  army  then  in  the  following  year  1 1 28  B .  E .  ( 1 766  A.  D.) 
invaded  the  whole  of  the  eight  Shan  States  on  both  banks  of  the 
Nam  Kong.  Sao  Hkun  Hkam  Hsawng  Hpa  surrendered  to  the 
Chinese  General  at  Mong  Myen  (Mien  Ning  ?)  and  was  brought 
by  him  to  Mong  Pawn,  where  he  was  established  as  Sawbwa  wnth 
a  Chinese  title.  He  reigned  for  three  years  and  died  of  cholera 
soon  after  receiving  his  insignia  and  was  succeeded  by  Sao  Hkam 

There  was  a  Chinese  Governor  at  this  time  living  at  Tima  and 
Sao  Hkam  P6t  went  to  see  him  and  was  well  received  and  sent, 
with  two  elephants  as  a  present,  to  live  in  Wan  Tcng. 

Hsen  Wi  was  again  utterly  destroyed  and  the  Chinese  General 
summoned  the  States  of  Mong  Myen,  Kung  Ma,  Mong  Ching, 
Mung  Ka,  and  Mong  Ting  to  meet  him  at  Hsen  Wi. 

But  in  the  first  month  of  the  next  year  a  Burmese  army  under 
the  Myauk  Wang  Bo  came  up  and  expelled  the  Chinese  from  Hsen 
Wi  and  drove  the  Chinese  Tajen  to  Mong  Na  and  settled  in  Mong 
Sa.  But  the  Chinese  troops  under  the  Taj6n  of  Mong  W'an  at- 
tacked him  and  he  retreated  to  Mong  Ma  and  afterwards  to  Mong 
Y6k  and  Mong  Yin. 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE    SHAN    STATES   AND   THE   TAI. 


The  Chinese  troops  then  took  possission  of  Wing  S6  U,  but  the 
Myawk  Wang  f^o  gathered  five  thousand  men  and  drove  them  back 
and,  with  support  from  Sao  Hkun  Hkam  Pot,  drove  the  Chinese 
beyond  S6  Hpang,  Mcing  Ching,  and  Kting  Ma. 

At  the  same  time  another  Burmese  army  marched  through  Maw 
Noi,  Mong  Lem,  and  drove  the  Chinese  from  the  Hsip  Msawng 
Mong  (Keng  Hong). 

In  the  following  year,  however,  the  Chinese  Taj^n  came  through 
Mong  Ko  and  Mung  Si  by  way  of  the  Nam  Lan  and  occupied  Man 
Saw  S&  U  and  appointed  Wu  Kung  Ye  Governor  of  the  Shan 
States,  and  drove  the  Burmese  from  Hsen  Wi  to  Hsi  Paw  and  later 
from  Ilsipaw  also.  Wu  Kung  Ye  then  went  to  live  In  Loi  L6ng. 
(This  Wu  Kung  Ye  is  probably  the  Burmese  Thukhunye  and  the 
"  Duke  Fuh^ng,  the  Manchu  Generalissimo,  a  relative  of  the  Em- 
press," of  Mr.  Parker.) 

A  Burmese  army  under  the  Kyaw  Bo  and  the  Myawk  Wang  Bo 
then  came  up  and  drove  the  Chinese  from  Hsen  Wi  through  the 
upper  defile  of  Ho  Km  and  then  expelled  Wu  Kung  Ye  from  Loi 
Long  (Tawng  Peng)  and  drove  him  to  Miing  Yin,  where  he  died. 
(Mr.  Parker  says  "  he  reached  Peking  only  to  die  there.")  Another 
Chinese  force  came  from  Kang  Usij,  but  was  repulsed  and  driven 
back  from  Mong  Yaw.  The  Chinese  carried  off  some  Chiefs  and 
one  hundred  and  thirty  households  with  them  to  Ta  Ri  (Tali-fu) 
and  kept  them  there. 

[The  South  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle  gives  the  story  differently.  Ac- 
cording to  this  version,  the  Chinese  General  Sao  Wong  Kantarit 
came  in  1129  B.  E.  (1767)  with  a  largt;  army,  built  a  bridge  over 
the  Nam  Tu  at  Ta  Te  above  Hsi  Paw  and  placed  garrisons  in  Hsum 
Hsai  and  other  places  towards  Burma.  A  Burmese  army  from 
Pegu  and  Martaban  drove  them  back  10  Wing  Hkao  Hsan  (Lashio), 
where  the  Chinese  had  a  formidable  fort.  The  Burmese  fortified 
themselves  on  the  south  side  of  the  Nam  Yao  at  Lashio  village  and 
waited  until  the  Myauk  Win  Bo  marched  up  through  Mong  Lem 
and  Mong  Ma  and  attacked  the  Chinese  from  the  east.  The 
Chinese  were  then  driven  from  Wing  Hkao  Hsan  (the  ramparts  of 
which  still  remain).  Then  succeeded  a  series  of  IVuns  and  Sikkes 
in  Lashio  as  to  which  the  two  chronicles  are  at  variance]. 

In  the  year  1137  B.E.  (1775  A.D.)  the  king  Sao  Mengtara 
Long  appointed  U  Ting  Hpoi  to  be  Saivbioa  of  Hsen  Wi  and  he  re- 
moved his  capital  to  the  Nam  Yao  near  Lashio,  and  therefore  Lashio 
was  formerly  called  Wing  U  Ting  Hpoi,  after  the  Sawbwa  who 
reigned  there  for  seven  years  and  was  succeeded  by  the  Kyauksfe 
iVun,  who  remained  in  charge  for  three  years  and  was  then  replaced 



by  Sao  Hswe  Hking  of  Ton  Hkam.  who  came  from  Yawng  Hwe. 
He  was  the  son  of  the  Sawbxca  Khun  Hscng  Hong.  Sao  Hswe 
Hking  took  the  title  of  Hso  Wai  Hpa  and  moved  the  capital  to 
Wing  Hsup  Pang  Pawng.  He  reigned  for  twenty-three  years  and 
died  in  1162B.E.  (1800  A.D.) 

[Hsi  Paw  invaded  Mong  Tung  in  the  second  year  of  his  reign 
(1780),  but  was  repulsed.  The  South  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle  gives 
further  details.  King  Patung  (Bodawpaya)  succeeded  Singu  Min 
(Maung  Maung)  in  1781  and  summoned  the  ^aaiaws  of  Kawsanipi 
to  his  capital.  Eight  of  them  went.  Sao  Hswe  Cheng  did  not,and 
the  other  Sawhwas  said  that  he  was  preparing  to  rebel.  Sao  Hswe 
Cheng  was  therefore  arrested  by  the  Set-taw  \Vu?t  and  the  Danubyu 
IVuH  and  taken  to  Ava,  where  he  was  sentenced  to  death.  The 
A-weyaukt  in  whose  charge  he  was,  Interested  the  Queen-mother  in 
the  prisoner.  She  represented  the  matter  to  the  King,  with  the 
result  that  the  Wuns  were  executed  and  Sao  Hswe  Cheng  was 
restored  to  his  State.  This  was  in  the  year  before  the  foundation 
of  Amarapura  and  two  years  before  the  arrival  of  the  Arakan  image 
in  boats  built  specially  for  the  purpose  by  the  King.  During  the 
Sawbwa's  reign  it  is  noted  that  in  1786  the  Sawbivas  of  Hsi  Paw 
and  Mang  Lijn  built  capitals  on  new  sites.  In  1787  the  Chinese 
sent  messengers  with  valuable  presents  to  Hsen  Wi,  Hsi  Paw,  and 
Lawk  Sawk,  and  in  1 788  the  Sawbwas  of  all  the  Shan  States  united 
to  build  a  fort  at  Mong  Nai,  because  of  an  eclipse  which  happened 
in  that  year,  while,  the  year  after,  a  new  hti  was  mounted  on  the 
Shwe  Maw  Daw  in  Pegu  apparently  for  the  same  reason,] 

The  Sawbwasoi^Aong  Mao,  Mong  Ting,  Hsi  Paw,  Mong  Sit,  Sara 
Ka,  Kcng  Tawng,  Nam  Hkok,  Nawng  WaRn,  and  Yawng  Hwe  at- 
tended Sao  Hswe  Cheng's  funeral.  He  left  seven  sons  and  two 
daughters.  One  of  the  daughters,  Nang  Hseng  Santa,  was  married 
to  the  King  Mengtara  Long  and  had  a  son  named  Hsato  Mang-hsa, 
but  he  died  voung.  In  the  year  1 163B.E.  (1801A.D.)  the  King  of  ^ 
Burma  appomted  Hkun  HsGng  Hong,  the  eldest  son,  to  be  Sawbwa  of' 
Hsen  Wi  with  the  title  of  Sao  H.s6  Kaw  Hpa.  In  1 171B.E,  (1809) 
Mong  Het  rebelled  against  him  and  four  years  later,  when  he  was 
on  a  visit  to  Mong  Ut,  there  was  a  general  rising.  He  was  sum- 
moned to  Ava  to  explain  how  this  had  happened  and  from  there  was 
sent  back  by  way  of  Mong  Nai,  Mong  Nawng,  and  the  Kawn  Tau, 
but  he  died  before  he  reached  his  capital.  He  built  a  bridge  over 
the  Nam  Tu  and  reigned  for  fifteen  years  and  he  left  a  son,  Sao 
Hswe  Pawng,  by  a  Burmese  wife,  but  the  King  appointed  a  General, 
named  Hsiri  Rasa  Hsang  Kyam  of  Mong  Kawng  to  take  charge 
of  the  State,  which  he  held  for  three  years  and  then  died.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Hsiri  Kyawdin  NawTahta,  who,  however,  was  recalled 



to  Ava  in  twelve  months'  time.  Then,  in  1 181B.E.  (1819A.D.), 
King  Patung,  Bodawpaya,  died  and  his  nephew,  the  next  Burmese 
King,  appointed  Sao  Naw  Mong,  a  son  of  Hso  Wai  Hpa,  to  be  Saw- 
biva  of  Hsen  VVi  with  the  title  of  Sao  Long  Hso  H6m  Hpa.  He 
died  within  the  year  at  Mong  Nai,  where  he  had  gone  to  see  the  sitk^, 
having  only  reigned  five  months  (the  Southern  Chronicle  says  two 
years).  The  King  then  appointed  his  brother  Sao  Hkam  Kawt 
with  the  title  of  Sao  L6ng  Hsii  HOng  Hpa.  He  was  Sawbwa  for 
two  years  and  died  at  Mong  Xai,  whither  he  had  been  driven  by  the 
rebels  Ching  L6ng  Hsung  Hko  Awn,  Hpraka  Hkam  Kal  of  Mong 
Pat,  Hpraka  Hkam  M6n  Hkam  Hsen  of  Hsen  l..em,  Htao  Mdng 
Hpraka  Jlkam  Man  of  Kat  Kang,  and  Heng  Hkam  Hiing  of  Man 
Wap.  The  deceased  Sawbwa  left  a  son  Ilkun  HsengMawng  Hpo 
living  in  Ava,  but  in  1 1S6  B.  E.  (1824  A.D.)  the  Sao  Long  Meng- 
tara  appointed  Sao  Hkam  Pak  to  be  Sa^vbwa  of  Hsen  \Vi.  Before 
he  took  charge,  however,  he  received  orders  at  Mong  Nai  to  go  with 
the  other  Shan  San^hzcas  to  fight  the  English  at  Rangoon.  He 
took  three  thousand  men  with  him  and  was  killed  in  the  fighting. 
In  his  absence  the  Wtin  Kyawzwa  Myeng  was  put  in  temporary 
charge  of  the  administration,  and  in  1189S.E.  (1827  A.D.)  Hkun 
Hsang  Hkam  Nan,  another  son  of  Hso  Wai  Hpa,  was  created  Saw* 
bwa  with  the  title  of  Sao  Long  Hso  Yep  Hpa.  He  died  in  three 
years*  lime  and  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Hkun  Hseng  Hkam  Nan, 
who  died  on  his  way  up  to  Hsen  \Vi. 

In  1193B.E.  (183!)  Sao  Hswe  Mawng,  a  son  of  Sao  Hso  Kaw, 
was  appointed  Sawb-iua  of  Hsen  Wi  with  the  title  of  Hso  Wai  Hpa, 
and  reigned  for  seven  years. 

During  his  time  the  Htao  MSngs  of  Mong  Het,  Mong  Kyek, 
Man  Sang,  and  Mong  Yai  rebelled  and  joined  Mang  Lon.  About 
the  same  time  the  Sarvbrca  of  Yawng  Hwe  also  rebelled.  He  was 
sent  to  Ava  and  died  there  and  his  two  sons  also  died,  one  of  them 
at  Pyang  U  (Pyinulwin)  and  the  other  at  Ava. 

Sao  Hswe  Mawng  joined  in  the  rebellion  and  marched  to  Pang 
Hkao,  near  the  Tawngtaman  lake  to  support  the  Sck-kya  Mintha. 
Apparently  he  did  not  fight  and  was  merely  deposed. 

In  the  year  1200  B.E.  (1838}  the  Burmese  King  appointed  Sao 
Hkun  Hkam  Leng,  a  son  of  the  Queen  Nang  Hkam  Kyi,  to  be 
SoTvbwa  of  Hsen  Wi  with  the  title  of  Hso  Hkan  Hpa.  During  his 
reign  the  Yang  Sawk  (Red  Karens)  rebelled  against  Ava  and  the 
Hsen  Wi  Sawbwa  with  other  Shan  forces  was  sent  to  suppress  them, 
which  he  did,  but  on  his  return  to  Ava  ho  was  put  to  death  for  some 
fault  after  having  been  Saicbiva  for  seven  years. 

In  1208  B.  E.  (1846)  Hkun  Hseng  Naw  Hpa,  a  son  of  Sao  Naw 
Hpa  L6ng  and  grandson  of  Sao  Hswfe  Cheng,  was  appointed  Sawbwa 



with  the  title  of  Hs6  Sam  Hpa,  Sltta-palaThudhamma  Yaza.  He 
had  almost  immediately  to  deal  wilh  a  rebellion  headed  by  Twi  Taw 
Hkani  Mawn,  who  was  joined  by  the  Hcngs  and  Hta-mongs  of 
Kokang  Taw  Niu,  Kun  L6ng,  Kang  Mong,  Mimg  Kawn,  and  the 
Kawn  Rang  and  drove  the  5aa'ia'a  toNaNoi  Kaling  and  thence  to 
Hsai  Hkao,  Mong  Yin,  and  MongTat.  There,  however,  he  gather- 
ed an  army  and  drove  the  rebels  to  Mon^  Ti  and  Miing  Ting, 
where  he  captured  Twi  Taw  Mkam  Mawn  and  put  him  to  death  and 
marched  all  the  way  to  Mong  Nawng.  In  I2ii  B.  E.  (1849)  he 
had  subdued  the  whole  ol  the  subordinate  States,  but  he  died  in 
the  same  year.  The  Southern  Chronicle  says  he  was  put  to  death 
in  Ava. 

The  Wun  Paw  La  Nan  Ta  was  then  put  In  charge  of  Hsen  Wi, 
but  died  in  a  year  and  was  succeeded  by  the  /!'««  Mawng  Kyut. 
It  was  at  this  time  that  King  Mind6n  seized  the  throne  from  his 
brother.  On  his  accession  he  appointed  Kun  Hseng  Mawng  Hpo 
to  the  charge  of  Hsen  Wi.  Hkun  Hscng  Mawng  Hpo  made  a 
prisoner  of  Mawng  Kyut  and  took  him  to  Ava,  where  he  was  put 
to  death.  Sao  Long  Hso  Sam  Hpa  was  then  appointed  Sawbwa  of 
Hsen  Wi  in  1215  B.  E  {1853).  The  whole  State  was  very  dis- 
turbed and  he  put  the  Paw  Mong  Hsung  Ton  Hkam  and  his  son  to 
death.  Upon  this  the  Hcng  of  Mijng  Nawng  and  the  Ho  Hsiing  of 
Mong  Ton  went  first  to  Mong  Nai  and  then  to  Ava  and  obtained 
the  separation  of  their  own  and  other  States  from  Hsen  Wi.  This 
was  in  1216  B.  E,  (1854),  and  in  the  following  year  the  Sawbwa 
Hso  Sam  Hpa  was  summoned  to  Ava.  While  he  was  there  the 
5xV/'t^  Meng  Kawng  Rasa  was  put  in  charge  of  Hsen  Wi.  He  was 
unable  to  suppress  the  disorders  and  left  in  eight  months'  time  and 
was  succeeded  by  another  Sitk^,  Hseng  Kadaw,  who  obtained  forces 
to  support  him  from  the  Shan  States  to  the  south.  He  also  was 
recalled  after  a  year,  and  in  1218  B.E.  (1856)  Hkun  Hseng  Mawng 
Hpo  was  sent  up  again  and  look  the  title  of  Sao  Long  Hs6  Kaw 
Hpa.  But  the  disturbances  continued.  The  Paw  Mong  of  Mong 
Hsing  overran  and  occupied  Mong  Nawng  and  Kesi.  The  Htao- 
m'dngs  of  these  States  made  their  way  to  Mong  Nai  and  Ava  and 
obtained  permission  to  be  independent  of  Hsen  Wi.  The  order  was 
issued  in  1220  B.E.  (1858}. 

In  the  same  year  Hso  Kaw  Hpa  (Maung  llpo)  went  back  to  Ava 
after  three  years'  stay  at  Wing  Hsup  Pang  Pawng.  The  Pagyi  IVun 
took  his  place,  but  died  in  a  year.  The  Sitkd  Hseng  Kadaw  then 
came  up  again.  He  settled  in  Lashio,  but  soon  returned  to  Ava 
and  was  succeeded  by  the  Pa  Hkan  Wun  Mingyi,  who,  however, 
died  at  Man  Sang  before  he  reached  Hsen  Wi.  In  1226  B.E,  (1864) 
Hso  Kaw  Hpa  once  more  returned,  but  was  recalled  in  a  year,  to 

CHAP,  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES  AND  THE  TAI. 


be  replaced  by  Shwe  Pyi  Bo,  who  settled  at  Lashio.  In  1328  B.E. 
(1866}  the  Myingun  Prince  rebelled  and  the  Shwe  Pyl  Bo  and  the 
Nga-ya  Bo  supported  him.  When  the  rebellion  was  over  they  were 
summoned  to  Ava,  but  committed  suicide  at  Lashio. 

In  1229  B.E.  (1867)  the  Sa-wbwa  Hso  Sam  Hpa,  who  had  been 
detained  all  this  time  in  Ava,  came  back  to  Hsen  Wi,  but  in  the  fol- 
lowing year  Tao  Sang  Hai  rose  against  him  and  the  Saivbiva  was 
again  recalled.  Wundauks  were  sent  up,  one  of  whom  stayed  in 
Lashio  and  the  other  in  Wing  Hsup  Pang  Pawng,  but  they  failed 
to  overcome  Tao  Sang  Hai,  and  in  1236  B.E.  (1864)  Hsen  Wi  town 
was  burned.  The  next  year  Hso  Sam  Hpa  and  the  Nauk  IViudaw- 
hmu  came  up  together,  but  they  could  not  put  an  end  to  the  distur- 
bances and  eventually  he  had  to  rtireat  to  Mong  Si,  while  *m  1241 
B.E.  (1879)  Hkun  Hsang  Ton  Hong,  with  the  aid  of  a  large  body 
of  Kachins,  established  himself  in  Hsen  Wi  town  and  maintained 
himself  there. 

Sao  Naw  Mong,  the  son  of  the  Sawbiva,  Sao  HsGng  Naw  Hpa 
Long  Hso  Sam  Hpa,  was  kept  a  prisoner  by  King  Thibaw  in  Man- 
dalay  until  1885.  He  was  then  liberated  by  the  British  troops  and 
went  up  to  Man  Sang.  After  some  stay  there  he  marched  north  to 
attack  Hkun  Hsang  TOn  Hong,  but  was  defeated  at  lashio  and 
retreated  to  Na  Nang.  Here  Hkun  Hsang  Ton  H6ng  attacked  him 
in  the  following  year  and  overran  all  the  Kawn  Kang,  the  present 
State  of  South  Hsen  Wi.  Sao  Naw  Mong  then  fled  to  Mong  Nai 
and  was  established  in  the  following  year  as  Saipbiva  of  South  Hsen 
Wi  at  Mong  Yai,  while  Hkun  Hsang  Ton  H6ng  received  the  north- 
em  half  of  the  Stale  with  his  capital  at  Wing  Msen  Wi. 

There  is  sufficient  general  correspondence  Jn  facts,  names,  and 
dates  in  this  chronicle  with  those  collected  by  Ney  Elias  to  warrant 
the  assertion  that  the  story  is  the  same,  and  that  the  "  Kingdom  of 
the  Mao  Shans"  is  the  same  as  the  Kingdom  of  Hsen  Sfe  Man  Sfe 
and  also  the  same  as  that  of  the  Kingdom  of  Pong.  The  first  and 
chief  authority  for  this  is  Major  Boileaii  Pemberion,  whose  account  of 

„.     ,       ,  „,  it  was  derived  from  a  Shan  manuscript  chronicle 

Kingdom  of  rOnif.  i  •    i     >  t       •        i  t  i  ■  t  • 

which  he  obtained  and  caused  to  be  translated 
during  his  mission  to  Manipur  in  183'^.  In  this  document  the  first 
King's  name  recorded  is  that  of  one  Khool-lie  ("no  doubt  Hkun  Lai), 
"  whose  reign,"  writes  Major  Pemberton,  "  is  dated  as  far  back  as  the 
"  eightieth  year  of  the  Christian  era',  and  from  whom  to  the  time  of 
'*  Murgnow,  in  the  year  667  A.D.,  the  names  of  twelve  Kings  are 
"given  who  are  described  as  having  gradually  extended  their  con- 
"  quests  from  north  to  south,  and  the  names  o\  no  less  than  twenty- 
"  seven  tributary  cities  are  mentioned  which  acknowledged  the  supre- 



"  raacy  of  Murgnow  •  •  «  .In  the  year  777  A.D.  Murg- 
*'  now  died,  leaving  two  sons  called  Sookampha  and  Samlongpha 
"(these  are  the  Hso  Hkan  Hpa  and  the  Sam  Long  Hpa  of  the 
"manuscript  translated  above),  of  whom  the  eldest* Sookampha 
"  succeeded  to  the  throne  of  P6ng,  and  in  his  reign  we  find  the  first 
"  traces  of  a  connection  with  the  more  eastern  countries,  many  of 
"which  he  appears  to  have  succeeded  in  bringing  under  subjection 
"to  his  authority."  The  story  is  then  told  of  Sam  Long  Hpa's 
campaign  against  Manipur,  Tipperah,  &c.,  and  of  the  poisoning  of 
Sam  Long  Hpa  by  Hso  Hkan  Hpa,  though  in  this  history  Sam 
Long  Hpa  is  said  to  have  escaped  owing  to  a  warning  sent  him  by 
his  mother. 

"  From  the  death  of  Sookampha  in  the  year  808/'  continues 
Major  Pemberton,  "to  the  accession  of  Soonganpha  in  1315  the 
"  names  of  ten  Kings  only  are  given  •  •  «  ^  but  about  the 
"year  1332  A.D.  some  disagreements  led  to  collision  between  the 
"  frontier  villages  of  the  Pong  King's  territory  and  those  of  Yiin- 

"  An  interview  was  appointed  between  the  Kings  of  P6ng  and 
"China  to  take  place  at  the  town  of  Mong  SI,  which  is  said  to 
"have  been  five  days  distant  from  Mong  Maorong,  the  capital  of 
"  P6ng."  [This  may  have  been  the  Mong  Si,  which  is  now  the  centre 
of  one  of  the  Kachin  circles  of  North  Hsen  Wi,  but  is  more  likely 
to  have  been  Miing  S^,  Yunnan-sen,  though  that  is  very  much 
more  than  five  days*  journev.J  "The  Chinese  sovereign,  with 
"whom  this  interview  took  place,  is  named  in  the  chronicle  Cho- 
'*  wongtec  (Sao  W6ng-ti),  and  Shuntee,  the  last  Prince  of  the  iwen- 
"  tieth  imperial  dynasty,  is  in  the  best  chronological  tables  described 
"as  having  ascended  the  throne  of  China  in  the  year  1333."  [Mr. 
Elias  thinks  this  must  have  been  Cheng-tsu  Wen-ti  (A.l3.  1403 — 
1425)  of  the  Ming  dynasty  and  not  Shun-ti  of  the  Yuans,  but 
since  W6ng-ti  is  simply  Hwang-ti,  the  title  and  not  the  name,  the 
fixing  of  an  absolute  dale,  if  that  were  possible,  would  determine 
which  Emperor  it  was.] 

"The  Chinese,  however,  determined  on  subjugating  the  Pong 
"dominions  and,  after  a  protracted  struggle  of  two  years'  duraiion» 
"the  capital  of  Mogaung  (called  in  the  manuscript  Mong  Kawng) 
"or  Mong  Mao  Rong  (which  would  appear  to  be  Mong  Mao  Ldng, 
"  a  very  different  place)  was  captured  by  a  Chinese  army,  under 
"the  command  of  a  General  called  Yang  Chang-soo  "  (the  Theinni 
manuscripts  seem  to  call  him  Wang  Chung-ping  or  S6ng-ping), 
"and  the  King  Soonganpha  with  his  eldest  son,  Sookeepha"  (these 
would  appear  to  be  Hso  H6m  Hpa  and  Hso  Kep  Hpa,  but  the 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES  AND  THE   TAI. 


Story  is  very  involved),  "  fled  to  the  King  of  Pagan  or  Ava  for  pro- 
*'  tection.  They  were  demanded  by  the  Chinese  General,  to  whom 
"  the  Burmese  surrendered  them,  and  were  carried  into  China,  from 
"whence  they  never  returned.** 

On  this  Mr.  Ney  EHas  remarks  : — 

"So  far  will  be  sufficient  to  follow  Major  Pcmberlon's  story,  for  it  is 
"evident,  even  from  these  few  incidents,  erroneous  though  some  of  them 
''are,  thai  this  Manipuri  histnry  of  PAng  is  simply  that  of  the  Mau  Shatis, 
"  antedated  by  nearly  five  hundred  years  at  the  commencement.  The  error 
"  doubtless  arose  in  the  first  instance  from  the  absence  of  an  intelligible 
"chronology  in  the  original  Shan  record,  and  for  want  of  fixed  points  in 
"  the  contemporary  annals  of  neighbouring  countries  by  which  to  set  up 
"  land-marks ;  but  however  this  may  be,  we  see  that  on  aniving  at  the  death 
**  o(  Chau-ugan-pha  Major  Pemberton's  date  is  only  about  one  hundred 
'*  years  in  arrear  uf  the  correct  date  and  that  some  four  hundred  years  have 
*'  had  to  be  distributed  over  tJie  reigns  of  the  intervening  Kings.  Thus  it 
"  is  (hat  twelve  Kings  are  made  to  reign  for  587  years,  or  an  average  of 
"  nearly  forty-nine  years  each ;  the  thirteenth  Murgnow  (a  name  impossible 
"to  recognize)  reigns  for  the  astounding  period  of  one  hundred  and  ten 
"years,  the  fourteenth  for  thirty-one  years,  and  the  remaining  ten  lor  507 
"years;  giving  an  average  for  the  whole  twenty-four  of  very  nearly  fifty- 
"  one  and-a<half  years,  or  more  than  double  the  usual  period  and  sufficient 
"  in  itself  to  show  the  erroneous  nature  o(  the  story  from  a  chronological 
•'point  of  view," 

And  if  Major  Pemberton's  report  has  failed  in  this  respect,  it 
has  hardly  been  more  successful  in  fixing  the  site  of  the  capilal  of 
Pong.  "  To  the  Munnipoorees,"  he  says,  "the  whole  country  un- 
"derits  ancient  limits  was,  and  is  still,  known  as  the  kingdom 
*'  of  Pong,  of  which  the  city  called  by  the  Burmans  Mogaung,  and 
"  by  the  Shans  Mong  Mao  Rong,  was  the  capital.  But  Mung 
"  Mao  or  Mung-iiiao-lung  (great  Mong  Mao)  exists  to  the  present 
"  day  under  this  same  name  on  the  Shweli." 

Mr.  Ney  Elias'  information  was  picked  up  in  Mong  Mao,  where 
the  Shan  chroniclers  made  that  out  to  be  the  capital  of  the  Shan 
States  generally.  The  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle  claims  that  honour  for 
Hsen  Sb  or  Hsen  Wi.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  seems  very  improba- 
ble that  there  ever  was  one  capital  unless  perhaps  Tali-fu.  Major 
Hannay  savs  the  people  he  converged  with  assigned  "  the  south-west 
"corner  ol  the  province  of  Yunnan  as  the  seat  of  the  Empire 
"  (of  the  P6ngs),  and  the  capital  Kai  Khao  Mau  Loung  was  said 
"  to  have  been  situated  on  the  Shweli  river,  or  Lung-shu6  of  the 
"  Chinese  (the  present  Chinese  name  is  Lung  Kiang),  which  falls 
"  into  the  Irrawaddy  in  latitude  24**  north."  Mr.  Elias  identifies 
this  Ka-kao,  or  Ma-kao  Mung-lung  with  Mong  Mao,  but  as  a 
matter  of  fact  it  is  simply  Mong  Hkao  (the  old  city),  Mong  Long 
(the  great  city  or  country). 




Into  the  subject  of  the  origin  of  the  P6ng  nation  Major  Pember- 
ton  does  not  enter,  but  alludes  briefly  to  the  traditional  accounts 
given  of  themselves  by  the  Ahoms  to  Dr.  Francis  Buchanan  Hamil- 
ton in  the  early  years  of  this  century,  a  people  whom  he  rightly 
reg'arded  as  springing  from  a  common  origin  with  the  inhabitants 
of  P6ng.  Dr.  Buchanan  Hamilton's  original  writings  are  much  scat- 
tered and  difficult  of  access,  but  an  apparently  full  prfecis  of  his  re- 
port on  .^ssam  is  given  by  Montgomery  Martin  I  Eastern  India  iii, 
600  et  seq.),  from  which  the  following  account  is  epitomized  : — 

"  Many  years  ago  two  brothers  called  Kliunlat  ard  Khuntai  descended 
from  heaven  and  alighted  on  a  hill  named  Chorai  Korong.  situated  in  the 
Fatkoi  range,  south  from  Gorgango,  the  ancient  capital  of  Assam.  Kbua- 
lai  taking  witl\  htm  some  attendants  and  the  god  Cheng  (Seng,  the  image 
of  one  of  his  female  ancestors)  went  towards  the  south-cast  and  took  pos- 
session of  a  country  called  Nnra  [this  is  also  called  Tai  LAng  (or^at  Shans) 
and  was  called  by  their  neighbours  of  Kasi  or  Moilay  {i.e.,  Manipor)  the 
Kingdom  of  P6ng],  which  his  descendants  continue  to  govern.  Hkuntai 
remained  in  the  vicinily  of  the  hill  Chorai  Korong  and  kept  tit  his  posses- 
sion the  god  Chung  (Sung,  the  image  of  one  of  his  mate  ancestor^},  who  is 
still  considered  by  his  descendaals  as  their  tutelary  deity.  IJr.  Uuchinan 
believes  the  '  heaven  '  to  mean  some  part  of  Thibet  bordering  on  China, 
but  the  original  word,  whatever  it  may  have  been,  he  continues,  has,  since 
the  conversion  of  Khuntai's  descendants  to  !irahmanism,  been  translated 
sroorgo  (heaven)  *t  *  «  Xhe  original  territory  occupied  by  Khun- 
tai included  two  very  long  islands  formed  by  branches  of  the  Brahma- 
putra, together  with  some  oT  the  lands  adjacent  on  both  banks  of  that  great 
river.  The  names  of  thirteen  princes  in  regular  succession  from  father  to 
son  are  given,  but  no  dates  or  indications  from  which  dates  could  be  infer- 

Here  there  is  a  sufficient  general  resemblance  in  the  general 
story  of  Khun  Lu  and  Khun  Lai  to  establish  a  common  ori^n, 
though  names  and  details  differ.  Francis  Gamier  obtained  a*  simi- 
lar tradition  of  the  origin  of  the  Lao  race  along  the  Mekh»ng  ;  in 
fact  it  would  appear  that  each  separate  section  of  the  Tai  race, 
thoui^h  they  acknowledge  in  a  general  way  a  common  origin  and 
have  a  common  legend,  place  the  scene  both  of  the  origin  and  the 
fable  in  their  own  particular  region.  Carnier's  story,  told  in  the 
Voyage  d^ Exploration,  &c.,  i,  473  is  that,  after  a  god  called  Phya 
Then  had  created  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  there  were  three 
princes,  named  respectively  Lao-seun,  Khun  Khet,  and  Khon  Khan, 
who  founded  kingdoms  {ties  muongs)  and  who  were  exhorted  by 
Phya  Then  to  live  in  peace  and  to  honour  the  spirits  of  the  dead. 
He  was  not  obeyed,  however,  and  after  punishing  the  inhabitants  of 
the  earth  with  a  deluge  (this  also  appears  in  the  Kcng  TQng  his- 
tory), in  which  ^eat  numbers  were  drowned,  the  survivors  begged 
for  mercy  and  Phya  Then  sent  them  Phya  Kun  Borom  to  govern 
them  and  Phya  Pitse  Nu-kan  {le  grand  arckiiecte  dtt  del)  to  spread 



abundance  in  the  land.  Kun  Borom  founded  Muong  Then  in  Tong 
King  (perhaps  this  is  the  Muong  Theng  first  occupied  in  1887  by 
the  French).  Ho  had  seven  sons,  who  founded  various  kingdoms 
as  follows  1^— 

(r)   Kun  Lang,  who  founded  Muong  Choa. 

(2)  Kun  Falang,  who  founded  Muong  Ho  (this  is  the  name  the 
Lao  Shans  giv*  to  the  Yiinnanese:  Muang  HawJ. 

(3)  Kun  Chon-soung,  who  founded  Muong  Keo,  or  Annam. 

(4)  Kun  Sai-fong,  the  founder  of  Muong  Zuon  (r.ff.,  Mong  Y6n- 

(5)  Ngou-en,  who  founded  either  Muong  Poueun  (perhaps  the 
present  Muang  Phuen  north  of  Luang  Prabang)  or  Ayuthia,  i.e,, 

(6)  Kun  Lo-koung,  who  founded  Muong  Phong  or  Muong  Sai- 
koun  (Saigon). 

(7)  Kun  Chclcheun,  who  founded  Muong  Kham  Kheut  Kham 
Muong  or  Muong  Poueun. 

Here  again  appears  a  suggestion  of  the  common  Tai  folks-myth 
slightly  varied  by  the  different  branches  of  the  race,  while  each 
branch  applies  it  to  the  country  which  it  knows.  The  most  singular 
fact  about  the  Shans,  however,  is  iliat  the  one  settlement  which  has 
maintained  its  independence  as  a  kingdom  and  has  become  civilized 
beyond  all  the  others,  the  Kingdom  of  Siam,  should  contribute  ab- 
solutely nothing  towards  tracing  the  origin  of  the  race.  So  far  as 
appears,  the  Siamese  have  no  history  worthy  of  the  name  earlier 
than  the  founding  of  their  first  national  capital,  Ayuthia,  towards 
the  beginning  of  the  fourteenth  century  of  our  era,  and  "  the  best 
'*  authorities  believe  the  Siamese  to  have  migrated,  only  shortly  be- 
"  fore  the  founding  of  Ayulhia,  from  the  hill  country  towards  the 
"  north  and  to  have  displaced  the  aboriginal  Karens,  by  whom  the 
"  country  now  called  Siam  was  inhabited." 

With  regard  to  the  name  of  P6ng  there  can  be  little  doubt  that 
it  is  merely  the  Manipuri  appellation  for  the  whole  of  the  once 
united  Shan  States  of  L'pper  Burma  and  Western  Yunnan.  The 
name  is  not  known  to  the  Shans  themselves  any  more  than  it  is  to 
the  Burmese,  the  Chinese,  or  the  Kachins.  There  can  be  little 
doubt  that  it  was  the  mediaeval  Shan  Kingdom  called  by  the  Chinese 
Nan-chao,  which  is  the  Carajan  of  Ser  Marco  Polo,  while  the  second 
chief  city  called  by  the  same  name  is  doubtless  Tali-fu.  This 
Kingdom  of  Nan-cnao  had  existed  in  Yunnan  since  738,  and  pro- 
bably had  embraced  ihe  upper  part  of  the  Irrawaddy  valley,  for  the 
Chinese  tell  us  it  was  also  called  Maung,  and  it  probably  was  iden- 



tical  with  the  Mung  Maorong  of  Captain  Pemberton.  The  city  of 
Tali  was  taken  by  Kublai  in  1254.  The  circumstance  that  it  was 
known  to  the  invaders  (as  appears  from  Polo's  statement;  by  the 
name  of  the  province,  is  an  indication  of  the  fact  that  it  was  the 
capital  of  Carajan  before  the  conquest. 

We  may  now  proceed  to  consider  the  evidence  collected  by  Mr. 
The    Kingdom    of     E.  H.  Parker  as  to  the  earlier* history  of   the 
Nan-ehao.  Shans.     What  follows  is  taken  from  his  book, 

Burma  with  special  reference  to  her  relations  "with  China,  and 
from  a  mass  of  translations  which  he  has  made  of  the  Chinese  an- 
nals of  various  border  States, 

Mr.  Parker  says,  quoting  chiefly  the  annals  of  the  Chinese  dy- 
nasty of  T'ang,  a  book  a  thousand  years  old  :— 

''  The  Chinese  had  clearly  defined  relations  with  the  Shan  or  Ailao  Em- 
pire of  (modern)  Tali-fu  In  the  first  century  of  our  era,  and  in  A,  D.  90 
(elsewhere  the  date  A.  D.  97  is  given)  one  Yung  Yu.  King  of  T'an,  sent 
tribute  to  China  through  the  good  oltices  of  the  Aiiao,  receiving  an  olBcial 
seal  from  China.  The  Chinese  seem  to  take  it  for  granted  that  Yung  Yu 
of  T'an  was  of  the  same  race  as  a  later  Pyfi  (Burmese)  King  named  Yung 

[Since,  however,  they  transformed  Aungzeya,  the  assumed  name 
of  Alaungpaya,  into  Yung  Tsihya  and  connected  him  with  the 
same  Vung  "  family,"  the  coimecting  link  is  of  practically  no  value. 
In  any  case,  Mr.  Parker  thinks  that  the  T'an  State  really  lay  much 
farther  west  than  Burma  and  was  only  originally  known  to  China 
because  its  envoys  approached  China  through  Burma  and  Yiinnan.] 

Mr.  Parker  continues — 

*'  The  Ailaos  were  next  calird  Nan-chao  when  they  re-appcared  upon 
the  Chinese  political  stage.  There  can  be  no  question  01  identification,  for 
the  Aniiamese  stUl  call  the  Laos  of  Upper  Siam  by  the  name  Aiiao,  and 
the  Chinese  tell  us  that  Nan-chao  was  the  '  southern  '  or  JVan  of  the  six 
C/iao  or  'princes,'  adding  that  C/iao  was  a  barbarian  word  for  prince," 
[It  is  so  still  in  Siamese  and  I-ao  Shan,  The  British  Shan  form  is  Sao]. 
"  Nan-chao  we  are  toid  bordered  on  Magadha,  which  quite  explains  how  the 
Kshatriya  princes  could  find  their  way  by  at  least  one  route  to  Burma. 
To  the  south-west  were  tlie  t*iao  (still  proiiuuticed  Pyu  in  Cantonese, 
which  is  the  best  Chinese  rcpresetitalive  dialect).  During  the  8th  century 
the  T'upo  (usually  now  called  T'ufan)  or  Thibetans  "itruggled  with  China 
for  mastery  over  Nan-chao  and  the  Nan-chao  King  Kolofung  annexed  both 
the  Pyu  and  also  part  of  Assam.  It  is  from  this  time  only  that  trustworthy 
Burmese  history  can  be  said  to  begin,  just  as  genuine  Japanese  history  be- 
gins in  the  fourth  or  fifth  century,  when  relations  with  China  had  become 
constant.  From  this  period  India  may  be  said  to  disappear  as  a  political 
factor  from  Burmese  history.'* 

But  even  earlier  than  this  the  Chinese  had  come  into  contact 
with  the  Shans  and  Burmese.     One  hundred  years  before  the  Chris- 



tian  era,  the  Chinese  Han  Emperor,  Wu  Ti,  sent  an  expedition  to 
Tien  (which  Mr.  Parker  notes  is  a  name  still  applied  to  Yunnan 
in  the  literary  style).  It  may  be  assumed  that  the  King  of  Tien 
was  a  Shan.  His  capital  was  at  Peh-ngai,  and  this  was  an  im- 
portant Shan  centre  800  years  later.  At  any  rate  the  King  of  Tien 
became  an  ally  of  the  Chinese,  and  joined  them  in  suppressing  the 
K'uu-ming  tribe.  This  name  K'un-ming  is  still  applied  to  a  lake 
near  Yiinnan-fu.  Mr.  Parker  is  of  opinion  that  the  name  of  Wu 
Ti,  or  Imperator  martialis,  is  the  origin  of  the  name  Uti  or  Udibwa 
applied  by  the  Burmese  in  official  correspondence  to  the  Emperor 
bi  China.  This  Emperor  left  a  name  in  China  not  inferior  to  that 
of  Cssar  in  Europe. 

It  appears  to  be  certain  that  about  A.  D.  50  the  Ailao  king 
Hien-lih,  while  engaged  in  warlike  operations  against  a  neighbour- 
ing tribe,  trespassed  upon  Chinese  territory.  He  was  attacked  and 
with  all  his  band,  estimated  at  about  18,000,  became  tributary  to 
China.  After  this  numerous  other  chiefs  of  neighbouring  tiibes  sub- 
mitted with  their  people  and  together  made  up  a  population  of  about 
half  a  million,  who  were  grouped  together  to  form  the  prefecture  of 
Yung-ch'ang.  One  of  the  first  Chinese  Governors  of  Yung-ch'ang 
entered  into  a  treaty  with  the  Ailao,  according  to  which  each  male 
had  to  pay  a  tribute  of  a  measure  of  salt  and  two  garments,  "  with 
a  hole  in  them  for  the  head  to  go  through."  Later  Governors  did 
not  retain  their  hold  and  there  were  numerous  frontier  wars  with 
China.  There  seems  reason  to  believe  that,  at  this  time,  the  Bur- 
mese or  Pyu,  as  distinguished  from  the  Talaings  or  Mon,  were 
more  or  less  under  the  power,  or  influence  of  the  Shans,  or  at  any 
rate  were  connected  with  them  in  some  way,  and  therefore  it  is 
possible  that  the  King  of  T'an,  Yung  Yu,  who  sent  tribute  to 
China  in  A.  D.  97,  and  received  an  official  seal,  was  a  King  of  the 
I3urmesc.  But  since  "  it  is  perfectly  clear  from  Chinese  history 
"  that  adventurers  from  India  founded  kingdoms  in  Java,  Malaya, 
"  Camboja,  and  Ciampa,  and  it  is  also  clear  that  envoys  or  mer- 
"  chants  from  Alexandria,  or  some  other  Roman  port,  visited  China 
*'  in  A.  D.  166,"  it  seems  unnecessary  to  insist  upon  the  identity 
of  T'an  with  Burma.  The  envoys  of  Marcus  Aurelius  reached 
China  by  way  of  Ciampa,  then  known  as  Jlh-nan,  but  more  an- 
ciently known  as  Yiieh'shang,  which  the  Chinese  confuse  with  Mien- 
tien,  a  quite  modern  name  for  Burma.  The  Roman  emissaries  or 
merchants  called  their  country  Ta-ts'in,  and  Ta-ts'in  conquerors 
went  to  China  with  Yung  Yu's  envoys  previous  to  the  visit  of  the 
Ta-ts'in  envoys  to  China  through  Jih-nan.  Hence  probably  the 
confusion.  The  presents  of  these  envoys  were  called  tribute  ac- 
cording to  the  engaging  Chinese  habit  and  T'an  may  as  well  have 



been  Alexandria  as  Burma.  The  envoys  may  be  supposed  to  have 
landed  in  the  Talaing  Kingdom  and  lo  have  marched  from  Moul- 
mein  through  Chlengmar  and  Chieng  Khoni;"  to  Muang  Theng  or 
Laichao  and  so  on  to  Vinh  on  the  coast  of  Annam.  Mr.  Parker, 
from  whose  account  this  is  condensed  or  adapted,  continues :  "  China 
"  was  shortly  afterwards  (A.  D,  220;  split  up  into  three  empires,  one 
*'  of  which  was  Sieng-pi  Tartar  (a  Tungusic  dynasty  akm  to  the 
"  modern  Manchus).  Accordingly  the  Ailao  drop  out  of  sight  for 
"some  centuries,  until  at  last  the  powerfuT Chinese  dynasty  of 
"  T'ang  consolidates  the  empire  into  one  cohesive  whole  again. 
"  But  the  celebrated  Chu-koh  Liang,  a  general  serving  one  of  these 
"  three  great  empires,  which  was  practically  the  modern  Sz-ch'wan, 
"  did  a  great  deal  of  solid  work  in  Yunnan  When  I  entered  the 
"  first  gorge  of  Sz-ch'wan,  10  years  ago,  I  found  that  stories  about 
"  Chu-koh  Liung  were  repealed  as  if  he  had  lived  only  a  hundred 
"  years  ago.  If  my  memory  does  not  fail  me,  a  town  not  far  from 
"  Momien  (Teng-yiieh)  was,  and  perhaps  is,  known  to  tradition  as 
"  the  city  of  Chu-koh  Liang.  He  died  in  A.  D.  232  and  the  'in- 
"  'vasion  of  the  Chinese,'  under  the  third  king  of  the  old  Pagan 
"  dynasty,  mentioned  by  Captain  C.  J.  F.  S.  Forbes,  doubtless 
"  refers  to  him.  For  400  years  after  this  there  is  a  complete  blank. 
"  The  Ailao  have  now  (A.  D.  650)  become  the  Nan-chao." 

The  Nan-chao  Empire  was  extensive.  It  touched  Magadha  on 
the  west,  so  that  the  relations  of  both  the  Burmese  and  Shans  with 
India,  which  are  referred  to  by  the  late  Captain  Forbes  and  rejected 
by  him  as  too  traditional  for  belief,  may  very  nell  have  been  true 
and  would  be  worthy  of  credit,  if  they  were  recounted  in  a  less  le- 
gendary form.  On  the  north-west  Nan-chao  reached  Thibet,  from 
which  kingdom  the  Burmese  are  assumed  to  have  come.  To  the 
south  was  the  "  Female  Prince  State, "  a  name  then  applied  lo  Cam- 
boja,  whose  queen  married  an  Indian  adventurer.  The  occurrence 
of  female  rulers  among  the  Shans  is,  however,  far  from  uncommon, 
though  when  the  lady  entered  into  a  formal  alliance  she  usually 
yielded  direct  authority  to  her  husband.  It  was  otherwise  when  she 
contented  herself  with  mere  butterfly  connections.  On  the  south- 
east of  Nan-chao  were  the  Tongkinese  and  Annamese,  then  called  by 
the  Chinese  Kiao-chi,  "splay  toes,"  a  name  which  implies  that 
Chinamen  wore  shoes  and  the  Tongkinese  did  not,  though  it  does 
not  explain  why  the  Tongkinese  should  have  received  the  nickname 
to  the  exclusion  of  all  other  races  which  went  barefoot.  To  the 
south-west  were  the  P'iau  (the  Piu  of  the  Cantonese),  that  is  to  say, 
the  Burmese.  The  T'ang  Dynasty  Annals  give  no  boundaries  to 
the  north  or  north-east,  presumably  because  the  Nan-chao  Empire 
was  considered  a  part  of  China.     There  were  two  chief  towTis,  one  at/ 

CHAP.  VI.]  THE    SHAN    STATKS    AND   THE    TAI. 


or  near,  ihe  modern  Tali-fu,  the  other  somewhere  near  the  modern 

*'  The  Nan-chao  Empire  seems  to  have  been  highly  organized. 
"  There  were  Ministers  of  State,  censors,  or  examiners,  generals, 
''  record  officers,  chamberlains,  judges,  treasurers,  sediles,  ministL-rs 
*'  of  commerce,  &c.,  and  the  native  word  for  each  department  is 
"  given  as  shwatig.'^  Tliis  may  or  may  not  be  a  Chinese  perver- 
sion of  the  Shan  /fsiittg,  or  f/seti,  officials  whose  duties  now-a-days 
are  provincial  rather  than  metropolitan.  "  Minor  officers  managed 
"  the  granaries,  stables,  taxes,  &c.,  and  the  military  or^;anization  was 
*'  by  tens,  centurions,  chiliarchs,  deka-chiliarchs,  and  soon.  Mili- 
**  tary  service  was  compulsory  for  all  able-bodied  men,  who  drew 
"  lots  for  each  levy.  Each  soldier  was  supplied  with  a  leather  coat 
*'  and  a  pair  of  trousers.  There  were  four  distinct  army  corps  or 
"  divisions,  each  having  its  own  standard.  The  king's  body-guard 
*'  were  called  Chu-nu  katsa,  and  we  are  told  that  katsa  or  katsii 
"  meant  leather  belt.  The  men  wore  chuti,  helmets,  and  carried 
"  shields  of  rhinosceros  hide.  The  centurions  were  called  Lo-(sa- 
"  tss."  These  names,  if  they  really  were  Shun  and  not  Chinese  in- 
ventions, have  been  lost  since  the  Shans  ceased  to  be  a  conquering 
power.  "  Land  was  apportioned  to  each  family  according  to  rank  : 
"  superior  officials  received  forty  shwang  or  acres  (the  tone  of  this 
"  word  being  unlike  the  tone  of  the  first-mentioned  word  shuan^). 
"  Some  of  the  best  cavalry  soldiers  were  of  the  Waug-tsa  tribe,  west 
"  of  the  Mfekhong.  The  women  of  this  tribe  fought  too,  and  the 
"  helmets  of  the  Wang-tsa  were  studded  with  cowries."  Mr.  Parker 
thinks  these  may  have  been  the  VVa,  but  this  can  hardly  be.  The 
modern  \Va  have  nn  ponies  and  look  upon  ihem  as  highly  dangerous 
animals.  The  Shans  and  the  hill  tribes  generally  are  as  poor  horse- 
men now  as  the  Gurkha  is. 

"  There  were  six  metropolitan  departments  and  six  provincial 
"  viceroys  in  Nan-chao.  The  barbarian  word  for  department  was 
"  kien."  This  is  obviously  the  keng  of  present  times,  which  in 
Lao  Shan  and  Siamese  becomes  chieng  and  along  the  Mfekhong  is 
frequently  pronounced,  and  sometimes  written,  sieng,  whence  the 
French  form  xiettg.  The  Burmese  transformed  it  into  kyning. 
The  forms  kaing  and  kiang  are  freaks  of  the  British  military  oih- 
cer  and  of  railway  promoters.  The  word  may  be  compared  with 
the  \Va  ken,  meaning  a  circle,  or  community  of  villages  under  one 
chief,  as  in  lien  Tail  and  Wa  Pet  Ken,  beyond  the  Nam  Hka  1  he 
term  is  also  used  in  Kokang  in  the  circles  of  Ken  Pwi  and  Ken 

"  It  is  unnecessary  to  enumerate  all  the  Nan-chao  departments; 
*'  but  it  is  interesting  to  note:  Peh-ngai,  the  capital  of  the  King 



"  of  Tien,  Yunnan  ;  Mfing-she,  (he  ancient  seat  of  the  M^ng  family 
"  of  Nan-chao  rulers  [this  is  doubtless  the  modem  Mangshih,  called 
"  by  the  Shans  Mong  Hkawn  ;  the  term  '  Mt^ng  family'  is  due  to 
"  the  wooden-headed  Chinese  persistency  in  ascribing  clan  names 
"  to  the  Shans,  which  induces  them  to  transform  the  title  Sao 
*'  into  Sz  or  Su  and  call  it  a  family  name.  M^ng  is  doubtless  the 
"  Shan  Mong,  a  State  or  fortified  town] ;  and  Tai-ho  (Tali-fu)." 

"  The  people  were  acquainted  with  the  arts  of  weaving  cotton 
"  and  rearing  silk-worms  :  in  some  parts — the  west  of  the  country — 
"  there  was  considerable  malaria,  and  the  salt-wells  of  K'unming 
"  or  modern  Yunnan-fu  were  free  to  the  people.  West  of  Yung- 
"  ch'ang  a  mulberry  grew,  the  wood  of  which  was  suitable  for 
"  making  bowls,  and  gold  was  found  in  manyparts,  both  in  the  sands 
*'and  in  the  mountains  West  of  Momien  (T't^ng-Yueh)  the  race  of 
'*  horses  was  particularly  good  "  (probably  Tawng  Peng  Loi  L6ng 
is  meant). 

"  When  the  King  sallied  forth,  eight  white-scallopped  standards 
"  of  greyish  purple  were  carried  before  him;  two  feather  fans,  a 
"  chowry,  an  axe,  and  a  parasol  of  king-lishers*  feathers  having  a 
"red  bag.  The  Queen-mother's  standards  were  scallopped  with 
"brown  instead  of  white.  She  was  cidled  Sin  Afo  or  Kiwrno,  and 
"the  Queen-wife  was  called  Tsin-wu"  ("the  chief  wife  of  a  Sawbwa 
"of  the  present  day  is  called  the  Maha  Dewi)." 

As  a  special  mark  of  honour,  the  chief  dignitaries  wore  a  kimpo/o, 
or  tiger-skin,  which  suggests  the  modem  t/ia-mwe  htggyi  or  fur 
coat,  formerly  only  worn  by  officials.  The  women's  hair  was 
gathered  into  two  locks  and  plaited  into  a  chignon :  their  ears  were 
ornamented  with  pearls,  green-stone,  and  amber.  Female  morals 
were  easy  previous  to  marriage,  but  after  marriage  death  was  the 
penalty  of  adultery.  It  took  three  Nan-chao  men  to  drive  an  ox- 
piough  :  one  led,  one  drove,  and  the  third  poked  up  the  animal. 
All  ranks,  even  the  nobles,  engaged  in  this  leisurely  agricultural 
work.  There  were  no  corvtes^  but  each  man  paid  a  tax  of  two 
measures  of  rice  a  year. 

The  history  of  the  Chinese  dynasty  of  T'ang  gives  a  list  of  the 
kings  of  what  it  calls  the  Royal  Family  of  Mt^ng.  The  record  of 
these  is  complete  after  about  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century 
of  our  era.  From  this  list  Mr.  Parker  developes  a  curious  theory 
that  "each  son  takes  as  the  first  syllable  of  his  own  name  the 
"  last  of  his  father's."  Thus  Tuh-lo  is  succeeded  by  Lo-sheng- 
yen,  and  he  by  Yen-koh.  This  idea  of  hereditary  syllables  seems 
to  be  purely  fanciful,  or  an  invention  of  the  Chinese  mind,  devoted 
to  ancesLral  worship.  In  mod«rn  days  the  Shan  takes  his  name 
on  much  the  same  system  as  the  Burman,  without  any  reference  to 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES  AND  THE  TAI. 


the  name  of  his  father,  and  in  any  case  the  Sawbwas  are  always 
known  by  a  title,  assumed  after  their  accession.  This  has  no  con- 
nection with  ihijir  birth  name,  and  to  use  the  latter  is,  with  the 
Shans,  as  it  is  among  all  the  other  Indo-Chinese  races,  if  not  a 
crime,  at  any  rate  an  insult. 

The  names  given  arc  so  disguised  as  to  be  almost  beyond  recog- 
nition ;  much  as  Symes  called  a  Myosaye  a  Me-wjerry  and  another 
writer  playfully  converts  Upa-raza  into  Upper  Rodger.  However 
that  may  be,  it  is  recorded  that  towards  the.  middle  of  the  eighth 
century  King  Koh-lo-feng  made  T'ai-ho  (Tali-fu)  his  residence ; 
Tai-lio  mtians  great  peace  in  Chinese,  and  it  may  thus  be  compared 
with  Yan  Gon  (Rangoon).'  The  further  statement  of  the  Chinese 
Chronicles  that  the  Shan  word  for  "  peace  "  is  Shan-po-t'o,  and  that 
this  name  was  adopted  after  a  successful  war,  gives  one  pause. 
The  whole  of  the  names  are  a  sort  of  missing  word  puzzle  and  very 
much  of  an  y^lia  itElia  crispts  riddle  character. 

Koh-lo-f6ng  received  a  title  from  China  and  succeeded  to  his 
adopted  father's  throne  in  A.D.  748.  A  war  with  China  now  took 
place,  owing  to  the  imprudent  behaviour  of  a  neighbouring  Chinese 
Governor,  and  the  result  was  that  Koh-lo-fi^ng  styled  his  kingdom 
the  Great  Mt^ng  Empire,  and  threw  in  his  lot  with  the  Thibetans, 
who  conferred  upon  him  a  seal  and  the  title  of  btsanpo-chung, 
or  "  Younger  brother  Gialbo,"  i.e.,  ruler  equal  to  the  ruler  of  Thibet, 
hut  ranking  slightly  after  him.  Koh-lo-ftng  caused  a  marble 
slab  to  be  engraved  with  the  reasons  which  drove  him  lo  revolt,  and 
this  tablet  M.  Emile  Rocher  says,  in  his  History  of  Yiinnan,  is  still 
pointed  out  in  the  suburbs  of  Tali-fu.  He  does  not  mention 
whether  it  is  in  Shan  or  Chinese  character,  or  indeed  whether  he 
actually  saw  it,  and  it  is  mentioned  by  no  one  else. 

China  was  in  dtflficultios  with  the  Turks  at  this  period,  and  Koh- 
lo-f^ng  took  advantage  of  the  opportunity  to  annex  parts  of  the 
Empire,  besides  the  land  of  the  Pyu,  the  Burmese,  and  thatof  Sun- 
chwan,  which  would  appear  to  have  been  an  Assamese  tribe.  It 
is  noted  that  polyandry  existed  among  the  people  to  the  west  of 
them.  These  tribes  lived  in  cage-like  houses,  were  scattered  about 
without  any  central  authority,  clothed  themselves  with  bark,  and 
practised  no  agriculture. 

The  Chinese  made  several  attempts  to  subdue  Koh-lo-f^ng,  but 
met  with  successive  defeats  on  the  Hsi-^rh  river,  and  on  his  death 
he  was  succeeded  by  his  grandson  I-mou-hsiin,  whose  mother 
belonged  to  the  Tuhkin  race  of  savages.  I-mou'hsiin,  however, 
had  been  taught  by  a  Chinese  literate  Ch'eng-hui  and  was  a  man 
of  some  education.     He  found  the  Thibetans  very  troublesome  and 




inclined  rather  to  be  task-masters  than  allies.  They  established 
ganisons  at  all  important  points,  levied  men  to  fight  their  wars, 
and  taxed  the  country  very  heavily.  He,  therefore,  listened  all  the 
more  readily  to  the  advice  of  Ch'eng-hul  and  opened  up  com- 
munications with  We  Kao,  the  Chinese  Governor  of  Ch'eng-tu,  the 
capital  of  the  modern  Sz-ch'wan  province.  A  letter  was  sent  to 
Wei  Kao,  in  which  I-mou-hsiin  Complained  of  the  tyranny  of  the 
Thibetan  Blon  or  Governors  and  explained  how  it  was  that  his 
grandfather  had  been  really  forced  by  ill  treatment  to  abandon 
China.  He  wound  up  the  letter  by  suggesting  that  the  Ouighour 
Turks  should  be  directed  to  join  him  and  China  in  an  expedition 
against  Thibet. 

At  that  time  the  Ouighours.  through  whom  the  modern  Mongols 
and  Manchus  derived  their  letters,  were  in  occupation  of  parts  of  the 
modem  Kan-suh  Province,  wiih  their  capital  at  the  present  Urumtsi, 
where  they  had  (or  a  considerable  length  of  time  been  under  the 
influence  of  the  Nestorian  Syrians.  A  Syriac  stone  still  exists  at 
■  Si-an  Fu  in  Shen-si  Province,  and  Ouighour  letters  are  probably 
merely  a  form  of  Syriac. 

The  correspondence  resulted  in  a  treaty,  four  copies  of  which 
were  drawn  up  at  the  foot  of  thf  snow-capped  hill  of  Tien  Ts'ang, 
which  dominates  the  modern  Tali-fu.  One  copy  was  sent  to  the 
Emperor  of  China,  one  was  placed  in  the  private  royal  temple, 
one  in  the  public  stone  temple,  and  one  was  sunk  in  the  river.  U 
mou-hsun  then  put  all  the  Thibetan  officials  in  the  kingdom  to 
death  and  their  army  was  defeated  in  a  great  battle  at  the  "Iron 
bridge,"  possibly  that  over  the  Salween,  in  West  Yunnan.  The 
Emperor  then  sent  I-mou-hsun  a  gold  seal  recognizing  him  as 
King  of  Nan-chao.  The  Chinese  Envoy,  Ts'ui  Tsoshih,  was  re- 
ceived at  T'ai-ho  with  great  pomp.  Soldiers  lined  **  the  roads  and 
"the  horses'  Iiarness  was  ablaze  with  gold  and  cowries.  I-mou- 
"  hsiin  wore  a  coat  of  gold  mail  and  tiger-skin,  and  had  twelve  ele- 
"  phants  drawn  up  in  front  of  him :  he  kotowed  to  the  ground, 
"  facing  north,  and  swore  everlasting  fealty  to  China.  Then  followed 
"a  great  banquet,  at  which  some  Turkish  women  presented  by  a 
"former  Emperor  sang  songs.  Their  hair  was  quite  white,  as 
"  they  were  the  only  two  survivors  of  a  once  large  musical  troupe.'* 

I-mou-hsiin  now  entered  upon  a  career  of  conquest  and,  besides 
uniting  the  six  Shan  principalities  into  one,  annexed  a  number  of 
neighbouring  States,  some  of  whom  are  stated  to  have  lived  in  raised 
houses  which  suggests  Upper  Burma,  while  others  varnished  or  gild- 
ed their  teeth,  a  statement  which  immediately  recalls  the  Mongolian 
Province  which  Ser  Marco  Polo  visited  four  hundred  years  later. 



I-moii-hsun  sent  his  sons  to  be  educated  at  Ch'6ng-tu  Fuln  Sz-ch'- 
wan  and  became  more  and  more  bound  to  China.  The  Thibetans 
were  again  defeated,  and  amongst  the  prisoners  taken  were  a  number 
of  Abbasside  Arabs  and  Turkomans  from  Samarkand.  About  this 
time  a  Corean  General  in  Chinese  employ  had  carried  the  Chinese 
arms  into  Baiti  and  Cashmere,  and  the  Abbasside  caliphs  had  re- 
gular relations  with  China,  [t  is,  therefore,  clear  thai  there  were 
Mahomedans  in  Tali-fu  even  before  the  time  of  Prince  Kublai  and 

(•moU'hsiin  died  in  A.D.  808  and  was  succeeded  by  sons  and 
grandsons,  who  did  no  credit  to  their  Chinese  training.  One  of 
them  was  killed  by  his  own  general,  who  aftertt'ards  marched  on 
Ch'$ng-tu  Ku  and  carried  off  a  number  of  prisoners,  among  them 
skilled  artisans,  who  "  placed  Nan-chao  on  a  par  with  China  in 
"  matters  of  art,  literature,  and  weaving," 

In  859  A.D.  one  Ts'iu  Lung,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  Shan 
cfEcial  rather  than  a  member  of  the  '*  family  of  M6ng,"  became 
ruler  of  Nan-chao,  assumed  the  title  of  //'ivang-ii  {Emperor),  and 
with  an  energy  equal  to  his  arrogance,  declared  war  on  China, 
besieged  Ch'eng-tu,  and  before  he  had  to  retire,  left  "eighty  per 
*'  cent,  of  the  inhabitants  of  certain  towns  in  Sz-ch'wan  with 
**  artificial  noses  and  ears  made  of  wood.*'  He  did  not  take 
Ch'eng-tu  Fu,  but  he  conquered  Chiao-chih  (Kfe-sho,  the  modern 
tHanoi)  and  overran  Annain.  But  the  war  which  he  began,  and 
tis  son  and  grandson  continued,  ruined  Nan-chao,  and  in  936 
A.D.,  after  some  ephemeral  dynasties  had  ruled  over  what  they 
called  the  ^reat  Ch*ang-ho  State,  the  great  T*ien-hing  State, 
and  the  great  i-ning  State,  a  Chinese  official  Twan  Sz-p'ing, 
who  may  have  been  semi-Shan,  established  himself  as  King  of 
Ta-li.  Mr.  Parker  says  *'  this  is  the  beginning  of  the  tributary 
"State  of  Ta-li.  It  must  be  mentioned,  however,  that  China 
"was  again  divided  into  two  empires.  First  the  Kitans  and  then 
"the  r^uchens  (ancestors  of  the  Manchus)  ruled  in  the  north, 
"  and  the  Sungs,  with  capital  at  Hangchow,  ruled  south  of 
"the  Yangtsze.  Hence  we  find  that  the  Russians  still  call  the 
"  Chinese  Kitai,  it  being  with  the  Kitan  dynasty  that  they  first 
"  had  relations.  Marco  Polo's  J/(7«.?/ is  the  Southern  Empire  of  the 
"  Sungs,  it  being  still  the  custom  fur  Northern  Chinese  to  apply  the 
"term  Man-lsz,  or  barbarians,  to  the  Southern.  This  epithet  no 
"  doubt  dates  from  the  time  when  the  Shans,  Annamese,  Miao-tsz, 
"&c.,  occupied  nearly  all  South  China,  for  it  is  essentially  to  the 
"  Indo-Chinese  that  the  term  Man-tsz  belongs." 

It  seems  certain  that  the  Nan-chao  Empire  now  split  into  two. 
At  any  rate  the  country  round  Ta-li  became  more  and  more  Chinese, 



while  the  western  portion,  which  is  no  doubt  the  Kingdom  of  Pong 
of  the  Manipur  Chronicle  and  of  the  list  of  his  conquests  made  by 
Anawra-hta,  remained  Shan  and  split  up  into  a  variety  nf  States, 
possibly  every  now  and  again  united  under  some  energetic  Saw' 
bwa  of  one  State  or  the  other.  Kublai  conquered  the  la-Ii  State 
in  1254  and  put  an  end  to  the  Twan  family.  He  put  the  King's 
Ministers  in  charge  with  the  title  of  Ssiian-fu-shih  or  pacificator, 
and  left  to  them  the  duty  of  subduing  the  neighbouring  tribes. 
This  seems  to  be  the  origin  of  the  similar  titles  now  bestowed  on  the 
Chinese-Shan  Saivbroas.  Mr,  Park(;r  says  "  This  brings  us  to  the 
"  period  whence  the  history  of  the  border  Sarobwas  begms.  Even 
*'now  the  southern  portions  of  Yunnan  are  in  part  administered  by 
"Shan  Sawbwas,  ,0V  by  Chinese  adventurers,  who  have  become 
"  Shans  in  character.  The  centre  of  Slian  power  was  slowly  but 
"  surely  driven  south.  As  Captain  Forbes  very  judiciously  suggests, 
"  '  previously  to  the  destruction  of  the  Pagan  monarchy  in  A.D.  1 284, 
*' '  theTai  race,  of  which  the  Shans  form  a  branch,  had  been  gradu- 
*"  ally  forced  out  of  their  original  seat  in  Yunnan  by  the  advance 
"'of  the  Chinese  power  under  the  great  Rmperor  Kublai  Khan. 
*' '  It  was  about  this  time  that  a  portion  of  the  race  formed  the  King- 
"  *  dom  of  Siam.*  Dicu  Van-tri,  the  Chief  of  the  Muong  Shans  (of 
"  Tong  King)  is  not  a  Shan,  but  a  Canton  Chinaman  named  Lo, 
"  who  still  iiolds  the  Ming  seal,  and  has  always  rejected  the  over- 
"  tures  of  the  Manchus.  The  name  Dieu  is  simply  the  surname 
"  Tao  given  by  the  Chinese," 

Among  the  early  pacificators  or  conciliators  was  the  Ssuan-fu- 
skill  of  Luhch'wan,  which  Mr.  Parker  thinks  was  "probably  the 
"  Chinese  name  for  the  Shan  Kingdom  of  P6ng,  for  many  P6ng 
"events  and  names  described  in  the  Manipur  Chronicles  tally,  ex- 
"  cept  as  to  date,  with  similar  events  and  names  described  in  the 
*'  Chinese  Chronicles  of  Luh-ch'wan,  which  State  then  included  the 
"  present  Chinese  5"rfS'^a'rtships  of  Lung-ch'wan  and  M6ng  Mao,  at 
"least,  if  not  more.     The  only  other  Chinese  protected  Sawhwa' 
"ship  which  dates  from  1260  is  that  of  Kan-ngai,  or  Kan-ngeh, 
"as  the  Mongol  history  writes   it.     Both  these  States  were  sub- 
"  ordinate   to   the    Mongol    Military    Governor   of    Kin-chi'ih,    or 
"'golden  teeth/  generally  and  probably  rightly  considered  to  be 
"the  Zardandan  of  Marco  Polo.     The  modern   Burmese-protected 
"Shan  Sawhwashi^  of  North  Hscn  Wi,  called  Muh-pang  by  the 
"Chinese,  also  submitted  to  the   Mongols,   who   passed    through 
"  it  on  their  road  to  attack  Annam.     It  becomes  a  question  whether 
"the  P6ng  State  of  the  Manipur  Chronicle  did  not  rather  refer  to 
"  Hsen    Wi,    which   originally   included    Meng*mih  or   Mong  Mit. 
"  Be  that  as  it  may,  during  Kublai's  reign  the  whole  of  the  Shan 
"  5tfw^3i;aships  included  between  Manipur  and  Annam  were  at  least 



"nominally  subject  to  the  Mongol  dynasty  of  China."  The 
disintegration  of  the  Shan  Kingdom  of  Nan-chao  open^^d  up  the 
way  to  Hurma  and  led  to  the  expeditions  which  resulted  in  the 
overthrow  of  the  Empire  of  Pagan  by  the  Chinese.  Mr.  Parker 
doubts  whether  the  Mongols  ever  got  to  Pagan,  srill  less  to  Tar6p- 
maw,  but  thinks  it  possible  thai  Shan  nuxiliaries  may  have  done  so. 
The  Hsen  Wi  Chronicle,  translated  above,  practically  says  that  this 
was  the  case. 

The  Shans  were  unable  to  hold  their  own  against  the  Chinese  or 
were  weary  of  the  constant  fighting  in  Nan-chao  and  so  spread 
south-east,  south,  and  south-west.  Thus  were  formed  the  various 
Lac  States,  Luang  Prabang,  Nan,  Chiengmai,  and  Ayuthia,  the 
capital  of  Siam  itself,  where  Paliegoix  places  the  commencement  of 
Shan  domination  or  occupation  in  A.D.  1350,  while  In  Burma  the 
Shans  established  Themselves  at  Pinya,  Myinzaing,  and  Sagaing 
in  addition  to  the  more  northerly  districts  which  had  probably 
always  been  within  their  territory.  The  Burmn,  that  is  to  say, 
the  country  ruled  by  the  Burmese  of  those  days,  was  a  petty  State, 
no  more  powerful  than  Pegu,  or  .'\s<;am,  and  certainly  not  to  be 
compared  with  the  Nan-chau  Kmpire.  At  the  same  time  that  the 
three  Shan  usurpers  displaced  the  Anawra-hta  dynasty  of  Pagan, 
another  Shan  adventurer  named  Magadu  from  Chiengmai  established 
himself  at  Martaban  as  King  VVareru  of  Pegu,  and  this  Wareru  dy- 
nasty maintained  itself  from  A.D.  1287  to  1540.  It  had  no  re- 
lations whatever  with  China,  but  seems  to  have  been  tributary  to 
the  Shans  of  Ayuthta,  that  is,  to  the  Siamese.  This  no  doubt  ac- 
counts for  the  statement  in  the  Hsen  VVi  Chronicle  that  Maw-la- 
myeng  was  a  tribuiar}^  State  of  the  Shans  of  the  north. 

Mr.  Parker  says  "  the  Shan  or  Thai  race  was  thus  in  the  thir- 
*'  teenth  centur)'  supreme  in  Siam,  and  nearly  all  over  Burma,  ex- 
"  cept  in  Taungu,  whither  a  large  number  of  discontented  Burmans 
*' took  refuge.  The  northernmost  Shan  States  were  at  the  same 
"  time,  at  least  nominally,  under  the  over-rule  of  the  Mongols  of 
"  China.  A  short  paragraph  in  the  history  of  the  Chinese  Ming 
"dynasty  (which  succeeded  the  Mongol  dynasty  in  1368)  says  that 
*'  the  Mongols  '  appointed  Comforters  of  Pangya  and  other  places 
"'in  1338,  but  withdrew  ihem  in  1342.'  Doubtless  this  means  that 
"both  the  Panya  and  Sagaing  houses  accepted  Mongol  vassal 
"  titles  for  a  short  pciiod.  Meantime  what  Colonel  Phayre  calls  the 
*' '  Mao  Shan  from  Mogaung '  carried  war  into  the  Panya  do- 
"  minions,  and  carried  off  the  king  (1364).  Colonel  Phayre  also 
"quotes  from  the  'Shan  Chronicle  discovered  by  Pemberton  at 
'"  Manipur  in  1835,*  an  event  'not  noticed  in  Burmese  history. 
"  'About  133a  a  dispute  arose  between  the  King  of  Pong  {so  the 



" '  Chief  of  Mogaung  is  termed)  and  the  Governor  of  Yunnan.  A 
"  '  Chinese  or  Mongol  army  invaded  the  country,  and  after  a  slrug- 
"'gle  of  two  years  the  capital  of  Mogaung  was  taken.  The  King 
"  '  Sungampha  flud  to  Sagaing,  and  on  demand  was  surrendered  to 
"  'the  Emperor  of  China.  The  sons  of  Sungampha  succeeded  to  their 
"  '  father's  kingdom.'  Here  again  we  shall  be  able  to  show  that 
"  Colonel  Phayre  has  been  misled  by  placing  too  much  faith  in  thie 
"Shan  Chronicles.  Not  only  does  Burmese  history  not  mention 
"any  such  event  at  that  date,  but  the  Mongol  history  fails  to  nien- 
"  tion  it  too,  though  we  have  seen  that  the  Mongols  had  officers 
"stationed  in  Burma  between  1338  and  1342.  The  fact  is  the 
"  Manipur  Chronicle  is  exactly  a  century  wrongand  the  whole  story 
"belongs  to  the  period  [432 — 1450.  '  Sungampha,  King  of  Mo- 
"  gaung '  was  really  Szjcn-fah,  Sa'ivb-wa  of  Luh-ch'wan.  The 
"Chinese  annals  of  Momien  gives  the  whole  storv  most  intelli- 
"gibly.  He  attacked  the^awia'rtships  of  Nantien,  Kan-ngai,  Mo- 
"  mien,  and  Lukiang,  in  consequence  of  the  Chinese  Ming  Emperor 
"  having  first  deprived  him  of  his  Chinese  vassal  title  for  impro- 
"  perly  fighting  with  Muh-pang  (Hscn  \Vi),  and,  having  next  placed 
"Luh-ch'wan  under  the  Chief  of  Mtng-yang  (to  which  probably 
"  M^ng-kung  or  Mogaung  then  as  afterwards  found  an  appendage) 
"  Sz-jen-fah,  i>.,  the  Phra  Sz-jen,  thereupon  took  possession  of 
"  Ming-yang.  He  apologized  in  1443,  but  the  Chinese  declined  to 
"compromise  and  demanded  hisextradition  from  Burma,  This  was 
"granted  in  exchange  for  the  promise  that  Meng  Yang  (Mohnyin) 
**  should  be  given  to  Burma." 

Mr,  Parker  is  certainly  right  as  to  the  date.  The  mistake  of 
Colonel  Phayre  arose  from  the  Shan  custom  of  counting  by  cycles^ 
(explained  above)  instead  of  by  era.  But  the  whole  story  is  told 
by  Ney  Elias  of  Chau  Ngan  Pha  of  Mong  Mao.  We  thus  have  a 
comparison  of  names:  Sungampha  is  Chau  Ngan  Pha  or  Sz-jen- 
fah  and  the  Hscn  \Vi  Chronicle  makes  him  Sao  or  Hso  Ngan 
Hpa,  while  the  Burmese  call  him  Tho  Ngan  Bwa.  Moreover,  the 
Kingdom  of  Pong  would  seem  to  be  a  convertible  title  for  Mogaung, 
for  Mong  Mao,  or  for  Mr.  Parker's  Luh-ch'wan.  The  conclusion  is 
irresistible  that  the  Kingdom  of  P6ng  was  a  general  title,  like 
Prester  John,  for  whatever  Shan  State  happened  to  be  most  power- 
ful or  most  prominent  for  the  moment.  Where  the  original  Kingdom 
of  Pong  was  ^unless  it  was  Nan-chao)  and  where  it  had  its  capital 
at  any  particular  time  can  apparently  only  be  ascertained  by  a 
coileclion  of  all  the  histories  of  the  greater  Shan  Stales  when 
these  can  be  obtained.  Mr.  Parker  practicallv  admits  this  when 
he  says  "  the  Pong  State  of  the  Manipur  Chronicle  was  more 
"probably    Luh-ch'wan    than    Muh-pang,    although     Muh-pang 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN   STATES  AND  THE  TAI. 

37 1 

"  (Hsen  Wi),  orMfingPang  is  to  the  ear  the  more  suggestive  name. 
"  Luh-ch'wan,  however,  is  a  purely  Chinese  designation,  and  it  is 
"quite  possible  that  il,  as  well  as  what  the  Chinese  call  Muh-pang, 
"was  included  in  the  region  called  P6ng  by  the  Manipur  Shans. 
"  At  any  rate  the  boundaries  of  the  then  Shan  States  were  bewilder- 
"  ing  and  Icaleidoscopic  in  their  changes.  Su-ngam  is  plainly  Ss-jen, 
"  the  characteryVM  having  still  the  power  Nyim  or  Ngiang  in  certain 
"  Chinese  dialects.  That  fah  means  pbra  {Hpa  in  Shan  ;  Btua  in 
''Burmese;  as  in  Sao-hpa,  5(77ri7t'ff)  is  plain :  firstly,  because  ihe 
"  Momien  annals  speak  elsewhere  of  a  Shan  Satshwa  arrogating  to 
"  himself  the  title  o\fah  and,  secondly,  because  other  Chinese  books 
"  speak  of  Sz-j^n,  Sz-ki,  and  Sz-puh  (which  it  may  be  noted  in  Shan 
"would  be  Sao  Ngan,  Sao  Hki,  and  Sao  Pu)  without  adding  the 
"  syllableyff//  at  all.  Finally,  Colonel  Phayre  tells  the  same  story 
"over  again  from  the  Burmese  history  under  date  1444,  where 
"5z-j6n  is  called  Tho  Ngan  Bwa,  Sawbtoa  of  Mogaung  (the 
"  Burmese  th  and  the  Shan  hs,  it  may  be  remarked,  are  identical 
"characters)  and  remarks  in  a  note:  'The  circumstances  here 
"  '  recorded  have  some  resemblance  to  the  events  of  A.D.  1332-33.'  " 

If  follows  therefore  that,  while  the  history  of  the  Shans  remains 
to  be  written,  the  history  of  Burma,  as  at  present  accepted,  requires 
a  certain  amount  of  emendation,  and  that  Chinese  contributions 
imply  such  mental  gymnastics  that  careful  editing  is  required. 
The  reference  of  the  Ming  history  to  Mien-chung  (Central  or 
Middle  Burma)  is  particularly  interesting,  since  it  shows  that  the 
Mien  State  of  those  times  was  a  mere  fragment  of  the  old  and 
independent  Mien  dominions  of  Anawra-lita  and  that  the  Shans 
were  the  dominant  power.  The  *'  Khun-mhaing-ngai  Shan  Chief 
"of  Un-Boung,"  whose  name  puzzles  Mr.  Parker  so  much,  was 
Hkun  Mong  Ngoi,  of  On  Pawng.  which  was  the  old  capital  of  the 
modern  State  of  Hsi  Paw.  Detalh  will  be  found  in  the  history  of 
Ong  Pawng  Hsi  Paw.  The  only  thing  that  is  clear  is  that  in  the 
hands  of  the  Shan  Chiefs  the  fragments  of  Burma  changed  rulers 
in  a  ivay  which  can  only  be  understood  when  more  materials  than 
are  at  present  available  are  gathered  together  and  tabulated. 

Mr.  Parker  has  thrown  much  light  on  the  history  of  the  Shans 
by  his  translations  (rem  the  Chinese.  If  it  be  granted  that  these 
annals  have  at  least  some  of  "  the  empty,  anachronous,  and  bom- 
"bastic  pride*'  with  which  he  so  sweepingly  charges  all  Burmese 
history  and  what  Shan  Chronicles  are  known,  it  may  be  possible  to 
construct  a  "less  hazy  and  mangled  account  of  the  rise  and  pro- 
"gress  of  Burma"  than  at  present  exists. 

His  conclusions  may  be  accepted :  "  The  Burma  df  the  Pvu  was 
"  at  first  under  the  tutelage  of  India,  subject  at  times  to  the  fitful 



"  military  domination  of  the  Shans.  After  a  brief  spurt  of  national 
"  g^oT  under  Anawia-hla  (or  Nawrat'a  Menzaw  as  he  is  also  called) 
"and  his  grandson  Alan£[sithu,  the  Burma  of  the  Mien  fell  under 
"  the  tutelage  of  China,  subject  again  at  times  to  the  occasional 
*'  military  domination  of  the  Shans.  A  second  spurt  of  patriotic 
"life  took  place  under  Tabeng  Shwe-t'i,  the  '  Brama  King  of 
"  Pegu,*  who,  though  of  Burmese  race,  was  a  product  of  Taungu, 
"and  was  not  of  the  ancient  royal  Burmese  lineage,  nor  were  ms 
"  successors  legitimately  born  to  him.  Then  followed  depopulating 
"wars  between  Peguans  and  Burmans,  with  Siam  and  the  other 
"  Shan  States,  with  Aracan,  Manipur,  &c.,  during  which  transition 
"  period  civih'zation  retrograded,  and  Europeans  began  to  intervene. 
"A  third  spurt  was  made  by  the  Alompra  family.  Chinese  in- 
"  fluence  was  gradually  thrown  off  under  the  Emperor  Tao-kwang, 
"though  it  is  true  complimentary  missions  were  sent  in  181 1, 
"  1820,  18.^0,  1833,  1834,  and  1843  and  British  tutelage  took  its 
"  turn.  Like  the  Chinese,  who,  with  intervals  of  national  dynasties 
"  under  the  families  of  Han,  T'ang,  and  Ming,  have  passed  haU 
**  their  time  under  Tartar  rule,  or  concurrently  with  it,  so  the  Burmese, 
"with  intervals  of  glory  under  the  Anawra'ta,  Tabeng  Shwe-t*i, 
"and  Alompra  houses,  have  passed  half  their  time  under  Shan 
"rule,  or  concurrently  with  it.  The  neighbouring  Hindoos, 
"  Annamese,  Cingalese,  Cambodians,  &c.,  have  been  snuffed  out  of 
"political  existence  in  common  with  Burma,  and  the  Shans  or 
"  Pais,  though  weakened  by  distribution  over  China,  Tong  King, 
"  British  Burma,  &c.,are  the  only  one  of  the  competing  races  in  the 
"peninsula  which  has  maintained,  under  the  name  we  give  them  of 
"  Siamese,  an  independent  political  existence  to  the  last." 

All  this  can  only  be  called  a  preparation  for  a  history  of  the  Tai 
race.  In  British  territory  apparently  no  rerords  exist.  All  have 
been  burnt.  It  is  possible  ihat  really  old  histories  may  yet  be 
found  in  the  Shan-Chinese  Slates.  Up  to  now  all  that  can  be  con- 
sidered to  be  established  is  that  the  Kingdoms  of  Nan-chao,  Pong, 
and  Mong  Mao  Ldng  are  different  names  for  the  same  empire  and 
that  the  Tai  race  came  very  near  to  being  the  predominant  power 
in  the  Further  East. 

The  relationship  of  the  Tai  to  the  Chinese  races  seems  un- 
mistakeable  and  appears  no  less  clearly  from 
their  personal  appearance  and  characteristics  than 
from  I  heir  language.  They  have  been  closely 
connected  with  the  Chinese  as  neighbours  and,  at  one  time  or 
another,  as  rivals  or  subjects  for  many  centuries ;  but  this  does  not 
seem  ennugli  to  accoutit  for  all  the  affinities  which  exist.  The 
research,  which  has  not  been  long  begun,  points  distinctly  to  the 

Tai  racial  charac- 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN    STATES  AND   THE  TAI. 


fact  that  the  Chinese  and  the  Tai  belong  to  a  family  of  which  the 
Chinese  are  the  most  prominent  representatives.  Physical  resem- 
blances are  most  conspicuous  among  the  Tai  Hki,  the  Shan  Chinese, 
who  are  nearest  to,  and  perhaps  in,  the  home  of  the  whole  race, 
but  they  are  carried  on  through  those  of  the  Tai,  who  have  been 
most  influenced  by  the  Burmans,  to  the  Lao  and  Lu,  whom  the 
M6n  races  have  affected,  down  to  the  Siamese  who  have  been 
modified  by  the  Cambodians.  Since  the  Mon  and  the  Karen  are 
also  nearer  or  farther  relations,  the  greatest  divergences  should 
appear  among  the  Burmese  Shans.  But  even  among  them  type  of 
face,  shape  of  eyes,  and  complexion  all  point  to  an  affinity  with  China. 

Mere  similarities  of  words  do  not  prove  race  descent,  but  they 
help  towards  it.  It  is  not  enough  to  say  that  Afa  both  in  Chinese 
and  Shan  means  horse,  that  p'ing  and  ping  mean  level,  tsao  and 
sao  early,  liang  and  ling  light  as  day,  and  that  wan  means 
bowl  in  both  languages,  or  that  the  Chinese  chih  is  very  like  the 
Shan  word  se  for  paper,  and  that  kuan  and  hkun  mean  practically 
the  same  thing,  nor  is  the  fact  that  six  out  of  the  ten  primary 
numerals  in  Tai  and  Chinese  are  very  nearly  the  same,  necessarily 
conclusive.  Nor  is  it  enough  to  quote  Monsieur  Terrien  when  he 
says  that  the  proportion  of  the  respective  loan  words  between  "  the 
Taic  languages  "  and  Mandarin  or  Standard  Chinese  reaches  a  total 
of  three  hundred  and  twenty-five  out  of  one  thousand  words  which  he 
compared.  But  when  we  find  that  in  addition  to  this  the  grammati- 
cal structure  of  sentences  in  Chinese  and  in  the  Tai  languages  is 
the  same  and  quite  different  from  that  of  Burmese  and  the  Thibeto- 
Burman  languages  generally,  there  is  strong  presumptive  proof  of 
relationship.  The  place  of  the  object  of  the  verb  and  of  the 
possessive  in  Shan  are  identical  with  the  Chinese  instead  of  being 
inverted  as  in  Burmese.  Moreover,  the  use  of  couplet  words  of 
related  meanings  used  together  is  characteristic  both  of  Chinese 
and  of  the  Tai  languages.  In  these  phonetic  couplets  one  word 
has  the  dominant  meaning  and,  as  Dr.  Cushing  saySj  the  other 
word  seems  to  be  a  shadow  word  used  for  the  sake  of  euphony. 
Thus  the  Chinese  say  lu'dao  for  a  road,  and  the  Tai  tang-ksin, 
where  /m  and  tang  are  the  words  with  the  inherent  meaning.  Dr. 
Cushing*s  opinion  is  that  "  these  shadow  words  (in  Shan)  are  pro- 
"  bably  words  emptieSof  their  ancient  signification,  for  some  of  them 
"are  found  to  be  in  use  in  Chinese  dialects,  where  they  have  the 
*'  same  meaning  as  the  substantial  word  in  the  Shan  phonetic  coup- 
"  let.  Thus  ka  in  Shan  means  '  to  be  shiny  *  and  the  phonetic 
"couplet  is  ka-ki.  In  Shan  ki  has  no  apparent  meaning,  whereas 
"  in  Chinese  ki  has  the  meaning  '  to  be  shiny.'  "  When  all  these 
points  of  similarity  are  taken  into  account,  the  conclusion  that 



t^i  tto»ER  B'UlCsiX  GAZETTEER.  [CHAP.  V|. 

Chinese  and  Tai  are  sister  languages  is  irresistible.  Whether 
Karen  and  M6n-khmer  will  also  turn  out  to  have  been  derived  front 
the  same  common  stock  is  not  so  clear,  bat  it  seems  very  probable. 

The  country  between  Assam  and  China  is  the  point  from  which 

„.    „^         __        a  number  of  ereat  rivers  start  southwards  in  paral- 
The  Shan  country.        •  .  .    r     .       ■  i  • 

'        lei   courses,  at  hrst  within  a  very  narrow  span 

of  longitude,  and  afterftards  spreading  out  into  a  fan  which  covers 
the  country  from  the  Yellow  Sea  to  the  Bay  of  Bengal.  They  all 
ran  in  deep  narrow  rifts,  and  the  ridges  which  separate  them  continue 
to  run  southwards  almost  as  far  as  the  rivers  themselves  and  in  chains 
almost  as  sharply  defined  as  the  river  channels.  These  mountain 
ranges  widen  out  as  the  river  valleys  widen,  and  lose  their  height 
as  tributary  streams  break  them  up  into  herring-bone  spines  and 
spurs,  but  they  still  preserve  the  same  north  and  south  direction, 
though  here  and  there  they  re-enter  and  form  the  series  of  flat- 
bottomed  valleys,  or  wide  straths  whicli  make  up  the  Shan  States. 
Of  all  the  rivers  the  Salween  most  steadily  presents  its  original 
character  and  flows  swiftly  through  a  deep  narrow  gorge  between 
high  ranges  from  its  source  till  it  reaches  the  plain  land  which  it 
has  itself  piled  up  over  the  sea  in  the  course  of  ages. 

It  runs  nearly  through  the  centre  of  the  British  Shan  States  and 
they  are  situated  towards  the  fringe  and  nearly  in  the  centre  of  the 
fan,  which  has  for  its  ribs  the  Brahmaputra,  the  Irrawaddy,  the 
Salween,  the  Mfekhong,  and  the  Yang-tze.  The  Salween  with  its 
mountain  banks  has  always  formed  a  serious  barrier,  so  that  the 
branches  of  the  Tai  race  on  either  side  differ  in  dialect,  in  name,  and 
even  in  written  character,  but  their  general  features  differ  no  more 
than  the  appearance  of  the  country,  which  is  simply  a  plateau  rough- 
ened by  mountain  chains  splitting  upland  running  into  one  anothef; 
while  still  preserving  their  north  and  south  tendency.  The  gen- 
eral height  of  the  plateau  is  between  2,000  and  3,000  feet,  but 
the  cross  ridges  and  the  drainage  cut  it  up  into  a  series  of  val- 
leys or  plains,  some  long  and  narrow,  some  rounded  like  a  cup' 
some  flattened  like  a  saucer,  some  extensive  enough  to  suggest  the 
Irrawaddy  valley  on  a  miniature  scale.  It  is  no  doubt  this  physical 
character  of  the  country  which  has  affected  the  national  character 
and  has  prevented  the  Tai  from  living  at  peace  with  one  another 
and  uniting  to  resist  the  encroachment  of  ambitious  neighbours, 
It  also  made  obvious  and  easy  for  the  conqueror  the  old  maxim 
divide  et  impera^  the  more  so  since  the  hills  everywhere  are  in- 
habited by  various  tribes  all  more  or  less  wild, 

The  Tai  are  seldom  found  awav  from  the  alluvial  basins  an(J  do 
not  look  upon  themselves  as  a  hill  people  at  all.     The  larger  plains 

CHAP.  VI.l 



are  intersected  with  irrigation  canals,  while  in  the  smaller  the 
streams  are  diverted  by  dams  into  channels  which  water  the  slopes, 
or  bamboo  wheels  are  used  where  die  river-hanks  are  high  and  th6 
extent  of  flat  land  justifies  it.  Everywhere  the  cultivation  is  more 
careful  and  laborious  than  in  Burma,  and  in  many  places  cold  sea- 
son crops,  such  as  tobacco  and  ground-nuts,  are  grown.  The  most 
extensive  rice-plains  are  those  of  Mong  Nai,  Lai  Hka,  Hsen  Wi,  and 
"Vawnghwe,  and  there  are  many  other  States,  where  though  the 
area  is  smaller  there  is  wet  cultivation  far  beyond  the  needs  of  the 
working  capacity  of  the  population. 

In  some  parts,  as  in  the  Myelat,  parts  of  Mong  Nawng  and  Kehsi 
Mansam  and  in  South  Hsen  vVi  State  east  of  Loiling,  comparatively 
tdry  uplands  have   been  cultivated  so  regularly  and  for  so  many 
[years  that  hardly  a  tree  is  to  be  seen  except  in  the  village  enclo- 
sures and  about   the  religious   buildings.     Here,   except   in   rare 
fsirips  along  the  banks  of  the  streams,  the  cultivation  is  all  dry, 
what  is  called  hai'm  Shan  and  taungya  in  Burmese,  and  the  same 
hai  cultivation  is  practised   on  the   hill  slopes.     In  such   places, 
though  rice  is  usually  the   chief  crop,  cotton,  various  leguminous 
crops,  ground-nuts,  and  the  like,  are  largely  grown.     Chillies,  onions 
and  such  products  attract  the  attention  ofsome  districts,  sugar- 
cane, as  in  the  Yawnghwe  neighbourhood,  of  others,  while  the  tobacco 
of  the  Lang  K6  valley  in  the  Mawkmai  State  is  celebrated  through- 
out the  hills.     In  Loi  L6ng  Tawng  Peng  very  little,  but  tea  is  grown, 
and  this  is  also  the   main   cultivation  of  the  Pet  Kang  district  of 
Kcng  Tung  and  of  a  few  circles  elsewhere. 

Everywhere  there  are  large  numbers  of  cattle,  and  it  seems  pro- 
bable that  some  of  the  more  easterly  Cis-Salween  States,  wnere 
there  is  much  grazing  country,  will  devote  themselves  more  and 
more  to  cattle-breeding.  Buffaloes  are  chiefly  used  for  agricultural 
work  and  bullocks  as  transport  animals.  Some  areas,  such  as  the 
Myelat,  Kehsi  Mansam,  Tang  Yan,  and  Mong  Keng  arc  full  of  cara- 
van traders,  and  they  outnumber  the  agriculturists  pure  and  simple, 
but  there  are  pack-bullock  owners  in  all  parts  and  agriculture  is  the 
general  industry.  The  manufacture  of  coarse  paper  from  the  bark, 
and  of  pottery  of  al!  kinds,  whert:  the  soil  is  favourable,  occupy  the 
inhabitants  of  whole  districts  here  and  there.  Thus,  though  nee  is 
grown  everywhere,  it  is  very  unequally  distributed  and  there  is  con- 
sequently a  very  considerable  carrying  trade  within  the  limits  of  the 
■Shan  States  themselves  as  well  as  with  the  plains  of  Burma.  No 
caravan  is  allowed  to  enter  Loi  L6ng  Tawng  Peng  which  does  not 
bring  an  amount  of  rice  proportionate  to  the  number  of  pack-bullocks 
and,  though  the  rule  is  not  so  strict  in  the  tobacco-growing  Lang 
Kd  valley,  or  in  the  paper  manufacturing  tracts  of  Keng  Lon  in 



Mong  Nai,  motives  of  self-interest  practically  impose  it  upon  the 
caravan  traders. 

In  the  deep  narrow  valleys  of  tributaries  of  the  Salireen  there  are 
many  orange  groves.  The  most  noted,  however,  are  those  of  Kantu 
L6ng  {Kaaug)'i)  in  the  Mawk  Mai  Siate,  where  the  fruit  has  a  size 
and  a  flavour  uneoualted  not  only  in  the  Shan  States,  but  in  the  most 
famous  groves  of  Senile,  or  Florida,  or  of  China.  Otherwise  the 
country  is  poor  in  fruit,  though  the  mangoes  of  Mawk  Mai  are 
almost  equal  to  those  of  Mandalay.  Peaches,  plums,  pears,  cher- 
ries, and  apples  grow  wild,  but  they  are  seldom  eatable  and  never 
good.  At  heights  of  3,500  feet  and  upwards  raspberries  grow 
abundantly  and,  after  a  few  showers  of  rain,  will  bear  comparison 
with  those  grown  in  English  gardens.  Blackberries  are  found,  but 
are  verv  woody.  The  walnuts  in  the  Shan  Slates  mostly  come 
from  China,  but  there  is  at  least  one  large  walnut  forest  in  the  Wa 
States,  on  the  western  slope  of  Nawng  Hkeo  hill. 

Much  valuable  timber  exists  in  the  forests  of  Karenni  and  in  the 
States  of  Mawk  Mai,  Kcng  Tawng,  Mong  Pan,  Lawk  Sawk,  Hsi  Paw, 
and  in  Mong  Pu,  but  the  teak  has  been  worked  in  the  most  ruinous 
way,  so  that  in  some  places  the  forests  are  permanently  mined  and 
in  others  the  British  occupation  came  barely  in  time  to  save  them. 
Most  of  the  other  timber  is  only  used  locally  and  cannot  be  export- 
ed at  a  profit.  Of  forest  produce  stlck-lac  is  the  chief.  Cutch  is 
hardly  boiled  except  on  the  western  fringe  bordering  on  Burma. 
Since  the  British  occupation  the  cultivation  of  potatoes  has  been 
greatly  extended  and  improved  in  the  Southern  Shan  States  and  the 
growth  of  wheat  has  been  begun  by  Mr.  Hlldebrand,  As  roads  are 
improved  and  extended  and  markets  opened,  both  of  these  promise 
to  bring  much  money  into  the  States.  At  present  the  cost  of  car- 
riage hampers  their  development. 

The  great  majority  of  the  tribes  on  the  hills  only  grow  hill-rice 

for  their  own  eating,  but  some  of  them  cultivate 
Crop* of  ihc  hill     cotton  for  export  and  all  of   them  grow    poppy. 

Opium  is  not  grown  for  sale,  west  of  the  Salween, 
except  on  Loimaw  in  South  Hsen  VVi  and  a  few  other  circles,  but 
east  of  the  river  the  district  of  Kokang  grows  a  very  great  deal  and 
enormous  quantities  are  produced  in  the  Wa  States  and  among  the 
Northern  La'hu.  The  wild  Wa  live  chiefly  on  beans,  the  La'hu  on 
maize  and  buck-wheat,  and  the  Mung  on  Indian-corn.  Any  rice 
they  grow  is  for  the  manufacture  of  liquor.  In  the  more  settled 
parts  the  hillmen  grow  a  good  deal  of  cotton  for  export,  but  most 
of  them  are  content  with  growing  enough  of  this,  or  of  vegetables, 
tobacco,  or  surplus  opium  to  supply  themselves  with  salt,  beyond 
which  they  want  little  from  the  outside  world.     None,  except  the 

Chap,  vi.]   the  shan  states  and  the  tai. 


Kachins  here  and  there,  own  pack  cattle  and  they  never  go  beyond 
the  local  market  at  the  foot  of  their  hills  and  there  frequently  not 
oftener  than  once  in  the  month.  A  few  of  the  nearer  Kachins  own 
a  pack  bullock  or  two  and  travel  considerable  distances,  but  other- 
wise none  of  the  mountain  people  show  trading  instincts. 

The  Shans  on  the  other  hand  are  great  traders,  but  usually  only 
_,         ,  on  a  very  petty  scale,  partly  from  want  of  capital 

Shan  trade.  j      i  ■   n      i  ^-i         •.  *.  i 

and  chiefly  because  until  quite  recent  years  the 

roads  were  either  very  unsafe  or  were  so  burdened  with  tolls  and 
exactions  that  profit  was  nearly  impossible.  Since  the  pacification 
of  the  country  the  volume  of  traffic  has  steadily  increased  and  pro- 
mises to  become  very  considerable.  Under  native  rule  the  Natteik 
pass  and  the  Hsum  Hsai,  Hsi  Paw,  Hsen  Wi  tracks  were  the  chief 
trade  routes,  but  there  were  a  number  of  other  smaller  passes  used 
all  along  the  line  of  hills  from  Bharao  to  Toungoo.  Many  of  these 
were  execrably  bad,  but  they  were  used  to  avoid  the  extortions  of 
the  Burmese  officials.  When  the  demands  became  very  great  on 
one  route  it  was  disused  for  a  season  or  two  and  the  caravans  went 
some  other  way. 

Since  the  opening  of  the  railway  to  Mandalay  and  the  construc- 
tion of  cart-roads  from  Meiktila  to  the  headquarters  of  the  Southern 
Shan  States  and  from  Mandalay  to  Lashio,  these  Government  roads 
attract  all  but  the  purely  local  traffic,  and  are  constantly  used  except 
when  the  rains  make  them  impassable.  The  chief  exports  are  pickl- 
ed and  dry  tea,  bullocks,  ponies,  skins,  horns,  crude  sugar,  leaves 
for  cheroot  wrappers,  potatoes,  lac,  and  a  variety  of  fruit  and  other 
miscellaneous  articles.  The  imports  are  chiefly  cotton  and  silk 
piece-goods,  yarn,  twist,  salt  and  salted-fish,  betel-nuts,  brass  and 
'Other  metals,  and  earth-oil. 

Caravans  go  down  to  the  plains  from  all  parts  of  the  Cis-Salween 
States.  The  country  beyond  that  river  is  usually  served  by  an  en- 
tirely different  series — some  belonging  to  the  west,  some  to  the  east 
of  the  Salween.  The  only  caravans  which  go  all  the  way  through 
are  those  of  Chinamen  and  Hui  Huij  who  use  pack  mules  and 
therefore  go  much  faster  and  farther.  Some  of  these  are  settled 
in  the  Shan  States  at  Pang  Long,  Loi  Maw,  Kehsl  Mansam, 
Na  wng  Wawn,  and  other  places  ;  but  the  majority  of  them  lie  up  for 
the  rains  in  different  parts  of  Yunnan.  Parties  of  konhap^  pedlars 
or  hucksters,  go  in  larger  or  smaller  companies,  not  only  over  all  the 
British  Shan  States,  but  to  Nan,  Hpr^,  and  other  of  the  Siamese 
Shan  States,  and  at  one  time  many  went  as  far  as  Luang  Prabang 
(Mong  Long  Pa  Wang).  Latterly,  however,  French  bureaucracy 
has   frightened   them  out  of  this.     The  trading    instinct  is  very 



Strong  and  will  inevitably  bring  much  more  money  into  the  country 
than  would  be  possible  if  the  people  were  purely  agricultural. 

Coal  has  been  found  in  many  places  in  both  the  Southern  and 
„.       J  Northern  Shan  States,  but  as  far  as  has  yet  been 

ascertained  most  of  the  fields  are  of  poor  quality 
and  in  fact  it  would  appear  rather  to  be  lignite  than  coal.  The 
researches  made  as  yet  have  been,  however,  rather  superficial  and 
limited,  and  it  is  possible  that  when  the  Mandalay-Salween  Railway 
is  opened,  the  Lashio  and  Nam  Ma  seams  will  be  found  to  be  more 
valuable  than  at  present  is  thought.  Lead  is  worked  in  Maw  Son 
and  Kyauk  Tat  in  the  Myelat  and  at  many  other  places,  notably 
at  Kat  Maw  near  Takut.  Silver  is  also  abundant.  Thq  great 
Bawdwingyi  mines  in  Tawng  Pen^  have  been  unworked  for  over  a 
generation,  but  there  are  very  rich  mines  in  the  Nam  Hka  valley  in 
the  Wa  country  and  silver  ornaments  are  universal  and  abundant 
all  over  the  hills.  Gold  is  washed  in  very  many  streams,  but  so  far 
no  specially  rich  deposits  have  been  discovered.  There  are  tour- 
maline mines  in  Mong  Long,  but  they  are  not  formally  worked,  and 
the  rubies  found  there  and  in  the  Nam  Mao  (Shweh)  are  of  poor 
colour  and  size. 

The  great  number  of  ruined  cities  and  the  wide  extent  of  ground 
Old  T  •  t  I  which  these  covered  show  that  at  one  time  the 
Shan  States  must  have  been  very  much  more  po- 
pulous and  more  prosperous  than  they  are  now.  The  number  of 
them  is  partly  accounted  for  by  the  Indo-Chinese  habit  of  having 
a  new  capital  for  every  ruler  of  particular  note  or  energy,  or  for  a 
new  dynasty.  A  reference  to  the  Hseii  Wi  Chronicle  will  show  that 
even  in  comparatively  recent  times  the  capital  was  frequently  chang- 
ed. But  it  is  ihe  oldest  cities  which  were  the  largest  in  extent  and  the 
most  formidably  defended.  The  situation  of  these  seems  to  show 
the  line  of  Tai  movement  and  the  places  which  they  held  in  the 
days  of  their  independence.  Thus  they  are  frequent  in  the  North- 
ern Shan  States  in  many  parts  of  Hscn  Wi.  It  will  suffice  to  men- 
tion Sh  Lan,  Pang  Hkam,  Mong  Si,  Wing  Sang,  on  which  Mong 
Yaw  now  stands,  and  Wing  Hpai,  where  the  ramparts,  hundreds 
of  years  old,  were  still  strong  enough  to  keep  out  the  Hsi  Paw 
Sawb-wa^s  robber  bands  in  1887.  The  line  of  them  then  rather 
trends  to  the  south-eastward.  There  are  a  few,  but  not  so  many, 
in  the  Southern  Shan  States.  Near  the  SaUveen  the  nature  of  the 
country  contracts  them  to  mountain  fastnesses  rather  than  walled 
cities,  but  towards  the  Mfekhong  they  again  appear,  some  of  them 
in  the  depths  of  almost  impenetrable  jungle  like  Wing  Kfe  on 
the  Nam  K6k,  others  hidden  in  seas  of  elephant  grass  like  Chieng 

CHAP.  VI.]      tHK  Siikii  STX-rkfe  Xnij  tkz  tai.  279 

Hsen,  until,  in  the  Siamese  Shan  States,  they  become  as  numerous 
as  they  are  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Nam  Niao. 

There  is  nothing  so  tantalizing  as  the  absolute  ignorance  of  the 
people  as  to  everything  but  the  names  of  these  ancient  cities,  and 
nothing  that  is  so  calculated  to  excite  despair  as  to  the  possibility 
of  writing  a  history  of  the  Tju.  In  the  midst  of  a  forest,  which 
might  almost  be  called  primeval,  the  traveller  comes  upon  a 
vallum,  on  which  there  are  trees  of  8,  12,  15  feet  girth.  Exami- 
nation shows  that  it  encloses  a  space  from  half  a  mile  to  a  mile 
and  a  half  square  and  that  round  the  outside  runs  a  moat  15  feet 
or  more  wide  and  10  feet  deep,  but  filled  now  with  great  forest 
growth  or  cane-brake,  instead  of  water.  The  mouldered  rampart 
IS  10  to  20  feet  hif;h  and  must  have  taken  thousands  of  men 
years  to  build  up.  Yet  now  there  is  absolutely  nothing  inside  it,  but 
blank  jungle,  unless  other  ridges  show  that  there  was  an  inner  city, 
or  that  the  whole  was  divided  into  three  compartments,  as  seems  to 
have  frequently  been  the  case.  Here  and  there  a  tumulus  suggests 
that  there  may  have  been  a  brick  building,  a  palace,  or  a  pagoda, 
or  a  refuge  tower,  but  the  pipul  trees  have  strangled  it  and  the 
white-ants  have  covered  it  with  earth.  It  is  possible  that  some  of 
these  may  have  been  like  the  woodland  fastnesses  of  the  Cells,  which 
Caesar  describes  in  Britain,  designed  to  afford  the  people  a  retreat 
and  protection  for  themselves  and  their  flocks  in  times  of  invasion, 
but  it  seems  more  probable,  in  the  absence  of  all  reference  to  such 
works,  that  they  were  really  once  cities.  Nothing  can  be  more 
complete  than  the  effacement  of  all  trace  of  human  dwellings  in 
Chieng  Hsen  and  S^  Lan,  which  we  know  to  have  been  powerful 

Some  of  these  monuments  to  the  vanity  of  human  wishes  have 
not  even  names  of  their  own  now.  Of  others  it  is  said  that  they 
were  Chinese  cities,  which  we  know  from  the  business-like,  if  vain- 
glorious, Chinese  annals  to  be  quite  untrue.  The  Lao  of  the  Sia- 
mese Shan  States  are  particularly  fond  of  ascribing  their  erection  to 
the  Lawa.  The  wild  Wa  are  undeniably  skilled  in  defensive  forti- 
fication of  a  kind,  but  it  is  of  an  entirely  different  character.  The 
commonest  answer,  however,  is  that  the  constructors  were  the  nagas^ 
"  Gorgons  and  hydras  and  chimaeras  dire."  Where  the  ruins  are 
not  more  than  a  couple  of  centuries  old  and  are  admittedly  Tai,  all 
that  one  can  learn  is  that  they  have  not  been  inhabited  for,  say.  fifty 
generations,  and  that  they  were  depopulated  during  the  wars.  As 
the  Burmese  overran  the  country  they  took  care  to  demolish  the 
walled  cities,  and  practically  the  only  one  which  remains  in  the  Bri- 
tish Shan  Slates  is  that  of  K€ng  Tiing,  which  is  not  very  old  and 
id  distinctly  dilapidated. 



The  S  o  u  t  hern 
Shan  States. 

In  what  is  for  administrative  purposes  called  the  Southern  Shan 
States,  Burmese  suzerainty  was  enforced  From  a 
much  earlier  date  than  in  the  Northern  Shan  States 
charge.  In  fact  it  seems  by  no  means  impossible 
that  the  M6n,  or  the  Burmese,  held  the  Southern  Shan  States 
before  there  were  any  Tai  there.  All  the  Southern  States, 
where  they  have  histories  at  all,  refer  to  a  time  when  ihey  got 
their  Saivbwas  from  the  north,  mostly  from  Mon^  Mit,  that  is  to  say, 
from  some  part  or  other  of  the  Nam  Mao  Tai  Kingdom.  The  con- 
jecture may  therefore  be  hazarded  that  the  Tai  only  came  to  the 
south  to  the  States  of  Lai  Hka,  Mong  Nai,  Yawng  Hwe,  and  so 
forth  after  the  Kingdom  of  Ta-li  was  broken  up  by  Kublai  Khan. 
Their  traditional  histories  all  refer  rather  to  visits  in  Sekya  Hpaung- 
daw,  aerial  barges  and  what  not,  of  Pe^uan  or  Pagan  Kings,  than 
to  the  Ilkun  Lu  and  Hkun  Lai,  the  Hfao-mongy  and  the  like  of  the 
Northern  States-  Where  they  have  any  history  at  all,  the  earlier 
portion  is  all  taken  up  with  Burma  rather  than  with  the  region  we 
know  the  Tai  race  came  from,  until  the  time  when  the  Mao  Shans,  or 
their  tributaries,  or  offshoots,  the  Mogaung  and  Mohnyin  Sawdwas, 
conquered  Upper  Burma  and  ruled  there  as  kings  for  a  time.  It  is 
precisely  at  this  period  that  we  find  Saw 6was  coming  from  the  north 
to  the  Southern  States,  Theuld  families  are  said  to  have  died  out, 
or  intrigue  at  Ava  imposed  a  new  line,  or  there  were  matrimonial  alli- 
ances ;  any  sort  of  a  tale  is  told  except  what  seems  possibly  the  true 
one,  that  the  Tai  only  came  south  in  force  at  this  time.  This  may  be 
only  conjecture,  but,  if  it  is  not  the  case,  the  singularity  of  the  facts 
will  have  to  be  proved  by  details  which  are  not  yet  availatle.  Who 
were  the  aborigines  of  these  Southern  States  if  this  theory  is  correct 
is  no  less  of  a  puzzle,  but  the  balance  of  probability  seems  to  be  that 
they  were  Karens.  If  further  investigation  proves  that  the  Cambo- 
dians, the  Hka  Muk,  the  Wa,  Palaung,  and  cognate  tribes  are  of  the 
Mon  race  which  has  been  asserted,  then  this  race  may  have  been  the 
predecessors  of  the  Tai.  But  it  seems  more  probable  that  the 
Karens  were  displaced  by  the  Shans.  The  presence  of  the  Red 
Karens  and  the  Taunglhu  seems  to  point  to  this  and  especially 
the  conflicting  traditions  of  the  latter.  The  people  of  Thatdn  in 
Lower  Burma  relate  that  they  came  from  a  place  of  that  name  in 
the  hills.  The  Taunglhu  of  Hsa  Htung  (the  Tai  form  of  Thaton) 
say  they  came  from  Tenasserim.  Both  may  be  right.  The 
Karens  may  have  been  driven  south  by  the  Talaing  or  Burraan 
Kings  and  later  may  have  rc-colonized  their  original  home  or  rein- 
forced the  remnant  that  remained  there. 

However  that  may  be,  it  is  quite  indisputable  that  the  Kings  of 
Burma  received  tribute  and  controlled  successions  in  the  Southern 



Shan  States  long  before  they  had  any  permanent  control  in  Hsen 
Wi,  where  their  first  exercise  of  authority  was  no  earlier  than 
A.  D.  1604  or  1605,  when  the  Mao  Shan  Kingdom  came  lo  an  end. 
From  that  lime  ihe  Tai  were  never  free  from  Burman  interference, 
however  little  the  suzerainty  may  have  been  ac- 
n  B  c  a  y  irf  Siian  knowledged  in  the  remoter  States  to  be  of  prac- 
'*'*^*^*  tical  effect.     In  the  Southern  States  it  very  soon 

became  an  active  and  oppressive  reality,  dwindling  gradually  to  the 
eastward  and  to  the  north-east,  but  for  manv  years  constantly 
creeping  on,  notwithstanding  the  enterprise  of  the  Chinese  from  the 
other  side.  In  these  three  centuries  at  any  rate,  the  power  and 
prosperity  of  the  Tai  principalities  steadily  declined.  They  were 
worn  down  not  only  by  the  aggression  and  rapacity  of  the  Burmese 
and  Chinese,  and  by  the  intestine  wars,  in  which  there  is  abundant 
proof  that  they  always  indulged,  but  by  the  advances  of  the  Kachins. 
Whether  these  hillmen  were  crushed  out  by  the  Chinese,  or  whether 
over-population  forced  them  to  migrate,  it  is  certain  that  for  the  last 
two  centuries  they  also  have  passed  south-eastwards  and  have  driven 
the  Tai  from  much  territory  between  China  Proper  and  Burma, 
until  Shan  names  of  mountains,  streams,  and  villages  are  the  only 
remaining  witnesses  of  former  occupation.  The  once  powerful 
States  west  of  the  Irrawaddy  now  only  possess  a  mea^e  and  much 
Burmanized  population,  while  the  border  principalities  to  the  east 
from  Hsum  Hsai  to  Yawng  Hwe,  and  in  a  lesser  degree  even  to 
Mong  Nai,  have  suffered  almost  as  much  from  the  deliberate  policy 
of  the  Burmese  Kings  and  have  only  survived  because  they  had  the 
mass  of  their  fellow-countrymen  behind  thorn- 
No  connected  history  of  these  two,  or  two  and  a  half  centuries 
can  be  written  because  there  was  no  cohesion  or  connection.  What 
details  have  survived  must  be  picked  out  under  the  heads  of  the 
various  States.  The  Burmese  policy  was  not  by  any  means  direct- 
ed to  maintain  peace  and  quietness.  The  sons  or  brothers  of  the 
ruling  SawlfTvas  v^tre  always  kept  at  the  Avan  Court,  not  only  as 
hostages  for  the  good  behaviour  of  the  Chief  of  the  State,  but  that 
they  might  be  reared  under  Bunnan  Influence  and  withdrawn  from 
sympathy  with  those  of  their  own  race,  so  that  when  they  in  time 
came  to  rule,  their  loyalty  to  the  suzerain  might  be  ensured  ;  more- 
over,  the  policy  was  to  foster  feuds  between  the  different  Sawhwas^ 
and  rival  aspirants  were  left  to  settle  their  claims  lo  the  succession 
in  a  State  by  force  of  arms.  The  victorious  claimant  might  be 
confirmed  as  Sawtwa  by  Royal  patent,  but  he  would  not  be,  unless 
he  was  able  to  pay  for  it,  and  when  the  civil  war  was  over,  his  forces 
were  too  exhausted  to  permit  him  to  resist  Burman  demands. 
If  a  Chief  seemed  so  prosperous  that  he  might  become  impatient 



of  Burman  control,  conspiracies  were  fostered  against  him.  Such 
troubles  were  easily  managed  among  a  hot-tempered  people,  such 
as  most  hillmen  are.  There  was  probably  never  a  time  when  the 
gates  of  the  temple  of  Janus  were  closed,  when  there  was  peace  in 
all  the  Shan  States.  Consequently  there  were  permanent  bands  of 
marauders  or  dacoits,  collected  from  all  parts,  who  were  always 
ready  to  take  the  opportunity  for  indiscriminate  plunder  which  the 
disturbed  condition  of  some  State  might  offer.  In  this  way  it  was 
not  uncommon  for  a  prosperous  and  populous  district  to  be  utterly 
deserted  for  a  time  owing  to  these  internal  troubles,  and  the  State 
of  Hsen  Wi,  which  till  the  middle  of  the  century  was  the  most 
powerful  of  the  States,  is  the  most  notable  example.  Besides  all 
this,  or  rather  in  consequence  of  all  this,  there  were  frequent,  more 
or  less  extensive,  rebellions  against  the  royal  authority,  Some  of 
these  were  soon  put  down.  Some,  like  that  in  Hsen  Wi,  dragged 
on  for  years.  The  extraordinary  thing  was,  and  it  was  pointed  to 
as  the  justification  of  the  Burman  policy,  that  other  States  always 
willingly  supplied  armed  contingents  to  suppress  the  rebel  for  the 
time  being.  Such  risings  were  always  put  down  in  the  same  way. 
Towns  and  villages  were  ruthlessly  burnt  and  everything  portable 
was  carried  off.  It  is  little  wonder  therefore  that  the  greatest  of  the 
modern  Shan  capitals  would  hardly  form  a  bazaar  suburb  to  one  of 
the  old  walled  cities. 

The  chief  seat  of  Burmese  administration  m  the  Shan  States  was 
Burmeae    adminis-     at    Mong    Nai   and    the  title    of   the    Burmese 
traiive  system.  Resident     was     Bo'kmu  Mintha,   but    he  was 

seldom,  if  ever,  in  permanent  residence.  Dr.  Richardson,  who  visit- 
ed the  Shan  States  in  1837,  gives  the  following  account  of  the 
system  {Parliamentary  Papers,  1869,  under  date  in  the  Journal 
aoth  February):  — 

"  Tlie  Bokmoo  Mengtha  Meng  Myat  Boo  (General  Prince  Mcng  Myat 
Boo,  a  half-brother  of  the  King's  son  of  a  Shan  Princess),  the  General  who 
commanded  at  Melaun  during  the  late  war,  is,  and  has  been  since  the 
peace,  governor  of  all  the  Shan  countries  from  Mobie  nominally,  but  really 
from  Molcmai,  south,  to  the  Chinese  frontier,  north,  and  from  Nattike,  the 
top  of  the  pass  from  the  valley  of  the  Irrawaddee,  up  to  the  Shan  country, 
west,  to  three  days  beyond  the  May  Koong  tBroad  river),  or  great  Cambo- 
dia River,  east.  He  himself  generally  resides  In  ,\va,  but  visits  his  Oov- 
crnmcnt  occasionally,  in  one  of  which  visits  he  rode  from  Monay  to  Ava 
in  three  days.  His  deputy,  who  constantly  resides  in  Monay,  leaving 
as  usual  his  family  as  pledges  in  Ava,  is  the  Tsetkay  Daughee,  who  has 
several  officers  under  him  ;  and  there  are  nt  the  court  of  each  of  the  other 
Tsoboas  two  Tsetkays,  also  .ippointed  from  Ava.  These  Tsetkays,  parti> 
cularly  the  chief  one,  lord  it  ov»r  the  Tsoboas  ;  to  him  the  chief  'authority 
belongs  and  all  the  external  relations  of  the  country  is  committed;  and 
the  royal  orders  are  sent  to  Monay,  from  whence  they  arc  forwarded  by 

CHAP.  VI.]         THE   SHAN  STATES  AND  THE  TAt. 


the  Tsetkays;  bnt  the  Monay  Tsoboa  has  no  authority  to  call  any  of  the 
others.  The  lesser  Tsoboas  have  no  Tsetkays  and  are  looked  upon  as 
merely  Afyotsas." 

The  manners  and  pretensions  of  the  Sikk^  are  described  under 
the  date  February  a2nd. — 

"  I  sent  the  Shan  interpreter  and  some  of  the  most  respectable  of  the 
traders  to  notify  our  arrival  to  the  Tsoboa  or  Tselkay  Daughee  and  claim 
protection  from  the  raoh.  They  were  stopped  by  the  latter  Chief, 
nhose  house  was  nearer  us  than  the  Tsodoa's,  He  qaestioned  them  5n 
the  most  arrogant  manner  as  to  who  they  were,  where  from,  and  what  they 
wanted.  They  said  they  had  been  sent  by  me  to  the  Tsoboa  or  himself 
to  notify  my  arrival ;  told  him  who  I  was,  and  that  I  had  a  letter  and  presents 
for  the  Tsoboa  from  the  Commissioner  of  Moulmcin,  by  whom  I  had  been 
sent  on  a  friendfy  mission  to  open  tbc  gold  and  silver  road  trade.  They  also 
explained  to  him  that  we  were  not  aware  of  the  existence  of  his  appoint* 
ment  till  we  reached  Mokmai,  and  at  the  same  time  begged  that  he  would 
send  some  one  to  keep  the  people  from  crowding  on  the  tent,  as  they  were 
doing,  with  which  request  be  at  once  complied  and  sent  a  Taungkmoo,  and 
some  people  armed  with' rattans  to  drive  them  out;  to  the  first  part  of  the 
message  he  replied  that  1  should  not  see  the  Tsoboa  until  he  was  fully 
informed  of  our  errand,  that  we  had  no  right  to  enter  the  Kingdom  by  this 
road,,  that  Barney,  as  he  called  the  Resident,  was  at  the  goldi^n  footstool, 
where  we  ought  to  have  gone  and  begged  permission  before  coming  here. 
In  the  evening  a  Seray,  or  Secretary,  came  out  to  my  tent ;  he  mentioned  to 
the  people  outside,  though  not  to  me,  that  he  had  been  sent  by  the  Tsetkay, 
He  was  dressed  in  a  handsome  and  heavy  fur  jacket,  with  the  hairy  side 
in,  though  the  thermometer  in  the  tent  was  about  86°.  I  discovered  after* 
wards  that  this  was  a  sort  of  official  dress  with  all  the  Government  officers 
here,  though  I  should  think  anything  but  pleasant  in  tiiese  latitudes.  He 
questioned  me  as  to  what  1  wanted  here,  and  wished  to  know  why  I  had 
not  brought  letters  to  the  Tsetkay,  &c.  1  told  him  my  visit  was  a  dis- 
interested one,  for  1  wanted  nothing  but  to  open  the  gold  and  silver  road 
that  the  people  here  might  exchange  what  they  did  not  at  present  want 
wilh  our  peoples  for  what  they  did,  10  get  the  protection  of  the  Govern- 
meni  here  for  our  people  who  might  hereafter  come  on  the  same  errand, 
to  assure  them  of  the  good  feeling  towards  them  at  Moulmein,  and  to  pro- 
mise protection  and  facilities  for  traders  to  their  people  visiting  it,  &c.  I 
explained  again  the  reason  of  my  coming  unprovided  with  letters  to  the 
Tsetkay,  Stc,  by  the  fact  of  the  Commissioner  of  Mouhnein  not  being  aware 
of  the  existence  of  such  an  officer,  &c.  My  visitor  had  served  in  the  late 
war ;  he  had  been  a  sort  of  Aide-de-camp  to  the  old  General  of  the  Shans, 
Maha  Nay  Myo,  &r. ;  had  taken  part  in  the  affair  at  Wattigam,  and  bore  a 
part  at  Zirabike,  when  the  old  General  was  killed,  with  several  of  the  Shan 
Tsoboas  and  two  of  the  three  wives  of  the  Laygea  Tsoboa  who,  dressed  in 
male  attire,  were  for  some  superstitious  cause  expected  fo  have  done  good 
service  against  our  troops  at  the  seven  stockades  near  Rangoon.  The 
Burmans  suffered  most  severely  here, ;  the  Shans,  who  had  not  engaged 
us  before,  were  not  prepared  to  run  away  soon  enough.  He  gave  a  sad 
description  of  their  sufferings  from  cholera  and  starvation  for  many  days 
after  the  storming  of  their  stockades.     His  visit  lasted  about  an  hour  and 



a  half.     We  parted  scrcat  friends  and  he  continued  daring  my  stay  most 
attentive  and  friendly." 

The  Sikk^  was,  however,  very  much  the  reverse.  He  first  insisted 
that  Dr.  Richardson  *'  must,  according  to  custom  on  visiting  the 
"  Chief,  first  go  to  the  Yeum-dau  (the  Lum,  or  court-house),  where 
'*  there  would  be  an  assemblage  of  all  the  lesser  Chiefs  ;  here  taking 
"off  my  shoes,  I  must  wait  til!  Meng  Nay  Myo  Yadza  Nf)rata(the 
"  Secretary)  should  report  my  arrival  to  the  Tsetkay  at  his  own 
"  house,  and  return  to  conduct  me  there,  from  whence  I  should  pro- 
'*  ceed  to  the  Tsoboa's  place."  This  Dr.  Richardson  refused  to  do 
and  said  that  in  Ava  "  1  had  never  taken  off  my  shoes,  but  in  the 
"  palace,  the  houses  of  the  princes,  and  at  the  Hloat-dau^  where  I  sat 
"  side  by  side  with  the  Woonghees"  This  demand  was  therefore 
dropped,  but  when  he  went  to  the  Lum  the  Sawb-wa  was  not  there 
and  he  *'  was  stopped  outside  the  flank  about  a  foot  high  {Coonfsen), 
"  which  surrounds  the  central  pillars  of  the  Veum,  and  requested  to 
"  seal  myself  there.  Close  to  me  were  all  my  own  people  and  the 
"  people  of  the  town  ;  inside  the  flank  before  mentioned  were  the 
"  Tseikny  Daugkee,  Meng  Myat  Boo's  representative  (and  Gover- 
*'  nor  in  his  absence  of  all  the  Shan  Stales) ;  the  royal  Tsetkay,  an 
*'  old  man  whom  I  took  for  the  Tsoboa,  two  NakhanSy  and  two  Bo- 
"  dha-ghees.  Meng  Nay  Myo  (the  Secretary)  seated  himself  by 
"  me."  The  Sikke  then  "  commenced  conversation  in  a  most  insuU- 
"  ing  and  overbearing  strain,  which  he  kept  up  during  the  whole 
"interview.  He  told  me  I  had  trespassed  in  coming  here  without 
"  an  order  from  Meng  Myat  Boo  and  the  King,  through  Barney, 
"  the  Resident,"  and  continued  to  say  much  more  that  "  was  exceed- 
ingly discourteous  to  use  the  mildest  term."  Dr.  Richardson  pro- 
tested against  this  style  of  reception  a  day  or  two  later  through  his 
interpreter,  and  the  St'kk^  moderated  his  tone  "  and  told  him  that 
"  as  they  were  situated  here,  a  very  few  Burmans  amongst  a  con- 
"  querea  and  distinct  people,  the  customs  were  necessarily  different 
"  from  what  they  were  in  Ava  ;  that  the  Tsoboa,  whom  J  should  meet 
"  today,  was  never  allowed  to  come  inside  the  Coontsen  •  •  • 
"  As  the  Tsoboa  was  to  sit  outside,  of  course  I  could  make  no 
"  further  objections." 

The  Sawbtoa  accordingly  came  '*  with  four  gold  chattahs  and 
"  about  50  or  60  men  armed  with  muskets,  das,  and  spears,  and 
"  a  number  carrying  thanleafs.  When  the  old  gentleman  came 
"  in  I  bowed  to  him,  which  he  returned  and  seated  himself  close 
"  beside  me.  The  morning  was  cold,  and  either  from  that  cause 
"  or  agitation  he  trembled  considerably."  When  the  letter  was  read 
the  Sawdwa  said  he  had  already  heard  of  the  contents  ;  that  "  he 
"  was  the  King  of  Ava's  slave  and  afraid  of  rendering  himself  liable 




**  to  punishment  {yasawot)  if  he  allowed  me  to  proceed."     Accord- 

in^^ly  Dr.  Richardson  was  delayed  considerably  over  a  month   in 

M  *15ng  Nai.     His  relations  with  the  officials  and  with  the  Sawbwa 

foar^unately  greatly  improved  in  that  lime.     The  latter  is  described 

"  ^m^  s  a  man  of  perhaps  68  years   of  age,   of  the  common   height 

"  <r:>l  Burmans,  fair  even  for  a  Shan,  though  those  on  this  side  of  the 

'•   i==alween  are  much  darker  then  to  the  eastward,  notwithstanding 

"    t  liat  they  are  a  few  degrees  farther  north  ;  his  manners  are  mild 

"    ^a.nd  gentlemanly.     •     »     •     His  boa  or  palace  has  a  gilded  roof 

"    «:>f  five  stories;  the  pyaihai  or  royal  spire,  surmounted  by  a  hii 

*'     Cjhatiah)  orgilded  iron  ornament  so  called  ;  the  hall  in  which  I  was 

received,  about  40  feet  square  exclusive  of  a  large  verandah  which 

surrounds  it ;  the  centre  portion,  a  square  of  30  feet,  is  raised 

^bout  18  inches,  with  four  rows  ol  pillars,  which  support  the  high 

■~oof,  three  in  each  row  and   10  feet  apart ;  the  innermost  four  of 

the   two  centre  rows  are  gilded,  and  the   Yasa  Bolen  (throne), 

'^'hich  is  a  very  handsome  one,  is  lower  and  of  better  proportions 

than  those  of  the  Siamese  Shan  Tsoboas  I  have  seen.     The  gold 

^ippears  burnished  at  the  distance  at  which  I  sat,  though  the  art 

of  burnishing  is  not  known  to  the  Burmans.     At  each  side  of  the 

throne  stood  a  large  white  muslin  umbrella,  furled,  with  two  rows 

of  gold  plate  attached  to  fringes  near  the  outer  edge ;  on  it  were 

a.  small  gold  crown,  a  sceptre,  a  cho-ivree^  an  ottar  daun,  and  the 

foval  red    velvet   slippers,  forming  the   five  insignia  of   royalty 

{A^fettg  Hmeauk  Yasa  Ngaba).     The  only  other  furniture   in  the 

Toora  was   a  gilded  chair  and  a  common  clumsy  Burman  bed- 

j  stead.     There  might  be  about   100  muskets  ranged  in  different 

'p'Si.rts  of  the  hall." 

Il3r.  Richardson  was  told  that  at  this  time  the  Burman  force 

'n^imtained  in  the  Shan  States  was  about  10,000  men,  that  there 

*^^^  13  Sawb7vas,  four  of  them  beyond  the  Salween,  and  that  the 

Cot~*tingents  they  were  expected  to  furnish  to  the  Burmese  Govem- 

tnerit  amounted  to  over  90,000  men.     While  he  was  still  in  Mong 

N^  the  Sawbwa  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  Ava  in  person  with  a 

tboiisand  men  to  aid  in  the  suppression  of  Prince  Tharrawaddi's  re- 

b^Mion,     The  State  of  Keng  HQng  was  said  to  be  the  most  popu- 

\ous  and  that  of  Ilsen  Wi  the  most  extensive,     The  Sawbioaoi  the 

fatter  State  was  murdered  about  this  time,  "beaten  to  death  with 

*'  clubs  by  his  Shan  subjects  at  a  f>oe,  to  which  he  had  gone  with 

''a  few  followers.     He  was  the  son  of  the  last  Tsoboa  (a  perfect 

"savage)  by  a  Burman  woman